All language subtitles for The Missiles of October

This is the stage on
which we will dramatise

13 days in which the world came

to the brink of nuclear war.

The names we use are real.

The action is based upon
the historical record

as drawn from reportage,
academic studies,

eyewitness accounts, and
official documents.

1962, the President
of the United States,

John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

All Americans, as well
as all our friends

in this hemisphere
have become concerned

over the recent moves
of the Soviet Union

to bolster the military power

of the Castro regime in Cuba.

It continues to be the policy

of the United States

that Cuba will not be allowed

to export its aggressive
purposes by force,

or the threat of force.

Cuba will be prevented,
by whatever means

may be necessary
from taking action

against any part of the
Western Hemisphere.

The weapons and military equipment

sent by the USSR to Cuba
are designed exclusively

for defensive purposes,

and the President of
the United States

knows what these means
of defence are.

How can they threaten
the United States?

No, you have invented this threat.

It is not the weapons you fear,

it is the revolutionary spirit.

Special advisor to the
President, McGeorge Bundy.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Did you read what Eisenhower
said about me yesterday?

"President Kennedy's record
of the past 21 months

is too sad to talk about."

Imagine Ike saying a thing
like that about me,

and in Boston?

Have some coffee, Mac.

No, thank you.

Mr. President,

"James Meridith, the
first Negro student

at Mississippi attended
classes for the third day,

and for the first
time heard no jeers."

Mr. President, we've
received hard evidence

that the Russians have placed
offensive weapons in Cuba.

What kind of weapons?

Nuclear missiles.

What's your evidence?

Aerial photographs from the
U-2 flight of October 14th.

They show missile installations
being constructed

in at least four places in Cuba.

I wanna see those pictures.

The photo interpreters
are standing by.

Who else is in on this?

Intelligence, Rusk and some
of his people, McNamara.

Maxwell Taylor?

And the Joint Chiefs.

McCone?

We contacted him in Seattle
at his stepson's funeral.

He's flying back.

This must be kept
absolutely confidential.

Only personnel with an
absolute need to know

are to be told.

Yes, sir.

What the devil does Khrushchev
hope to accomplish.

I wonder if he's gone mad.

It could be a jab,

the punch will probably
land on Berlin.

We'll have to step
up our U-2 flights

over Cuba immediately.

I want daily reports at the least.

Get the Attorney General
for me right away.

Khrushchev's been
promising for months

he wouldn't introduce offensive
weapons into Cuba, now this.

I can't trust him on the missiles.

We'll have to bomb the damn
things out, Mr. President.

We'll meet in the
Cabinet Room at 11:45.

Inform Rusk, McNamara,
General Taylor, Dillon,

Sorensen, Kenny
O'Donnell, George Ball,

you be there, get Thompson,
and I want Stevenson.

He's flying in from
New York later today.

That's fine.

Have Rusk brief Dean Acheson.

Hello, Bobby.

I want you to get over here
as fast as you possibly can.

Right.

We are facing great trouble.

I'll take us better part of the
day to analyse the films, sir.

We had to go over 1,000 frames.

This looks like a football field.

Yes, that's a shot
of San Cristobal

taken six weeks ago taken
from an altitude of 14 miles.

You see, there's no activity
down there at all, sir.

Now, you compare that with this
one taken by Major Anderson

just 36 hours ago from
the same altitude.

You can see the difference.

These are installations for
medium range missiles.

Yes, there's no doubt about
that, Mr. President.

That slam pattern is
absolutely characteristic

of Soviet installations.

I'm grateful to you,

give my compliments to
the rest of your team,

especially, Major Anderson.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Would you leave those
with me please?

Certainly, Sir.

Kenny, come in here.

Morning, Mr. President.

It's a beautiful day.

It's marvellous.

Have you seen astronaut
Wally Schirra,

Mrs. Schirra and the two children?

The photographers would
love you to take them out

for a look at Caroline's pony.

- That's fine Kenny.
- Good.

Do you still think Cuba is
unimportant as a campaign issue?

Well, absolutely.

It's five weeks to the election.

The voters don't give
a holler about Cuba.

Every time Senators
Keating and Capehart

does squawk about Cuba
threatening our security

they put everybody to sleep.

So, Cuba doesn't amount to much?

Not as a campaign issue, no sir.

I want you to take a
look at these, Ken.

You're an old Air
Force bombardier,

you should be able to
tell what they show.

I can't believe it.

You better believe it.

You've just elected
Capehart in Indiana

and Ken Keating will probably
be the next president.

We're going to have to
rearrange the schedule.

There'll be a meeting in
the cabinet room at 11:45.

Get the authorised list from Bundy

then you must clamp
down the security lid.

Not a word to anyone else
including cabinet members,

National Security Council Members,

Secretaries or wives.

Should I cancel your schedule?

Absolutely not.

I'm going to keep my appointments
for as long as I can.

We're going to have
to make it look like

there's absolutely nothing
unusual going on around here.

Bundy briefed me.

I think Dad should be flown home.

It's no time for him to be here.

I'll make arrangements.

Think we should add
anyone to this list?

Presidential assistant,
Theodore Sorensen;

former ambassador to
Moscow, Llewelyn Thompson;

Assistant Secretary of
State, George Ball;

Secretary of State, Dean Rusk;

Secretary of the Treasury,
Douglas Dillon;

Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff,

General Maxwell D. Taylor;

Secretary of Defence,
Robert S. McNamara.

Good morning, gentlemen.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Support trucks, trailers,
the personnel tent area,

the rocket launchers for the
Sandal SS04 medium-range

ballistic missile.

And here, gentlemen, eight
ballistic missiles on trailers.

We are fortunate, another
tropical storm over Cuba

and the U-2 flight would
have been postponed again.

Khrushchev would have
had his fait accompli.

Some of the missiles will
be operational in 10 days.

Ten days?

Whose estimate is that?

Ours.

Thank you.

Yes, sir.

Secretary Rusk.

Well, sir, obviously
the communists

have been shipping
missiles to Cuba

and constructing bases there
while continuously assuring us,

telling us publicly and privately

they were doing no such thing.

They deceived us.

In point of fact, we
deceived ourselves.

There was no hard intelligence.

We engaged in wishful thinking.

Secretary McNamara?

The Intelligence Board
concluded only last month

that the Soviets
would never instal

offensive missiles in Cuba.

McCone warned of the possibility.

McCone had an intuition.

We can't act on intuitions.

We knew they were installing

a surface to air missile system.

Yes, a defensive system.

And now we know what
they intended to defend;

medium and intermediate-range
ballistic missiles.

Why has Khrushchev moved
them into Cuba now?

Tommy, you just came
back from Moscow.

Mr. President, I've been fooled.

I never would have believed
this was possible.

The Russians have never
placed their nuclear weapons

in any other country, not
ever, not ever before.

George?

Well, I can only surmise,
Khrushchev is gambling.

The missile base in Cuba was
supposed to be the trump card.

And after our elections
they'll probably announce

this triumph of
Socialist solidarity

and trade his missiles in Cuba

for our status in West Berlin.

Why should he settle
for West Berlin?

We're in the right place,
right down the line;

NATO, Turkey, Greece, Italy.

Just a moment, the
missiles in Cuba

will have some
psychological effect, yes,

I grant you that, but I don't see
that they profoundly threaten us,

or our allies.

We have the basic first strike
and the retaliatory superiority.

A few missiles are not going to
change the basic balance of power.

General Taylor?

In fact, our nuclear deterrent
is in jeopardy and in range.

I don't concede that.

We have sack bombers,
missile sites all along

our southern underbelly
within easy range of Cuba.

A missile is a missile,

it doesn't make much difference
whether you're killed

by one fired from the
Soviet Union or from Cuba.

Sir, the difference is
that our warning time

is reduced from 15
minutes to 30 seconds.

Now, nobody knows if
they can hit a target

at a range of 6,000 miles, but
they can't miss from Cuba.

Mr. President, we
have to move quickly

before the missiles
become operational.

Now, we have the capability
to deploy and hit with quick,

accurate air strike.

Hit them in Russia,
or hit them in Cuba?

Hit Cuba, with
surgical air strikes.

This communist move is
directly threatening

the security of the
United States of America.

I don't see that there's
any alternative.

Mac?

It's difficult to
construct a scenario

in which you compromise
with nuclear warheads.

Mr. President, I don't
know that I can

contribute anything
except my feeling

that there must be an
alternative to bombing,

an alternative to war.

Mr. Attorney General.

Khrushchev promised we had
nothing to fear in Cuba.

Gromyko echoed him, and
Dobrynin told me privately

he reiterated, we need
not be concerned.

In my judgement the
implications of Soviet deceit

go even far beyond
this damn situation.

We cannot and we will not
accept Soviet missiles in Cuba.

We will not repeal the Monroe
Doctrine or the REO Pact.

The Soviets can't lie to us,
ship missiles to our front door,

and then come up winners,
smelling like roses,

not if we ever hope to
deal with them again,

not if we hope to survive.

I'm going to campaign in
Chicago and in Connecticut.

I'm going to fulfil
my appointments

for as long as possible,

and so are all of you.

Our one advantage now
is that the Russians

think we believe their lies.

You people will formulate
recommendations

on the best course of action.

We're not going to reveal the
facts to the American people,

or to our allies, or to our
enemies till we have determined

how we intend to deal
with this crisis.

Mr. President, it's
going to be impossible

to keep this under
wraps for very long.

We don't have very long, 10 days.

Yes, I can answer the question,

I know President Kennedy.

You remember, we spent many
hours together in Vienna,

just over a year ago.

In those hours I told him clearly

that while we adhere to the
policy of peaceful coexistence,

we intended to fully defend
and pursue our national

and socialist interests.

How did Kennedy respond.

He told me that he was anxious
to reach an accommodation.

He admitted that the
Americans supported

invasion of Cuba at the Bay
of Pigs was a mistake,

the result of his only
recently having taken power.

In other words, the result
of his inexperience.

He suggested that we should
stabilise the world order,

in order to avoid future conflict,

a proposal to which I
said I would never agree.

I was firm with Kennedy in Vienna,

as we had been firm in Berlin,

where our wall symbolises
that determination.

We have been firm in
resuming our nuclear tests

and our rocket, missiles
and space program.

We have been firm in our
support of the just struggles

for national
liberation against the

capitalist imperialist forces.

There's the story of a father
who in the cold of winter

was forced to move his cow
into the farmhouse with him.

The farmer didn't like
the cow in the house,

didn't like the smell, but in
time, in order to survive,

he grew used to it.

You ask how Kennedy will
respond when in a few weeks

we reveal the new
situation in Cuba,

like the farmer he
will grow used to it.

He will not like it,

but he will grow used to the
smell of Soviet rockets,

Soviet missiles, Soviet strength,
Soviet presence in Cuba.

What do you think, Bobby?

Well, I think there has
to be an alternative

between doing nothing and
launching a sneak attack.

I'm looking forward
to hearing one.

And it's surprising how inhibited
they still are around you.

Even McNamara and Bundy
are still inhibited

in the presidential presence.

What would you suggest?

Maybe you should remove
yourself a while.

Let us meet informally
at the State Department,

George Ball's office,

where they'll be free to
speculate without you.

Yes, that could be useful.

I don't suppose you inhibit them?

Irritate, yes, inhibit, no.

Then irritate them.

I will.

But they have to reach agreement.

I understand.

But the question is, on what?

A policy that the broadest
elements in the government,

the bureaucracy, can support,
a consensus that won't tear

the country and this
administration to pieces,

a way to remove those missiles
without war, if possible.

Is that all?

I should think that
would be enough.

With pinpoint bombing,
we can destroy the bases

without inflicting any
serious casualties

among the civilian
Cuban population.

But we'll be hitting
Russian technicians

and Russian soldiers.

Won't that give the Soviets
an open invitation

to strike back some place that's
strategically more important?

- Excuse me...
- Admiral, I wonder if I might...

- May I say...
- Go ahead, Admiral Anderson.

Thank you, sir.

Now, there is no
more strategically

vital location than Cuba.

Look, sir, Cuba lies on
the Windward Passage,

the Florida Straits,
the Yucatan Channel,

and all of the main
ship lanes from

our east coast to the gulf coast,

and the Panama Canal.

With nuclear weapons, she
commands half the hemisphere.

Would you agree with
that assessment, Mac?

I'm inclining to the
view that in the end

we're going to have to
negotiate with the Soviets

either in direct talks or
at the United Nations.

But what will we
negotiate, Berlin, Greece,

Secretary Rusk's
plantation in Georgia?

Cuba is an island,
and I submit that we

have ample sea and air
power to blockade her.

Blockade?

Blockade her.

Now, that's true, theoretically...

It's true in fact.

We can blockade her with
our ships and our planes,

and prevent the further
delivery of war supplies

and materials from Russia.

But Bob, how will a blockade serve

to stop the Russians from
completing the bases

they've begun with the
materials they already have?

We can cut off their source for
weapons, fuel supply, lubricants,

even their food if necessary.

I the meantime, while
we're manoeuvring at sea,

they'll proceed to complete
their missile system.

That is assuming that they have
all the hardware they need.

Well, when a man points
a gun at your head,

it's only prudent to
assume that it's loaded.

Yeah, wait, let me just say this,

I can see advantages here.

A blockade would certainly
demonstrate our determination

to resist Khrushchev

while stopping short
of a sneak attack.

In the short term,

at least it's a less extreme
measure than an air strike,

and it could reduce the
danger of an all out war.

Exactly.

But that does not of itself
remove the missiles,

and the missiles are the issue,

and the missiles
are our objective.

Tommy, you know Khrushchev
better than any of us,

how do you think he'd respond
if we attacked Cuba by air?

Khrushchev has a short temper,

and a Presidium jammed
with ambitious people.

He's under constant pressure,
and he's unpredictable.

If we bomb those bases
without warning,

he could react impulsively.

In my opinion, striking Cuba risks
triggering a nuclear world war.

I suppose the first impulse
is to go in and bomb,

but Mr. President we have
to explore every avenue

for a peaceful solution.

Sooner or later, we'll have
to go to the United Nations.

It's vitally important that
we go with a reasonably case.

Well, the country is fortunate
to have Adlai Stevenson

at the UN at this time.

Thank you, sir.

I appreciate that.

Russ tells me you're going on
with the political campaign;

I think that's very wise.

I had visionary hopes of
picking up some seats

in the House and Senate.

But, that's not going
to happen now.

Once the truth about
Cuba comes out,

Republicans are
going to murder us.

Do you have Republicans in high
positions in your administration?

Unfortunately, the
voters may come to feel

that our Republicans friends
aren't high enough.

I don't think it is unfair to say

that the United States and the
world are passing through

one of its most critical periods.

And it may be that it will
continue to pass through

a period of comparable criticality

for the next few
months, maybe years.

Our major problem after all is
the survival of our country,

the protection of its
vital interest without,

without beginning a third
and perhaps a last war.

It is ironical, that the two
strongest countries in the world,

the United States and
the Soviet Union,

are the two countries which
live in the greatest danger.

As Robert Grave wrote
about matadors,

bull fight critics row upon row

crowd the enormous plaza de toros.

But, only one is there who knows

and he is the one
that fights the bull.

These are the stills from
yesterday's over flight,

Mr. President.

They show 29 missile pads in
various stages of construction.

They're building two types
of missiles down there,

the 1,000 mile, medium-range,
mobile field weapons,

which can be transported,
and the 2200 mile,

intermediate missile, which must
be fired from fixed position.

Both are first strike weapons.

They will provide
a launch capacity

in excess of 40 nuclear weapons.

The Aleutian 28 Soviet bombers
now being assembled in Cuba

can hit all of Florida as
far as Savannah, Pensacola,

and parts of Central America.

The medium-range missile
threatens one-third

of the United States, including
Washington, DC, St. Louis,

Dallas, Panama Canal, and
all of Central America.

The intermediate-range missile
capability reaches nearly

all of the United States,
south-eastern Canada,

and all of Mexico, Central
America, Panama Canal,

and much of South America.

Do we have any, hard
photographic evidence

that the nuclear warheads
for these missiles

are actually in Cuba?

No, sir.

Why not?

They are comparatively
small and easy

to conceal, Mr. President,

but you can rest assured that
they're there somewhere.

How can I be certain?

Those Soviet ICBM's are only
compatible with nuclear warheads.

The Soviet Union this
morning successfully fired

two multi-stage missiles 7500
miles to bulls-eye landings

in the central Pacific.

An American high-altitude
nuclear test in the Pacific

failed today for the
fourth time in five tries,

when a fore-rocket malfunctioned.

All right now, gentlemen, can we,
very clearly and economically

run down the diplomatic
possibilities

as you've analysed them,

one, two, three, and so on.

The first possibility, Bobby,
is to confront Gromyko

with our evidence and our demands.

And what's his probable response?

I view of past performance, no
doubt, he'd deny everything

and we'd have tipped our hand
without improving out situation.

Yes, I agree, that's unacceptable.

Now the second possibility
is send an emissary

directly to Khrushchev with a
message from the President

demanding that he remove
the missiles at once.

Now, as to that, Bobby,
Khrushchev's obvious ploy

would be to admit to the President
what the President already knows,

and then to call for a conference
or a summit to resolve the crisis.

See, that way, he'd be talking

while the bases
became operational.

Yes, which is precisely
what we're doing now.

Anything else?

Yes, now, the third track
we considered, Bobby,

involves sending an
emissary directly to Castro

and putting out the danger to Cuba
of a nuclear confrontation there.

The objection is that the bases
are under direct Russian control.

Even if we could influence Castro,

there's no reason to assume that
he could divert Russian policy.

In a way, the missiles
hold Castro hostage.

Is there a fourth possibility?

Yes, sir, there is.

A fourth possibility would be to
by-pass the Russians completely,

and to take the entire issue to
the UN at a strategic moment

of our own choosing.

The difficulty, Ambassador,
as you well know,

is that the Soviet Union can
veto us in the Security Council.

And to make matters worse, Zorin's
chairman there this month.

I see.

So, it doesn't appear that any
of the diplomatic channels

will do the job.

Well, we'll have to use diplomatic
channels to explain and to justify

our actions to the
rest of the world.

And, ultimately, we'll have
to find an accommodation

with the Soviets.

But diplomacy in and of itself
will not remove the missiles.

It appears that we've boiled down
to two options, and only two.

We bomb them or we blockade.

What's the consensus?

There isn't one yet, but I
think if we took a vote today,

we'd be bombing tomorrow.

What about you?

How, from the love of God,
can President Kennedy

of the United States
order a sneak attack

on a tiny, Latin American country.

By pressing a button.

Kenny, come in here.

Mr. President.

Kenny, how late am I?

You're lunching with the Crown
Prince of Libya in 10 minutes.

The Connecticut flight is
scheduled to take off at 2:30,

and Pierre wants to know
if the pool reporters

could fly with you
for some background.

Tell Pierre the President
craves privacy.

Do you believe that
over a month ago

I designated this week
as National Prayer Week?

Connecticut was the
first state to endorse

this candidate for the presidency,

the state that placed
my name in nomination,

and the first state to
report a Kennedy majority

on election night
nearly two years ago.

The great fight in 1962 is the
same fight we waged in 1960,

and must be waged in this decade.

And that is to provide
employment for our people,

education for our children,

and security for our older people.

But an air strike in and of itself

will not eliminate
the threat in Cuba,

Mr. Acheson, it would have to
be followed by an invasion

to destroy any of those missile
bases we missed there.

And that would involve
widespread fighting and bombing,

and a horrendous
toll to Cuban lives.

And that, Bobby, regretfully
is the nature of war,

even a defensive war.

Yes, and what will
the Russians do?

Even if they pull
away from the brake,

what will the civilised world
think of the United States

crushing a small country in
a brutal surprise attack.

Whatever the military outcome,
assaulting Cuba, in my view,

will do us irreparable diplomatic
and psychological harm.

No, gentlemen, we
are not gonna have

a Pearl Harbour in reverse here.

My brother is not gonna
be the Tojo of the 1960s.

Mr. Attorney General,

your analogy with Pearl Harbour
is false and pejorative.

At Pearl Harbour, the Japanese
without provocation or warning

attacked our fleet thousands
of miles from Japanese shores.

In this situation, the
Soviet Union installed

lethal weapons 19
miles from our coast,

and they have done this 140 years

after the Proclamation
of the Monroe Doctrine.

I don't, dispute
that, Mr. Acheson.

Moreover, within the last
five months, the Congress,

and even more recently
the President himself,

has reiterated our opposition
to the establishment

of offensive weapons in Cuba.

Now, how much warning must we give

to avoid the stigma of
Pearl Harbour in reverse?

I have come here to Yale,
to this centre of learning,

and I've enjoyed
your warm reception.

But you will learn, as
this country has learned,

that the Democratic
Party is best for you,

as it is best for the country.

Yes, he's here now, right.

Well, Kenny, it's some comfort
that they look worse than we do.

How was the response in New Haven?

I didn't notice.

How is he doing?

On top of it, but I think his
back is giving him hell.

I'm calling Jackie
tonight and asking her

to come back to Washington
with the children.

I think it's a good move.

Ted?

Yes, sir.

A student in Connecticut
shouted that,

I should have more courage
and less profile.

The man has a way with words.

Maybe we should put
him on the payroll.

Yes, on your payroll.

The third day of the
Missiles of October.

Our cover for the
invasion strike force

is an annual Caribbean
training exercise,

coincidentally scheduled
for this month.

Code designation,
Fillabriglegs 62.

Admiral Anderson?

Yes, sir.

The Navy will have more than
100 ships in the manoeuvre,

including four attack carriers,

and we are also moving
in the Enterprise.

General Schoop.

The task force will carry
and have the capability

to land 40,000 combat
ready marines,

not including 4,000 in transit,

and in residence in Guantanamo.

The Army's 82nd and 101st
Airborne are being airlifted

to a total 100,000 men in Florida.

General LeMay.

Strategic air command
bombers are being deployed

from farther bases to make room
for tactical attack aircraft,

air defence facilities are
being stripped outside

the Cuban missile range, and
reinstalled in the southeast.

We have 14,000
reservists on standby

recall to fly air transport

in the event of an
airborne invasion.

Now, the initial raid will
consist of 500 sorties

striking at all missile
sites, military targets,

airfields, ports, and
gun emplacements.

When will you be ready to
launch this air strike?

October 23rd.

Five days.

Yes, sir.

And how do you think the
Russians will respond?

They won't.

Not at all?

No, sir.

Is that what you really think?

Are you trying to tell me that

they'll let us bomb
their missiles,

kill a lot of Russians
and then do nothing?

If they don't move
in Cuba, General,

they'll certainly do
something in Berlin.

We're in a pretty bad
fix, Mr. President.

You're in it with me.

Imagine LeMay arguing that we
should go ahead and strike

without considering
the Russian response?

Brass hats have one
advantage, though;

if we do what they want us
to do and they're wrong,

there'll be nobody around later
to tell them they made a mistake.

A blockade is far from
a certain answer,

it may not be strong
enough to do the job,

it may force the
Russians to retaliate,

but it's the only choice
we have short of a war.

I want a consensus, a firm
consensus advocating a blockade

from that committee in
the next day or two.

Well, it's a bitch,
there isn't a man of us

who hasn't changed his mind
at least once, including me.

If by next Thursday the missile

bases are still
under construction,

we should notify our chief allies
and hit the bases the next day,

while simultaneously
warning Khrushchev

that a Soviet
counteraction means war.

Maybe it's better to go down
with a bang then a whimper.

Beating a blockade
is far from perfect,

but it's surely
preferable to that.

A blockade is every bit as much
an act of war as an air strike.

I don't agree, sir.

There's a precedent to a blockade,

which at least will give us the
semblance of a legal framework.

Legal niceties now are so
much pompous foolishness.

I am referring to
Roosevelt's quarantine

on Nazi Germany before
we entered World War II.

Shortly before.

The defensive quarantine.

The United Nations charter
recognises a right

of hemispheric self-defence.

If we can get the Organisation
of American States

to endorse a blockade,

at least we'd have a strong legal

case to take to the
United Nations.

The Russians respect
legality, sir.

They may twist and turn them
to their own advantage,

but they're always impressed
by a good, solid dialectic.

It is our inherent right
to protect ourselves.

Nobody contests that, sir.

And therefore, a legal
pretext is superfluous.

Gentlemen, an attack on
Cuba will not necessarily

bring the Soviet Union
into war with us.

On the other hand, a blockade,
excuse me, a quarantine,

will not neutralise the
weapons already in Cuba,

will not force Khrushchev
to remove such weapons,

and will not eliminate
the risk of war.

When we stop and search ships, we
will be engaged with Russians,

not with Cubans.

And obviously, when
we quarantine Cuba,

the Russians will have an open
excuse to blockade Berlin.

Your arguments, as always,
are very persuasive.

And yet, I wouldn't want
to be the American Tojo

with a Pearl Harbour
on my conscience.

Yes.

I've heard that analogy before.

I know that you have.

I think, Mr. President, that
you've made your decision.

Whatever it's going to be we'll
have to inform our allies.

DeGaulle could be a problem.

Perhaps you should send the
Vice President to Paris.

Perhaps.

Gromyko is coming
here this afternoon.

At who's request, sir?

His.

The meeting was
arranged weeks ago.

It seems the distinguished Soviet
minister is going home tomorrow.

Are you going to tell him what
you've learned about the missiles?

I hope not.

Then, Mr. President, the
fascinating question

is if Gromyko is
going to tell you.

I guess this is the week
I'd better earn my salary.

I was a young diplomat,

I first came to the United
States invited to this party,

a garden party, they said.

I went there, everybody is
wearing shorts, the ladies,

And there I was, wearing my
black frock and black tie.

Could you imagine a
thing like that,

such embarrassment I did not
experience in my whole career.

We must have certain
assurances and guarantees

which might be incorporated
in a statement by yourself

and Mr. Khrushchev at the
conclusion of the summit.

I am prepared to speak
with Chairman Khrushchev,

but we have our
obligations in Berlin

and other nations are
deeply involved.

Mr. President, I know
you enjoy frank talk,

let me speak about the anti-Castro
campaign in this country.

We believe that your government
should stop threatening Cuba,

and should restrain the attack on
Cuban shipping by exile groups.

Cuba, after all, belongs
to the Cuban people,

not to the United States.

I do enjoy frank
talk, Mr. Gromyko,

but it's not the United States,

it's the Soviet Union who
is creating the conflict.

You've been supplying
the Castro government

with sophisticated weapons.

Now, I've received,
repeated personal

assurances from your government

that no action is required.

I tried to calm American opinion,

but your activities
are very serious,

and you haven't explained
them satisfactorily.

Cuba has a right to the
means to defend herself.

Sir, we are not paranoid, you
did attempt to invade Cuba.

The Bay of Pigs was
not a precedent.

This government has no
intention of invading Cuba.

For your part, Mr. Gromyko,

did I understand you to say that
the weapons you send to Cuba

are only anti-aircraft weapons,

incapable of striking
at targets in

the United States, is that true?

Absolutely, Mr. President.

I want to avoid any
misunderstandings here.

This government will not
tolerate the establishment

of a Soviet strategic
base in Cuba.

Mr. President, I assure you,

the United States need
not be concerned.

We have given bread to Cuba,
yes, some military supplies,

all defensive, defensive
weapons that will never

constitute a threat
to the United States.

And I have personally
assured the American people

that the Soviet
assistance programs

in Cuba are purely defensive.

I have also said, Mr.
Gromyko, and I say now,

that any change will have
the gravest consequences.

The origin of the
Cold War can be found

in the unremitting hostility
of the United States

to socialism as we understand it.

We believe, sir, that the Cold War

has been caused by communist
aggression against the free world.

I think we've heard
that story before.

You see, we trace your hostility
to the several divisions

of Americans who fought us
on Russian soil immediately

following our revolution in 1918.

I know many Americans don't
like to remember the illegal

attempt to invade our country
and change our government,

but that is a fact of history,
and you have to take,

May I have a moment,
Mr. Secretary.

Yes.

Mr. Secretary, I know
there's something going on

that you don't want to talk about,

but the press corps is
getting damned suspicious

with half the government shuttling
between the White House

and the State Department
two and three times a day.

I think you better tell
all the big wheels

to get their limousines
off the streets.

I don't know what
you're talking about,

but thanks very much.

It's American imperialism
which has stood between

the natural friendship of the
common people of our nations.

But we, Mr. Foreign Minister,

remember the excesses of Stalin,

recall the subjugation
of Eastern Europe,

and are reminded of Chairman
Khrushchev's provocative

prophesy that you will
attempt to bury us.

Mr. Secretary, you misunderstand.

Capitalism will collapse
of its own violation.

You see, to put it
perfectly accurately,

we believe that you
will bury yourselves.

Gentlemen, a blockade
is a first step.

If it succeeds, we've avoided war.

If it fails, the other options
are still open to us.

If we attack by air, we
kill Russian technicians.

All right, I'll go along
on humanitarian grounds

with giving Castro 24 hours
notice and then bombing.

Gentlemen, this country is
supposed to stand for something

It's supposed to be a symbol of
morals and values and fair play.

Now, how the hell will bombing
a tiny country into submission

help establish us as a
leader in the free world,

what kind of a
victory would it be?

Better than a defeat, I would say.

Yes.

And when the smoke clears,

and the corpses are
dragged from the rubble,

what do we answer when the world
asks why, where is your proof,

what gives you the right?

I think we can hit Cuba by
air and get away with it.

The Russians aren't prepared
to go to nuclear war with us.

But I have to say that
your moral arguments

have never occurred to me,
Bobby, but you're right,

we have to remember who we are.

We have to take the risk.

And we have to put aside
the air attack option,

at least for now.

I'm prepared to go along
with the blockade.

Gentlemen, the
President is waiting.

Oh, incidentally, Dean Rusk called
to say we should all go over

to the White House in
the same limousine

to avoid tipping off
the press corp.

One car for all of us?

Yeah.

Pity for the government if
we get into an accident.

I think we'll be safe,
none of us is driving.

I'm attracted to your
concept of a blockade.

It should give Khrushchev
time to respond thoughtfully.

And it certainly avoids the
shock of a surprise attack.

If it works, the Russians
can retreat with dignity.

And if it doesn't we've
preserved our flexibility.

Ted, I want a draught of my speech
to the country ready for me

when I get back from campaigning.

Gentlemen, on Sunday at the latest

we're going to let the
world in on this.

Chinese armoured
columns rolled forward

today in large scale
fighting against

the ill-prepared Indian troops.

Indian military spokesmen have
reported heavy casualties,

but expressed their
determination to withstand

the Chinese thrust all along
the disputed frontier.

The fourth day of the
Missiles of October.

Gentlemen, let me ask leave to be
excused from further attendance.

This is no place for a
private citizen like myself.

Well, Mr. Acheson, the
President has the greatest

respect and the highest
personal regard for you.

In his absence, I...

It is one thing for an
outsider like myself

to be asked for
advice and counsel,

but it's quite another for
me to actually participate

in planning the
tactical operations.

I wish you all good luck.

Woodrow Wilson once said, what
good is a political party

unless it is being used by the
nation for a great occasion.

What is the great occasion for
which this nation will use

the Democratic Party in 1962.

Why should they choose us
and not the Republicans.

The Republicans are
equally patriotic,

equally anxious to
see it move ahead.

What makes this election
important in 1962

is that the two parties have
clear and distinct differences

in their approach as to how they
should move this country ahead.

The crowds have been
good to excellent,

and he looks terrific.

Of course, he's under
a hell of a strain.

Yes, well things are
falling apart here, Ken.

Dean Acheson just walked out,

and the military is vehemently
opposed to the blockade.

In addition, security
is crumbling.

I think the press knows
something is up.

I can't see anything to be gained

by rushing the President
back to Washington now.

That would give it
away for certain.

Now, listen, we're
gonna have to round up

the Congressional leaders and get
them briefed as soon as possible.

I'll, clear it with him.

Will you have the President
call me as soon as he's free?

In your judgement, he has
to fly back in the morning?

- At the latest, yes.
- I see.

I'll talk to you later, Ken.

Fine.

This is a great and
a good country.

It is the centre of the
stage, everything we do here

is marked around the world
in the great struggle

which is reaching its
climax in this decade.

And I believe that we can
make this country not only

the leader of the free world,

but a leader in whom all
can have a sense of pride,

a sense of participation, and
a sense of mutual progress.

Now, I come to Illinois
and I ask for your help.

I think President Roosevelt
through my father

out of this suite in 1942.

Better?

Yes, it's much better
Dave, thank you.

They loved the speech.

I'm sure glad to hear that.

Yes, but will they
love us on Monday,

like they love us today?

That's good chowder.

Got it from Chicago.

Yes.

Pierre wants a minute with you.

You'll want to talk
to Bobby first.

He'll be with you in
a moment, Pierre.

The attorney general,
Mr. President.

What's happening there, Bobby?

Yes, I understand about Acheson

but we have to keep
him in the picture.

Maybe Paris and the joint chiefs
have to look at it that way.

But, they'll come around
when we're committed.

Has McNamara punched in the
Atlantic/Caribbean alert?

No, I'll have to brief the
congressional leadership myself.

One session with foreign
affairs and armed services.

Now the consensus will form
up around the blockade

if you're here, I know that.

But, without you here to
take the responsibility,

it looks to risky to them.

Just too damn risky.

And, I'll come back
in the morning.

Tell Sorenson he's
writing a speech

announcing a blockade
not Armageddon.

Good night, Bobby.

First thing in the morning, Ken.

Yes, sir.

Get me Admiral Berkley, please.

Kenny would you please
hand me my magazine?

Yes, sure.

We're going to have to
come up with a good reason

to cut your speech
short, Mr. President.

What will it be?

You caught a cold.

Hello, Doctor, Ken O'Donnell.

Please come around to the
president's suite tomorrow morning

and make that 09:00.

And, Doctor, be flexible.

Okay, let's have Pierre day.

What if you can't get the
consensus in Washington tomorrow?

President Lincoln once put a
proposition before his cabinet.

The vote was nine
aye, and one nay.

The nay vote was Lincoln's and
the proposition was defeated.

I'll make this decision
alone if I must.

I'll be infinitely better
if the Executive Department

support me all the way,

cause they've participated
in the decision,

they understand it, and
they believe in it.

Hello, Pierre.

The speech went very
well, Mr. President.

Thanks, what's your problem?

I just got a call from Bob Allen,

he and Paul Scott are
gonna publish a story

that we're on the verge
of invading Cuba.

Also Carlton Kent of the Sun Times
asked for verification of a report

that we have parachute units
on the alert for a Cuban jump.

Now, sir, I'm
completely in the dark.

Call Kent and tell him that
story is absolutely false.

We have no intentions
of invading Cuba.

If he prints that story
he's gonna look foolish.

Kenny, call McNamara and
have him ask Allen and Scott

to kill their story.

Mr. President, I suppose
you're gonna tell me

what's going on when you
think I should know.

I don't want to put
my press secretary

in a position of deliberately
deceiving the press.

And you're not the worlds
greatest liar, Pierre.

You don't know how lucky you are
not to know what you don't know.

Yes, sir.

Good night, Mr. President.

Good night, Pierre.

Pierre, we're making some
alternative travel arrangements

for the pool reporters
in the morning.

You'll make the
announcement at the last...

Now, wait a minute, are you
talking about a new schedule?

The President is
developing a cold.

Now who do you think
that's gonna fool?

Everybody, the way
you're gonna handle it.

The United States today
detonated a nuclear device

above Junston Island in
the central Pacific.

The explosion was the second
successful American test

in the upper atmosphere in
six attempts this year.

The fifth day of the
Missiles of October.

I talked with Kennedy in
Washington for over two hours.

I can't dismiss the possibility he
knew about the situation in Cuba.

That was your dominant impression?

It's possible.

So, why haven't we heard his
righteous American indignation?

Well, perhaps for the
element of surprise.

There's another possibility.

He may be withholding the bad news

until after the American election,

like a bride concealing her
blemish until after the ceremony.

In Vienna, I feel
sorry for Kennedy,

he so desperately
wanted a triumph.

All right, let me hear that
conversation again in detail.

Mr. President, would you
prefer that each of us

write down our recommendation?

No.

There isn't any clear
cut answer here.

I don't want people saying later

that their plans
would have worked.

Perhaps those of you whose
proposals aren't adopted

may yet prove to
be the lucky ones.

Let's begin.

Secretary Rusk?

I favour the blockade,
Mr. President.

Secretary McNamara?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Secretary Dillon?

The blockade, sir.

General Taylor?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Mr. Attorney General?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Director McCone?

Air strike, sir.

Admiral Anderson?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Ken?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Ambassador Stevenson?

Quarantine, Mr. President.

Ambassador Thompson?

Blockade, sir.

- George?
- Blockade, Mr. President.

- Mac?
- Blockade, Mr. President.

- Ted?
- Blockade, sir.

Then it is the, consensus
of this committee

that a naval action is our
most appropriate response.

I agree.

I understand and appreciate
the concerns of all those

who voted for an air strike.

And I assure you, that
if the blockade fails,

I'll take uncompromising action.

My speech to the nation
will be on Monday.

I'll announce the
quarantine at the time.

Sir, I believe your
speech should incorporate

a call for an emergency session
of the Security Council.

We must get to the UN
ahead of the Russians.

That's very useful State will work
with you on a draught resolution.

And may I add, sir, that whatever
happens at the United Nations

is largely contingent on the
Organisation of American States

supporting our action.

Hopefully, the OAS will
come to a vote by Wednesday

before we impose the
actual blockade.

May I ask what we'll do if
the OAS doesn't support us?

Are we then going to impose the
blockade and take our case

to the United Nations without
even the semblance of legality,

without the support of
our own hemisphere?

I'll pay any price to get
those missiles out of Cuba.

Then, sir, I don't see
how we can expect

the Russians to remove
them for nothing.

It's going to be difficult
for the rest of the world,

especially Europe, who understand
our fear of the Cuban bases.

After all, our European allies
have been within easy reach

of Soviet missiles for years.

The world will ask why
Soviet technicians

and missiles in Cuba
are any more wicked

than our own technicians and
missiles in Turkey and Italy.

And why a Russian base
in Cuba is any wicked

than our own American
base at Guantanamo.

Stevenson, are you asserting that
we should trade our Jupiter base

or our Guantanamo base for
the Cuban missile bases?

Are you suggesting there's a
relationship between the two?

The world will suggest it, sir,
and we must have a response.

If the situation were reversed,

the Russians wouldn't hesitate
to use nuclear weapons on us,

and they certainly wouldn't agree

to trade away their
strategic base.

If the blockade fails,
we'll be forced

either into war or negotiations.

I believe we might
avoid the war by

beginning with the negotiations.

I should have thought that Hitler
taught us at least one lesson,

and its name is appeasement.

Negotiating now will weaken
our strategic position

all over the world.

The Guantanamo base is without
strategic significance.

I'll dispute that, sir.

The Turkish and Italian
Jupiter bases are obsolete.

But our treaty
obligations are binding,

unless you want to undermine NATO.

Nevertheless, we can
negotiate without

losing anything of significance.

Then, sir, what do you suggest
we give away next time?

I am hopeful that we'll
live to see a next time.

Gentlemen I agree that
diplomatic moves are essential,

but we're not going to
negotiate under the gun.

DeGaulle would be quick to
say that we were selling out

the Europeans to
protect ourselves.

And the Russians would be tempted

to try blackmail again, elsewhere.

The issue isn't Guantanamo
or obsolete Jupiter bases,

the issue is missiles,
Russian missiles in Cuba,

and they must be removed and
they must be removed quickly.

We've worked day and night
to hammer out a consensus,

and Stevenson damn near blows it.

I wonder if he's really
strong enough or tough enough

to represent us at the UN.

I sometimes think
Stevenson is the UN.

Maybe you should replace him
with someone like John McCloy,

a tough Republican.

I don't think that would
be prudent now, Bobby.

If we show any weakness now,

Khrushchev will march through
us like an open door.

Adlai showed courage.

He gave an argument
that needed to be given

and took the risk of being
called an appeaser.

He damn near pulled us off
the track, is what he did.

He wasn't wrong.

That's not the point.

You said yourself, we can't
submit to Russian blackmail.

Nevertheless, foreign observers
will ask why we're entitled

to bases in Turkey pointing
missiles at Russia's belly.

Now, I admire what Stevenson did.

He told the truth,
and he presented

the diplomatic point of view,

and that's his job.

His job is to implement
your decisions.

It doesn't matter whether we
respect Adlai or admire him,

or whether or not he's
even telling the truth.

Right now, we need the support

of Republicans and
conservative Democrats alike,

who just don't trust his capacity
to stand up to the Russians.

Half the American people

think that Stevenson should
have been president.

Yes, and the other half think
Nixon should have been president.

You're not a Republican
or a conservative,

at least not the
last time I looked.

Yes, well, McCloy is available,

and, I think we could use
all the help we can get.

I'd welcome the support of
McCloy and his friends.

I'll ask him to join Stevenson's
delegation at the UN.

Thank you.

Now, I said join
Stevenson's delegation.

Yes, Mr. President.

The blockade will form an
arch extending 800 miles

to sea from Cape Mysai,

that's well beyond the range
of the big fighters in Cuba.

Your designation
is Task Force 136,

comprising 13 destroyers
on the forward line,

supported by two cruisers,

flanked by four
additional destroyers,

and the guided missile
cruiser Kembara.

In support will be the
Filabreflex Invasion Fleet.

By the way, Corky, three
of your destroyers

have just put in from service
with the Sixth Fleet.

The men are on liberty
and hung out over half

the eastern seaboard.

You'll have 24 hours to
corral them and to sail.

So, you will be in position and
close all navigable channels

to Cuba as of ten hundred
this Wednesday, 24 October.

We'll put it down, Skally,

as prediction from me.

Now, we Republicans are going to
pick up four seats in the senate,

and at least, at least
14 in the house.

At ABC News, we keep picking up
reports of major troop movements.

Now, Senator, wouldn't
you say that something

very big is brewing in Cuba,
or perhaps in Berlin?

I think it's all smoke.

The President won't take firm
action this close to the election.

Will you excuse us, please.

I'm surprised you
could get away, Ken.

Had to, Governor, I can't
think straight any more.

Anyway, if the administration
misses another clambake,

Khrushchev will know
we're on to him.

Cheers.

Would you mind telling
me what the President

thought of my performance today?

He admired your courage.

I hope that's true.

Most of those men probably
consider me a coward

for what I said today.

Maybe there should
be a coward around

when we're talking
about nuclear war,

which is what everyone
is talking about.

Everyone?

Al Friendly of the Washington Post
and Scotty Weston of the Times

have dug out the story.

Don't ask me how.

They know what our bearded
friend has in Cuba.

Are you certain?

Their questions were considerably
more accurate than my answers.

Damn.

I'll have to call the President.

Excuse me.

This government's like a sieve,

it's a miracle we've kept
the story out of the press

as long as we have.

No, no, no, I can't,
delegate that job.

I'll I have to call the
publishers myself.

Kenny who's at the party?

Paris, did you say Paris?

The President has made
his decision, Dean,

he prefers the sea route.

Yes, I understand.

He wants you to deliver
the message to DeGaulle.

He feels you're the only
man with the prestige

and experience to
confront the General.

That's gratifying, but
I don't see how I can.

Dean, I needn't tell
you that we all belong

to the least exclusive
club in the world

which also happens to
have the highest dues,

the United States of America.

The President wants you to
fly to Europe tomorrow.

Well, I suppose I'm enough
of a lawyer to represent

a point of view with which
I personally disagree.

I do have one problem.

What's that?

My passport's expired.

The sixth day of the
Missiles of October.

The question is whether air
strikes will be more effective

than a blockade.

There is no question
about that, sir.

That's exactly why
I've asked the General

to sit in on that very point.

General, I'm asking you
this question directly;

if you have everything you need,

can you guarantee that air
strikes will take out

all of the Soviet bases?

Mr. President, are you asking me
for 100 percent of the missiles?

Can the Tactical Air Command
take out all the missiles, yes.

Sir, I can guarantee that
we can take out 90 percent,

not 100 percent.

Completely surgical air
strike just is not possible.

We cannot be certain of hitting
every pad, every launch vehicle.

Some might survive,
we might miss a few.

And if we miss 10 percent,
that would leave what,

six or seven, operational
nuclear weapons

capable of taking out
New York, Washington,

and a few other cities,
is that correct?

Yes, sir.

And that's why we would have
to follow up with an invasion.

Thank you very much, General.

I appreciate your candour.

We're going ahead with the
decision of the consensus.

I'll announce the blockade

in my speech to the
nation tomorrow evening.

Admiral Anderson, it's
all up to the Navy.

The Navy won't let you
down, Mr. President.

Thank you very much, Gentlemen.

Hello, Pierre, did you
get your briefing?

Yes, Mr. President.

I had no idea things
were this bad.

Aren't you glad you didn't know?

Sir, security is breaking down,

the reporters are seeing
the wrong officials

in the wrong places
at the wrong times.

I expect you to keep the lid
on for another 24 hours.

I want to get into this
so-called training exercise.

Mr. Skally, you have the
Pentagon background,

the Fillabriglegs 62 is
a training exercise.

It was announced long ago.

Can you tell me why
thousands of Marines

were suddenly air lifted from
California to North Carolina?

That's part of the exercise.

I have a report that this
morning destroyers from Norfolk

and Jacksonville
suddenly put to sea

with crews that were
all but commandeered.

It's my understanding that
the seas off Puerto Rico

are unexpectedly heavy.

The Navy had to make some
destroyer reassignments.

Pierre, off the record,
isn't it true that,

No.

Thank you, gentlemen.

Mr. Salinger, Mr. Salinger,

The language of the
speech is too general.

The President must
be more explicit.

He should demand that the
Russians dismantle the missiles.

The President is locked up
with Sorensen right now.

I'll get a message to him
as soon as possible.

Doug, when are you scheduled
to leave for Mexico City?

15 minutes ago.

The President may
need your support

for the National Security
Council meeting.

I'll delay my flight.

Good, that would be
best, thank you.

Now let's get a hold of Salinger,

we should hear what he's arranged

for the Foreign
Language broadcast.

And Dean, I want to get
into the machinery

of briefing the allied
and neutral governments.

I can assure you
that every capitol

in the world is being informed.

What do we hear from London?

Bruce is scheduled to meet
with McMillon within the hour.

The President is anxious for
DeGaulle's reaction as well.

Acheson should be with him now.

Your President does
me a great honour

sending me so distinguished
an emissary.

Thank you, General DeGaulle.

Mr. Acheson, are you consulting
me, or informing me?

Informing you.

You may tell your President
that France will support him.

I think that in the circumstance,

President Kennedy has
no other choice.

From what altitude
were these taken?

Fourteen miles.

Why, in your opinion,

did the Soviets take this action?

They gambled, sir.

Without cause?

It's perhaps not flattering
to my own government

for me to say that the
Soviets have been

led to believe they
could get away with it.

Fourteen miles, remarkable.

Mr. President, State
wants the speech revised

to base our legal right to

quarantine on the
hemispheric right

to self defence through the
Organisation of American States,

rather than on Article
50 of the UN Charter.

The U-2 surveillance flights
have been increased

to seven per day.

This allows the hands at San
Cristobal are now operational.

Mr. President,
you'll meet with the

National Security Council at 3:00.

It would be unwise to
cancel the courtesy call

of the Prime Minister
of Uganda at 3:30.

The cabinet meeting has
been arranged at 4:00.

Mr. President, your
address to the nation

is scheduled on all three networks

at 7:00 p.m., Eastern
Standard time.

In accordance with your
directive...

pursuant to your orders...

Following your request...

Under your instructions...

I understand you had a problem

collecting the
congressional leaders?

Yes, most of them had
to be air lifted.

Have they, been tipped off?

Hopefully, no.

Mr. President, I'll support
what you're saying tonight,

but I want the record to show
that I've been informed,

but never consulted about
this important decision.

Congressman, I
appreciate your support.

I don't want to criticise at
this grave hour, Mr. President,

but some of us have been warning

about the Soviet military
preparations in Cuba for months,

and you've consistently denied our

charges and refused
to take action,

until now, you present
us with this,

this, this calamity.

The charges were neither
documented nor proven.

Well, now that they are
documented and proved,

I wonder if your action is
adequate to meet the provocation.

Mr. President.

Senator Russell.

I must say I couldn't
live with myself

if I didn't speak out in the
strongest possible terms.

It is vitally important that
we act with greater strength

than you are contemplating.

Let me say again, I plan
to do everything necessary

to protect our country.

With all respect, a blockade
is a halfway measure.

It will alienate our allies

while doing the communists
no tangible harm whatsoever.

Mr. President, we have
to destroy those bases.

Senator, it's still possible
that we can resolve this matter

without a devastating war.

And I won't launch such a
war lightly, I assure you.

Once there's an attack,

our enemies could respond
with a missile barrage

from Cuba alone that would
kill 80 million of our people,

80 million.

Mr. President.

Senator Fulbright.

Your entire constituency
could be wiped out

in the first 30 seconds.

I won't associate myself

with what has been said here.

Since it will be necessary to
strike Cuba and to invade it,

I think we should
do so now, quickly

with the overwhelming power
which is still ours.

Let me get this straight you're
for an invasion of Cuba, Bill,

you and Senator Russell
here, is that correct?

Regretfully, Mr. President,
I think that your plan

for an embargo will
fail in the end.

You know what they said in there,

oh, sure, we support
you, Mr. President,

but it's your decision, not ours.

And if things go wrong,
we'll knock your block off.

Maybe I ought to let them
have this lousy job.

It's too late for that now.

Have you ever noticed when
there's a large group of them,

they always follow the leader
with the biggest bomb?

Good evening, gentlemen.

Good evening, Mr. President.

I substituted strike for wipe out,

and deleted the reference
to mega tonnage.

Thank you, Ted.

Thank you, Mrs.
Lincoln, thank you.

Thirty seconds, Mr. President.

Will I hear the introduction?

Yes, sir.

Speaking from the White House,

the President of
the United States.

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised,

has maintained the
closest surveillance

of the Soviet military build-up
on the island of Cuba.

Within the past week,

unmistakable evidence has
established the fact

that a series of
offensive missile sites

is now in preparation on
that imprisoned island.

The purpose of these
bases can be none other

than to provide a nuclear
strike capability

against the Western Hemisphere.

Acting, therefore, in defence
of our own security,

and under the authority entrusted
to me by the Constitution,

I have directed that the following
initial steps be taken.

First: To halt this
offensive build-up,

a strict quarantine
shall be imposed.

All ships of any kind bound
for Cuba will be turned back

if found to contain cargoes
of offensive weapons.

Second: I have
directed the increased

close surveillance of Cuba.

Third: It shall be the
policy of this Nation

to regard any nuclear
attack launched from Cuba

as an attack by the Soviet
Union on the United States,

requiring a full
retaliatory response.

Fourth: I have reinforced
our base at Guantanamo.

Fifth: We are calling for
an immediate meeting

of the Organisation
of American States.

Sixth: We are asking tonight
for an emergency meeting

of the Security Council
of the United Nations.

President Kennedy has gone mad.

Seventh and finally: I call
upon Chairman Khrushchev

to halt and eliminate
this clandestine,

reckless and provocative
threat to world peace

and stable relations
between our two countries.

The cost of freedom is high,

but Americans have
always paid the price.

And one path we shall never choose

is one of surrender, submission.

Our goal is not the
victory of might,

but the vindication of right,

not peace at the
expense of freedom,

but both peace and freedom,
here in this hemisphere,

and, we hope, around the world.

God willing, that goal
will be achieved.

The eighth day of the
Missiles of October.

The US Tactical Air Force command

from commanding officer
47th Attack Squadron,

all aircraft fully ready, fully
armed, and on air alert.

Gentlemen, as a result of
yesterday's U-2 flight,

we've counted 42 medium-range
nuclear missiles unpacked,

in position on erectors, and
prepared for launching.

Also, there's detailed evidence
that elements of the surface

to air missile system
are operational.

Yes.

Yes, thank you.

George, what have you got?

Still nothing from Khrushchev,

no statements or military
moves anywhere in the world.

Why hasn't Khrushchev moved?

Russia's been caught with
its missiles hanging out,

they're stalling in order
to look like honest,

peace loving citizens,

while we shape up like
outrageous militarists.

General, what happens if one of
our U-2 planes is shot down?

We knock out all their SAMs.

Massive air strike.

We're sending our men up, we have
an obligation to protect them.

Yes, just as the Cubans feel an
obligation to shoot them down.

Bob, how long will it take to
launch a retaliatory raid?

Two hours.

Very well, we're not
going to overreact.

If one of our U-2's is hit,

we'll knock out the
appropriate SAM installation.

But no such attack will occur

until all of the facts
have been verified,

then only on my specific
orders, is that clear?

Yes, Mr. President.

- George?
- Yes, sir.

The State Department will have to
arrange for regular consultations

with all of the ambassadors
from the NATO countries.

Yes, sir.

We're going to have to
prepare on the assumption

that Khrushchev is going
to move in Berlin

before this thing
goes much further.

Mr. President,

Khrushchev's response
is coming in now.

President Kennedy of
the United States

last night announced that he had
instructed the United States Navy

to intercept all ships
proceeding to Cuba.

Undertaking such a gamble,

the United States is
taking a step on the road

of unleashing a
thermonuclear world war.

United States usurped the
right to attack ships

of other states on the high seas,
that is, to engage in piracy.

We hope Chairman Khrushchev has
not made a miscalculation,

that he has not mistaken
forbearance for weakness.

We cannot believe he supposes

that though we have
power we lack nerve,

that though we have the
weapons we will not use them.

The Imperialistic forces
of the United States

seek to dictate to Cuba what
policies she should carry through,

what her domestic
order ought to be,

what weapons she should
use for her defence.

But who gave the United States
the right to assume the role

of master of destiny over other
nations and other people.

Why should Cuba settle
its internal affairs

not at its own discretion,

but so as to please
the United States.

We hope, we pray, that the
worst may be avoided,

that the Soviet leadership
will call an end

to this ominous adventure.

Cuba belongs to the Cuban people.

Only they can be the
masters of their destiny.

President Kennedy assumes
a grave responsibility

for the fate of peace.

He is recklessly playing
with nuclear fire.

When the hell are we
going to hear from

the Organisation of
American States,

how long can Adlai extemporise?

They're voting now.

Ted, I've been hearing
that for hours.

Mr. President, each of the
Latin American ambassadors

has to call back to his
capitol for instructions.

But I thought you arranged
for special lines, Pierre?

Yes, sir, I did, but
some of the ambassadors

haven't been able
to get through yet.

My dad should have bought
the telephone company

when he had the chance.

Mr. President.

Let's have it, George.

The OAS vote is complete,

Latin America voted 19 to nothing
in favour of our resolution.

Congratulations, George.

That's marvellous.

Congratulate Ed Martin
and Rusk for me.

Even Bolivia went along,
and only Uruguay abstained

because the ambassador couldn't
get through to Montevideo.

Pierre, turn up the tube.

Yes, sir.

Stevenson doesn't seem to
know about the OAS vote.

Is not that it is revolutionary,

not that it is socialist,

and not even because Dr. Castro
perverted a noble revolution.

We object because he has aided
and abetted an invasion

of this hemisphere.

What's going on up there?

Stevenson doesn't seem to
know about the OAS vote.

Dr. Castro has given
the Soviet Union

a bridgehead, and staging area,

and has invited an
extra continental,

anti-democratic expansionist
power, excuse me.

All right, Harlon, he
just got the note.

Thank you.

I have just been informed that the
Organisation of American States

this afternoon adopted a
resolution by 19 affirmative votes

calling for the immediate
dismantling and withdrawal

from Cuba of all missiles
and other weapons

with any offensive capabilities.

This is a solemn and
significant day

for the life of the
United Nations,

and for the hope of
the world community.

Let it be remembered not
as the day when the world

came to the edge of nuclear war,

but as the day when men resolved
that nothing thereafter

would stop them in
their quest for peace.

Dear Adlai, I watched your
speech this afternoon

with great satisfaction.

It's given our cause
a great start.

The United States is fortunate
to have your advocacy.

You have my warm and
personal thanks.

Work must continue
around the clock

on the Cuban installations.

The fact that Kennedy has
discovered our activity

has no bearing on the legitimacy.

International law has
not been repealed.

Our ships have the right
to sail on the high seas,

we will protect that right.

Diplomatic struggles will
go on in the United Nations

and around the world.

The American blockade, illegal.

Our efforts to defend Cuba
are just a viable response

to American aggression.

We will defend our ships.

Mr. Chairman, in view of the vote

of the Organisation
of American States,

The blockade is illegal.

The governments of Africa and
Asia will not be influenced

by the opinion of the
Latin American puppets

of the United States.

Comrade Chairman, if I may.

The thrust of the
American argument

is that we surreptitiously

placed offensive nuclear
missiles in Cuba.

We did not.

We deny it?

Certainly we deny it.

The weapons we've placed there

have been for defensive purposes.

And that is what Zorin is to
say at the United Nations?

He's to say that the Soviet's
rockets and missiles

are so powerful there's no
need to seek a launching site

for them outside the territory
of the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union appeals to
all the peoples of the world

to raise their voices in
defence of the United Nations.

It appeals to them to vote against
the United States' policy

of piracy, banditry and the
unleashing of a nuclear war.

From Commander Task Force 136 to
US Chief of Naval Operations,

Task Force blockade
rendezvous complete.

Combat air patrols on station.

All units full readiness status.

We've intercepted a series of
coded Soviet naval messages.

Now we can't decipher them,
but we've traced them

to a Soviet submarine fleet
moving into the Caribbean.

How large a fleet,
how many submarines?

We can't estimate that yet, sir,

but there's no doubt
that they're assembling

to escort and protect those
25 Soviet merchant ships

approaching the blockade line.

Now, the submarines will be kept
under constant surveillance

as we locate them.

And the merchant ships?

We're tracking them, sir.

Very well.

But any order to fire, or
to board, for that matter,

must originate right here.

I've sent another
message to Khrushchev

urging him to observe
our quarantine line,

and assuring him that we have no
wish to fire on any Soviet ships,

and I mean that.

We can't let events
get out of hand

and make the situation more
difficult than it already is.

Now, Admiral suppose one
of the Soviet ships

tries to run the blockade,
how do we stop her,

how much force do we use?

Do we disable her, do we
fire, do we tow, what?

Well, sir, we'd give an
appropriate warning,

and then we'd fire at the
rudder and propellers

to disable the vessel.

And then?

And then, sir, we
board and search.

And what if they
resist the boarding?

We overcome the resistance.

Why is it necessary to board?

Why can't we just throw
a line on the ship,

tow it to Jacksonville
or Charleston,

and avoid the
confrontation at sea?

What happens if we tow it
all the way to Florida

and find out it's carrying
a cargo of baby food?

Mr. President, I think we
have to face the probability

that there's going
to be some shooting

on that blockade line
tomorrow morning.

Cuba is a country which has
seen United States aircraft

set fire to its plantations

without ever a declaration of war.

Cuba is a country which has seen

its plants and
factories sabotaged,

its workers wounded and killed,

without ever a declaration of war.

Cuba is a country that has
had its territory invaded

by mercenaries trained,

directed and subsidised by the
United States government,

with the public
sanction of Kennedy,

without a declaration of war.

Now, therefore I, John F. Kennedy,

President of the United
States of America,

do hereby proclaim that the
forces under my command

are ordered, beginning
at 10:00 a.m.,

Eastern time, October 24, 1962,

to interdict the delivery
of offensive weapons

and associated materials to Cuba.

Cuba is a country
that has suffered

the economic boycott of the
United States government,

and the use of American
pressure to isolate us

without the existence
of a state of war.

The following are declared
to be prohibited material:

surface to air missiles,
bomber aircraft, bombs,

air to surface rockets
and guided missiles,

warheads for any of
the above weapons.

The American blockade
against our country

is an act of war.

It is the use of force
by a great power

against the independence
of our home.

Also prohibited to Cuba are
any other class of material

hereafter designated by
the Secretary of Defence

for the purpose of effectuating
this proclamation.

We shall resist these
illegal measures

of North American imperialism.

The reply of our people
and of our government

to the United States has
been general mobilisation.

What did Castro hope to
gain by having his country

converted into a sitting
duck missile base?

Maybe the Russians didn't
give him any choice.

Or maybe he never knew
what they were planning.

This crisis has very little to do

with the Castro government.

The bases are Russian, the
technicians are Russian,

and the missiles are Russian.

This is between
Khrushchev and myself.

The great danger here
is a miscalculation,

a mistake in judgement.

A few weeks ago I read
the Guns of August,

by Barbara Tuchman,
have you read that?

In it she tells of the
staggering mistakes

that the Europeans made
that led up to World War I.

The Germans, the Austrians,
the Russians, the French

and the British all
stumbled into war;

stupidities, personal
idiosyncrasies,

misunderstandings,
prejudices, complexes.

The First World War which
seemed so inevitable,

was just a stupid mistake.

Maybe that's true of
most wars, all wars.

Someone asked the
German Chancellor,

how the First World War
got started, and he said,

if we only knew.

I'd like to send a copy of
Tuckman's book to every officer

on every ship in our
Navy right now,

not that they'd read it.

Yes.

Right.

Mr. President, there's a
new letter from Khrushchev

coming in on the wire.

They'll bring a translation
as soon as they have it.

We don't want war, and I don't
believe the Russians do, either.

But they took a step
and we had to respond.

They react and we respond again.

So for reasons of pride,
or security, or face,

each response requires
a counter response,

and we escalate our
way to disaster.

We have to control ourselves
and try to control events.

We must be careful not to
miscalculate or to misjudge,

or to challenge the Russians
needlessly or thoughtlessly

into a war neither side wants,

and neither side can win.

If we only knew.

President Kennedy, I have
your letter of this date.

The actions of the
United States of America

with regard to Cuba are
outright banditry.

Or if you like, the folly
of degenerate imperialism.

The United States is forcing
mankind into the abyss

of a world missile nuclear war.

The Soviet Union will not instruct
captains of Soviet vessels

bound on the high seas to Cuba

to obey the orders of
American Naval forces.

If any such effort were to be made
to interfere with Soviet ships,

we would then be forced on our
part to take the measures

which we deem necessary and
adequate to protect our rights.

For this, we have all
that is necessary.

I've read the letter
half a dozen times,

and there's not a
ray of light in it.

What are your plans
for this evening?

I'm having dinner
with you and David.

Have to find another way
to reach Khrushchev.

He's looking back over the past
to Vienna, and he's thinking,

Kennedy didn't commit American
power at the Bay of Pigs,

Kennedy didn't commit American
power at the Berlin Wall,

and Kennedy won't commit
American power now.

How do we convince him?

I want you to have a private talk

with your friend the
Russian ambassador.

Dobrynin, tonight?

We're going to miss you at dinner.

Mr. Attorney General, in
the past I've told you

precisely what Chairman
Khrushchev told me.

I believed him then,
and I believe him now.

I assure you, that
as far as I know,

there are no offensive
missiles in Cuba.

But Mr. Ambassador,
we have the proof,

there are offensive
missiles in Cuba.

Why didn't the President accuse us

when Gromyko and I sat with him

in his office just two days ago?

There was nothing the President
could tell Gromyko that,

Gromyko didn't already know.

And Gromyko didn't bring
it up because evidently

your government was
determined to deceive us.

I cannot accept that.

You must accept the
fact, Mr. Dobrynin,

that the missiles are there,

and President Kennedy would never

allow those bases
to stand in Cuba.

There's no threat to peaceful
relations between us.

There is, and the President
will not tolerate

this breach of trust,
this act of war,

taken at the very moment when
men we've come to trust,

men like yourself
have been insuring us

of your peaceful intentions.

I was not my intention to
mislead President Kennedy.

And now, can you communicate
Chairman Khrushchev's

intentions now without,
misleading us?

All I can say now is
that my government,

my government considers
the blockade illegal,

and unwarranted.

I can assure you the blockade
was the most moderate,

response we could devise.

A act of war, we're
attempting to react

as sensibly as possible.

Let me ask you this question
directly, Mr. Dobrynin,

are your ships going to try
to get through to Cuba?

Yes, the captains have
received those instructions.

President Kennedy wants
the Chairman to know

that if your ships
try to get through,

we will turn them back.

That suggests a
very harsh picture.

Well, it's a statement of fact.

We don't want to mislead
Chairman Khrushchev.

Surely, there is some other
message you wish to convey,

some basis for negotiation?

At the moment, none.

We will turn your ships back.

I don't want to be accused again
of misleading the President.

The Chairman will take
appropriate action.

And so will the President.

Your facts are perfectly clear.

But you haven't made them public.

Whatever uninformed
public opinion may be,

those Soviet bases exist.

Some of your closest allies and
friends are not convinced.

Even Ugateson talks about
so-called missiles in Cuba.

Do you prefer an air
strike or an invasion?

I prefer diplomacy.

Yes.

Khrushchev would welcome a summit.

But while he's
constructing those bases,

there's absolutely nothing
for me to negotiate

but American strength
and American interest.

I think you should
release the evidence,

prove to the world that those
bases and missiles exist.

The evidence is in
aerial photographs.

Publish them.

I can't.

I'd compromise our
intelligence operations.

Mr. President, without
ill-informed public opinion

on your side,

without the world knowing that
those bases and missiles exist,

you increase the chances for
conflict, you don't diminish them.

There mustn't be the
slightest suspicion

that you are provoking a crisis

because there's an
election here next month.

Good evening, Mr. President.

David, how are you?

Missed you at dinner, Robert.

- Sit down.
- How are you?

Very hungry.

What about Dobrynin?

I have no secrets from
David at the moment.

Dobrynin insists he knows nothing
about the missiles in Cuba.

And the ships?

According to him, they're
going to run the blockade.

What's your impression, Bobby?

Well, I think Dobrynin
is telling the truth.

I think he's in the dark
about the missiles.

And he's frightened, events
are moving too fast,

he's not receiving up to
the minute instructions.

Then it's possible that Khrushchev
hasn't made up his mind?

It's possible, yes.

Or that he's not running the
show over there any more.

That makes the situation
even more difficult.

I know that, David.

There are 25 or so Soviet
ships that are going to hit

our blockade line in the morning
and I can't control them.

Khrushchev might not
be able to, either.

He needs time.

Possibly.

You drew the quarantine line,
what, 800 miles from Cuba,

you could contract it
closer to the island

so that all 25 ships don't
encounter it tomorrow.

I've considered
contracting the arch,

I've thought about that.

Give the Kremlin time to
digest what's happening,

and perhaps disengage gracefully.

Puts our ships on
the quarantine line

within range of
Soviet MIGs in Cuba,

makes our men vulnerable
to air attack.

We can make it clear if the MIGs
attack we'll shoot them down.

Sure, and every step I take
forward to prevent a war

becomes a step back into one.

This is the President, locate
Secretary McNamara for me.

I'll contract the
arch to 500 miles,

the next move is Khrushchev's.

The ninth day of the
Missiles of October.

I wonder what Kennedy is thinking.

He sends his brother
to threaten Dobrynin,

and at almost the same moment,
he contracts the blockade.

Does he think the old
man will be frightened

by the American show of force,

and also grateful for a little
more time to make a decision?

He's moving cautiously to
avoid confrontation at sea.

Certainly.

He'd like nothing better than to
resolve the crisis on his terms,

without a war, without negotiating
away anything of value.

Perhaps we can take a cue
from the Kennedy initiative

and meet informally with the
new American ambassador.

No, not a diplomat,

I wanna meet somebody
of real importance,

somebody rooted in the
American system, a capitalist,

a man of mature judgement

who understands how
much he stands to lose.

There is in Moscow now
on business a W.E.,

W. E. Knox, president of
Westinghouse International,

an enormous American conglomerate.

Thank you very much.

And how are my people
treating you, Mr. Knox?

Mr. Chairman, they are literally
killing me with kindness.

I hope you'll report our good
manners to your government.

I certainly will, Mr. Chairman.

Peace.

Mr. Knox, I want you to believe me

when I tell you that
it was a very dark day

when your President
announced his blockade.

Except in times of war,

freedom of the seas is
recognised by all nations.

It's true, my merchant
ships aren't armed,

you'll be able to stop them.

But if you do, I'll
instruct our submarines

to sink your naval vessels.

Mr. Chairman, President
Kennedy has made it clear

that there are
alternatives short of war.

Has he?

I had my differences with
President Eisenhower,

but I'm certain that if
he were president now,

the Cuban problem would be handled

in a very different manner.

I'd hate to believe that
your President's policies

are due to the fact there will
soon be an election in America.

Very few Americans
believe that, sir.

I any event, President
Kennedy's policy

is very dangerous,
difficult to negotiate.

You know, it's a fact
that my eldest son

is older than your president.

His policy is a reaction to
the fact that your government

surreptitiously placed
offensive weapons in Cuba.

Offensive weapons,
offensive weapons,

your country invaded Cuba once,

we have an obligation
to defend them.

If someone is attacked
with a pistol,

the pistol is an offensive weapon.

But if Cuba uses that same
pistol to defend herself,

it is a defensive weapon.

I'm not a military man,

but I think I know the difference
between defensive weapons

and nuclear missiles and bombers.

We have an obligation
to defend Cuba,

and we will do so.

The weapons we have furnished
include anti aircraft

and ballistic missiles,

with conventional and
thermonuclear warheads.

If you want to satisfy
yourself on that point,

all you have to do
is to attack Cuba,

Americans will find
out very quickly.

I am not interested in the
destruction of the world.

But if we all want to meet
in hell, it's up to you.

In public, the Russians deny
they have any missiles in Cuba,

while Khrushchev brags
about them in private.

If they're this mean on this
one in our part of world,

what's it gonna be like
next time somewhere else?

If you hadn't acted, I think
you would have been impeached.

That's what I think, I
would have been impeached.

We congratulate Premier Khrushchev

for his statesman like conduct.

We demand that
President Kennedy halt

his illegal and
provocative actions.

We call upon people everywhere
throughout the world to join us

in demanding that the United
States stop its nuclear madness.

As Secretary General
of the United Nations,

I have been asked by a large
number of member nations

to address an urgent appeal in
the present critical situation.

It is important that time
should be given to enable

the parties concerned to
get together with a view

to resolving the present
crisis peacefully.

This involves the voluntary
suspension of quarantine measures

involving the searching
of ships bound for Cuba.

I believe that such
voluntary suspension

for a period of two or three weeks

would greatly ease the situation.

Two or three weeks.

Go ahead, please.

Mr. President, this is a
bunker for a nuclear warhead,

the first one we
spotted above ground.

Can we increase the
surveillance flights?

Yes, if we use Navy P8U planes.

They fly at low levels,
Mr. President.

They'll make easy and
obvious targets.

Yes.

Go ahead, please.

Authorise the flights around
the clock if it's possible.

I want absolutely
accurate information,

and I want Khrushchev to
know that I'm getting it.

Yes, sir.

Mr. President, I've just received
word about the Soviet ships

Gagarin and Komiles approaching
the quarantine line.

Admiral Ward reports that a
Soviet submarine has moved

into position between them.

Apparently, they're going to try
to run the blockade together.

How does Ward propose to respond?

He's bringing up the Essex.

She'll send helicopters
over the submarine,

the Essex will signal for the sub
to surface and identify itself.

If the Russians refuse,
depth charges will be fired

until the submarine surfaces.

Isn't there some way we can avoid

having our first confrontation
with a Russian submarine?

Anything but a Soviet warship.

Mr. President, there isn't
any alternative now.

This is what we're prepared for,

this is what we have to expect.

If they force us to fire,

they want a pretext
to move on Berlin,

or to launch their missiles.

Maxwell, I want you
to personally review,

the position of our aircraft
all over the country.

I don't want our planes
lined up wingtip to wingtip

the way they were
before Pearl Harbour.

I can assure you they're
not, Mr. President.

The aerial,

the aerial photographs
I had taken yesterday

showed that our entire Air
Force was a sitting duck.

It's been corrected, sir.

Yes?

The Essex helicopters
have flown into position,

they're preparing to attack.

Admiral Ward is in direct command.

You've done everything possible to
anticipate this, Mr. President.

Have I?

Yes, you have.

Seven aircraft carriers and the
nuclear carrier Enterprise,

and some 90 other ships
carrying 50,000 Marines,

156 American ICBMs are
at combat readiness,

not including the Polaris
Submarine Strike Force.

The strategic air command
is at maximum alert.

Mr. President, I have a
report that seems to indicate

that some of the Russian ships
have stopped dead in the water.

Stopped, are you certain?

Which ones?

I'm getting some sort
of confirmation here.

Is it true, dammit?

Six Soviet vessels
appear to have slowed

or have turned back
to the Soviet Union.

Which ships?

The situation is confused.

Some ships are dead in the
water, some have turned,

a few are continuing but
they're far off the line.

The Gagarin and the
Komiles have put about.

They're eyeball to eyeball,

and I think the other
fellow just blinked.

Mr. President, it's
terribly important

for the Navy to know
what they are to do now.

They're not to interfere.

Order Ward not to do anything.

No Soviet ships outside
the quarantine line

are to be stopped or intercepted.

Let me talk to Admiral
Ward immediately.

I'm gonna give the
Russians a chance

to turn back without
being challenged.

Maybe Khrushchev can work
his way out of this.

Pass the word, quick,
before somebody fouls up.

Yes, this is a direct order

from the President of
the United States.

I see.

Yes, sir.

Well, Admiral, I've just received
direct orders from the President.

No Soviet ships or submarines
beyond the blockade zone

are to be stopped,
boarded or harassed.

Damn.

We're asking all of you to
exercise caution and discretion.

The President is
particularly anxious,

and this is background, that
we avoid the impression

that we're trying to
patronise Khrushchev,

or that we're claiming victory.

Now as for the present situation
on the blockade line,

the Department of Defence
will release such information

as we feel to be consistent
with the national interest.

The crucial fact is that the
Soviet ships have changed course.

The Joint Chiefs suspect
that the Soviets

turned back to rendezvous
with their submarines.

The thinking is that they are
regrouping to run the blockade.

Is there any specific
evidence on that?

No.

No.

The Navy has the
Soviet ships and subs

under continuous surveillance?

Yes, sir.

Tomorrow morning there
will be new ships

reaching the quarantine zone.

The military can't automatically
and rigidly treat

every damn boat like an enemy.

I want you to make
absolutely certain

that the Navy understands
my policy in full.

Yes, sir.

What's that ship doing out
there by itself, Admiral?

It's on patrol, Mr. Secretary.

I don't understand her position.

It's a security matter, sir.

Copy Admiral Ward on
this immediately.

- Admiral?
- Yes, sir.

Could you step outside
for a moment, please.

Very well, sir.

Admiral, we know we
have ample power

to defeat the Soviets
in the Caribbean,

but they might react some
place else in a spasm,

with nuclear weapons.

The President does not
want to push Khrushchev

to those extremes.

Mr. Secretary, by any standards,

a blockade is an act of war.

I know the Soviets
understand as much,

and I think we should, sir.

We can't view this as a
conventional blockade.

I have my procedures.

Admiral, tomorrow morning,

the Soviet tanker Bucharest
is going to be at that line.

Now that ship is not to be sunk.

It is not to be boarded if
it responds to our request

to identify itself and its cargo.

We are aware of the
Bucharest, Mr. Secretary,

as we are also aware of
six Soviet submarines

spread out over the Caribbean.

Do you have a Russian-speaking
officer on each destroyer

on that blockade line?

I don't know.

Find out.

What are you going to do if
the Soviet captain refuses

to discuss his cargo?

Mr. Secretary, this is a
manual of naval regulations

evolved continuously
over our entire history.

It covers every contingency.

There's a copy of this book
on every ship in the Navy.

Admiral, I don't give a damn what
John Paul Jones would have done.

I want to know what
you are going to do.

I'm going to follow
my orders, sir.

And now if you'll go back to
your offices, Mr. Secretary,

the Navy will run the blockade.

The tenth day of the
Missiles of October.

Excuse me, Mr. President.

Yes, Pierre.

The news services have
just released the story

that we've let the Bucharest
through the quarantine.

How did they get it?

It leaked after a briefing.

Who gave the briefing?

Tom Hughes, sir.

I want to speak with him.

We've left word, paged
him at the airport,

but he can't be reached.

What good is it to set
strategy and make decisions

and then have it planted
all over the newspapers.

Yes?

Mr. President, Tom Hughes.

This is the President,

what the hell is going
on there, Hughes?

We set up briefings to take
Congress into our confidence,

not to blow our strategy.

Anything about the Bucharest

should have come
from this Pentagon.

I was specific on that very point.

Yes, I know all about that,

but it shouldn't have happened.

Yes.

Yes, well, that's
very useful, Tom.

Yes, thank you very much.

Goodbye.

It wasn't Hughes' fault,

some Congressman
shot his mouth off.

No sense of sitting
on the story now.

Pierre, release the
details about the ships

we turned back and the,
ships we permitted through.

- Ted?
- Yes, sir.

Now is the time to respond to
Yuton's latest appeal publicly.

Draft a statement saying
that we have done

and will continue to
do everything possible

to avoid a confrontation at sea.

But make it clear that
the threat to the peace

was created by the Soviet weapons,

and the only answer is in the
removal of those weapons.

Mr. President,
Khrushchev still denies

that there are offensive
missiles in Cuba.

We're well aware of that, Pierre.

Well, judging by the press I read,

most of the world
believes Khrushchev.

This isn't the moment
to take a poll, Pierre.

All I know is what I
read in the newspapers.

American flags have been
torn down from embassies

in a half a dozen capitols.

People are marching against
us in London, Paris,

Hong Kong, Tokyo.

Not to mention the communist
countries, most American cities,

and also a couple of hundred,

It is a frustrating
situation here.

Dammit.

Go ahead, Pierre.

Go ahead.

The feeling runs deep that
we're not telling the truth.

Good people suspect that
we're provoking this crisis,

and I think we have an
obligation to answer.

Mr. President, it's Stevenson
and Rusk on a conference call.

I'll need John McCoy, also.

Yes Sir.

Pierre, where do you
think you're going?

Sit down, light up a cigar.

Hello, Adlai.

President Kennedy claimed to have
incontrovertible information

that offensive weapon sites
were in preparation in Cuba.

He claimed to have
incontrovertible

facts in his hands,

but no such facts exist.

The government of the United
States has no facts in its hand,

except falsified information

from the United States
Intelligence Agency.

Falsity is what the United States
has in its hand, false evidence.

The government of
the United States

has deliberately
intensified the crisis,

deliberately prepared
this provocation,

and has tried to cover up,
by means of this discussion

in the Security Council.

Such steps can lead to
catastrophic consequences

for the whole world.

I want to say to you, Mr. Zorin,

that I do not have your
talent for obfuscation,

for distortion, for confusing
language and for double talk.

And I must confess to you
that I am glad I do not.

The other day, Mr. Zorin, I
remind you that you did not deny

the existence of these
weapons in Cuba.

Instead, we heard that they
were defensive weapons,

now you say they do not exist,

or that we have not
proved they exist,

with another fine flood
of rhetorical scorn.

All right, sir, let me ask
you one simple question;

do you, Ambassador Zorin,
deny that the USSR

has placed and is placing
medium and intermediate-range

missiles in sites
in Cuba, yes or no?

Don't wait for the
translation, yes or no?

I am not in an American
courtroom, sir, and therefore,

I do not wish to answer a question

that has been put to me in
the fashion in which a,

a prosecutor puts questions.

In due course, sir, you
will have your reply.

You are in the courtroom of
world opinion right now,

and you can answer yes or no.

You have denied that they exist,

I want to know if I
understand you correctly.

Will you please continue
your statement, sir,

you will have your
answer in due course.

I am prepared to wait for my
answer until hell freezes over,

if that's your decision.

I'm also prepared to present the
evidence here in this room.

Ambassador Schweitzer of Chile
is next on my list to speak.

I've not finished my statement.

I asked you a question.

I've had no reply to the question,

and I now propose to
finish my statement.

I doubt that anyone in this room,

with the possible exception
of the representative

of the Soviet Union, has
any doubt about the facts.

But in view of his statement,

and the statements of
the Soviet government,

I am going to make a portion of
the evidence available right now.

The first photograph shows San
Cristobal in late August, 1962.

It was then only a
peaceful countryside.

The second photograph shows the
same area one day last week.

A few tents and vehicles
have come into the area.

The third, taken
only 24 hours later,

reveals facilities for
a medium-range missile

battalion installed.

And that, indisputably, is a
bunker for a nuclear warhead.

Now I hope we can get
down to business

and we can stop this sparring.

We know the facts
and so do you, sir,

and we're ready to
talk about them.

Our job here is not to
score debating points,

our job, Mr. Zorin,
is to save the peace.

And if you're ready
to try, so are we.

Americans, my name is
Yefgani Yeftashanko.

I speak to you from Cuba.

Rigid sentries shine tonight
in the gusting storm,

a tobacconist carrying
a revolver prepares

to leave for the harbour,

a shoemaker cleans
an old machine gun.

A show girl from a cabaret
wearing army boots

reports to a carpenter
standing watch.

America, where is your shame?

In your holy hypocrisy
you have forced them

to take arms while condemning
them for self-defence.

You have lost your greatness,
you have gone blind,

while Cuba, a small nation,

finds its greatness in
the eye of the storm.

The eleventh day of the
Missiles of October.

Gentlemen, elements of the
medium-range missiles

and surface to air systems
are now operational.

The entire weapons
complex will be complete

in a matter of days.

The blockade hasn't
had any effect.

None.

Bob, I want you to make
preparations to add oil,

fuel, and lubricants to the
list of embargoed items.

Right away, Mr. President.

The missiles will be operational

long before we squeeze
them out of oil.

Also we should, we
should compile a list

of all the Cuban doctors
in the Miami area

for service in Cuba
if we have to invade.

I think I can organise
that, Mr. President.

The United States Information
Agency should prepare

leaflets of explanation
to the Cuban people

advising them to seek safety,

and explaining our motives.

We'll coordinate that one, sir.

Khrushchev's trying to
bide time to negotiate

his way into maintaining
those bases.

But I've given him time to
extricate himself gracefully.

Now we must convey an
uncompromising message,

this government is
prepared to negotiate,

but not until those missiles
are removed from Cuba.

We will not be deterred,
we will not be shaken.

We'll bomb if we must,
we'll invade if we must.

Is it your intention,
Mr. Chairman,

to comply with Kennedy's demands
and dismantle the bases,

or shall we pursue our initiative,

order our military establishment
to nuclear alert,

and prepare to respond in Berlin
when Kennedy invades Cuba?

Those alternatives are
unacceptable, unacceptable.

I established the
Cuban missile system

in order to improve our
nuclear capability,

and to insure the survival
of the Castro regime.

I will not retreat from
that position unilaterally

because of American threats.

Nor do I assume leadership of
the party on the government

in order to throw us into
nuclear war over an incident.

This incident is the result
of your contrivance,

and your analysis of
Kennedy's probable response.

I stand by my analysis, I
stand by my decisions.

The present situation shows
the American President

has gone to great lengths
to avoid a confrontation.

His every move in the
so-called blockade

has been designed to
prevent hostilities.

He's refused to negotiate.

He has his war camp
to contend with.

So do we.

Nevertheless, the alternatives
are not to surrender

or to make war.

We must make it possible
for Kennedy to negotiate

without appearing to negotiate.

We must make it possible
for him to compromise

without appearing to compromise.

Do you agree with my
analysis, Comrade?

Good, good.

Skally speaking, yes, who's this?

This is Alexander Foreman.

Have you had lunch?

Yes and no.

I must see you immediately.

It is very important.

Well, I'm on assignment
soon, Foreman.

Please, you must oblige me.

Where?

Pennsylvania Avenue.

When?

Ten minutes, don't fail me.

It's arranged.

I'm very glad.

Please keep me informed.

Certainly.

Now the, urgent matter.

Sniff the air, what do you smell?

War.

At any moment.

Something must be done.

Your government should
have thought of that

before you manipulated
the missiles.

You and I will debate cause
and effect another time.

At this moment, sane men
must try to find a way out.

Is there one?

Suppose I were to tell you that
I have a proposal that we would

like you to take up with
your high level contacts

at the State Department.

I'd listen to it, of course.

What would you think
of a proposition

where we would solve the crisis
along the following lines.

My government would
agree to dismantle

and to move the offensive
weapons in Cuba,

promise never to
reintroduce such weapons,

and agree to United Nations
inspection and verification.

And my government?

President Kennedy would
undertake a solemn promise

that neither the United
States nor its allies

will invade Cuba now
or in the future.

A pledge to respect the
integrity of the Castro regime?

Yes.

Would your government be
interested in this formula?

I don't know.

You must find out as
quickly as possible.

How can my government know
if this is a serious,

a valid proposal?

You may say if Ambassador
Stevenson pursues this approach

in the United Nations,
our Ambassador Zorin

will be most receptive.

How long will it take you to get
an answer from your contacts?

Again, I don't know.

You can reach me at the embassy,

or at the number on this card.

You can call any
time, day or night,

but make it soon, please, soon.

John, the Secretary is
sorry to keep you waiting,

but these things take time,

as you well know.

He'll get back to you
as soon as possible.

I have to wait.

So do we all, sorry.

Skally, what the hell
are you doing here?

This is out of bounds
for reporters,

you know that as well as I do.

I am an exception.

Well, not by me.

Now what are you doing here?

Spying for the Chinese Reds.

John, the President's
ready for you.

Wait, wait, ready for what?

Relax, Pierre, he's on our side.

Come on, John.

It's been a pleasure.

Have we heard from Foreman?

No, I don't understand, it
isn't clear to me at all.

The difficulty is we're
nine hours ahead of them.

Our nights are their days,
their nights are our days.

Kennedy sleeps while I work,
and I sleep while he works.

Perhaps soon we both sleep.

Thank you.

Mr. Chairman, the low level
American reconnaissance flights

have been increased to eight
aircraft every two hours.

Would you conclude that
they're monitoring

the operation of our system,

or preparing to attack?

I would conclude that they are
performing both functions.

Kennedy plans to attack the moment

the weapons system in
Cuba is operational.

All right, thank you, Andre.

I'm going to remain in my
office, Comrade Chairman.

I'm going to dictate
a new communication

to the American President.

I will give you full details later

on how it is to be transmitted.

It will be, and
this is imperative,

it will be absolutely
confidential.

Of course.

I have reason to believe that
the United States government

sees real possibilities and
supposes that the representatives

of the two governments
could work this matter out

with due time and with each other.

My impression, however, is
that time is very short.

Can I be certain
that this represents

the views of your government?

My information is from
very high sources.

Authoritative sources?

Yes.

That is worth waiting for.

Something else?

There is one other point,
since my government

has agreed to United Nations
inspection of our Cuban bases,

shouldn't there also be inspection
of the American bases in Florida

where your invasion of Cuba is
being planned and organised?

You didn't raise that
condition before.

I'm attempting to see all the
implications of an agreement.

This is an entirely new element.

I can't predict how my
government might react.

It's a fair exchange.

Well, I can only
speak as a reporter,

but I think any such
condition would raise

terrible and serious
complications.

There are no American missiles
in Florida pointed at Cuba.

We did not initiate this crisis,

and I believe President Kennedy
will reject any proposal

which suggests that our
own bases on our own soil

are in any way comparable to
Soviet bases on Cuban soil.

Let me tell you that the stink
of war is stronger than ever.

And if you're gonna spend time
arguing over new conditions

there's gonna be a disaster for
Cuba, for the Soviet Union,

for the whole damn world.

I understand.

I will communicate your answer.

Thank you, and excuse me, I
have a great deal to do.

Dear Mr. President:

The time has come
to rise above petty

passions and transient things.

If indeed war were to break out it

would not be in our
power to stop it,

for such is the logic of war.

I have participated
in two such wars

and I know that it ends only after

it has rolled through
cities and villages

everywhere sowing death
and destruction.

Mr. President, you are mistaken
to think of the missiles in Cuba

as offensive weapons.

As a military man, you should
understand that missiles,

like old-fashioned cannon
cannot be considered

defensive or offensive.

Be calm in this regard
we are of sound mind.

We understand that if we
attack, you will respond,

and you understand that
then you will receive

what you hurl against us.

We are normal people, we correctly
understand the situation.

Only lunatics or suicides
who themselves want to die

and to destroy the whole
world before they die

would undertake what you
accuse us of undertaking.

The reason we shipped
missiles to Cuba

was because your government
attempted to overthrow

the Cuban government,
just as your government

attempted to overthrow
our government

after our revolution in 1917.

You have admitted as much to me,

and I have admitted those mistakes

which have occurred in
the history of my state,

and which I have
acknowledged and condemned.

Mr. President, you
have every right,

you have every right
to be concerned

about the peace and
welfare of your people.

I am no less concerned with mine.

Let us join in a
statesman like approach.

This is what I propose:

my government will not ship
any more weapons to Cuba,

and those that are there will
either be withdrawn or destroyed.

You will reciprocate by
withdrawing your blockade

and agreeing not to invade Cuba.

Mr. President, if you have
not lost your self control

and understand what
this might lead to,

then we ought not to pull
on the ends of the rope

in which you have
tied the knot of war.

Because the more we pull, the
tighter the knot will become.

And the moment may come when
the knot is tied so tightly

that even we may not have
the strength to untie it.

We will have to cut it, and
thereby to doom the world

to the catastrophe of
thermonuclear war.

Let us not only relax the forces
pulling on the ends of the rope,

let us take measures
to untie the knot.

It's Khrushchev, all
right, I can see him,

isolated in the Kremlin,
trying to compose himself.

It's the sound of his voice.

What did Acheson say?

Well, he agrees that the
letter is from Khrushchev,

but he doubts that the Kremlin
will go through with the deal.

Perhaps that's why the
letter is so disjointed.

Perhaps he sent it entirely
on his own initiative.

Yes, but where in
this torrent of words

does Khrushchev
specifically mention

removing those missiles
under UN supervision?

Well, that proposal is essentially

what Foreman outlined to Skally.

Now, sir, I think it's possible
that the two initiatives

could be considered jointly.

The hopeful fact Mr. President,

is that Khrushchev isn't demanding

that we give up our bases in
Italy, Turkey, or Guantanamo.

Mr. President, I think you
should draught a response

to this as quickly as possible.

Before we do that, I want
to make absolutely certain

there are no booby traps here.

You'll have to burn the
midnight oil again tonight.

I want this letter analysed,

and in light of the
Foreman initiative,

and a response drafted that we
can go over in the morning.

In the morning?

Yes, in the morning.

Cheer up, gentlemen,

your President is going to
get a good night's sleep.

Yes?

I'm sorry, there is no
reply from Kennedy.

If he had responded immediately,

perhaps we could have
blocked the momentum.

Now...

there was a man in a field

between a swarm of bees
and a herd of bulls.

He knew if he took a false
step he'd be stung to death,

or trampled to death, or both.

Be seated, Comrades.

I would report to the Presidium
that good progress has been made

since our last meeting.

In this regard, I have
received a communication

from our embassy in Washington.

Alexander Foreman has
received assurances

on the highest authority
that President Kennedy

is receptive to a settlement.

The Americans are prepared
to guarantee to respect

the integrity of Cuba,

to promise publicly not to invade,

or to assist an invasion
now or in the future.

Comrade, judging from your
private letter to Kennedy,

you've promised to remove
the missiles from Cuba.

The purpose of that
letter was to impress

Kennedy with the seriousness
of the situation.

Has he replied?

It is night-time there.

No doubt he has the
bureaucracy to contend with.

He has not replied?

We've won a considerable victory

by the guaranteeing
of the Castro regime.

Mr. Chairman, in order
to save valuable time,

and in the hope that
you will approve,

we have had the Foreign
Ministry draught a new letter

to President Kennedy.

A new letter to Kennedy?

On your behalf, of course.

Let me see it.

In front of you, sir.

The fifth paragraph is the
operative section, Mr. Chairman.

Very well.

I must read the fruits of
your collective wisdom.

You are worried over
Cuba, President Kennedy,

because it lies at a distance
of 90 miles across the sea

from the shores of
the United States.

However, you have stationed
devastating rocket weapons,

which you yourself call offensive,

in Turkey, literally
right next to us.

This is why I make
this proposal...

we agree to remove those
weapons from Cuba

which you regard as offensive.

We agree to do this, and
to state this commitment

in the United Nations.

Your representative will make
a statement to the effect

that the United States on its part

will evacuate its analogous
weapons from Turkey.

Let us reach an
understanding on what time

you and we need to put
this into effect.

He's taken back half of
what he offered yesterday,

and added the demand,

impossible demand that we
trade Turkey for Cuba.

So I can trade nations
like chessmen,

Turkey for Cuba, British
Guyana for Berlin.

Why has Khrushchev
repudiated his own offer?

Who's running the show over there?

Well, there may be a
split in the Presidium.

Maybe they feel that
Khrushchev's been too reasonable

and they're upping the ante.

It's blackmail, and it's
damn effective blackmail.

It saves Khrushchev's face,

and it wins for the Soviet Union

the automatic support of all those

that think both sides are wrong,

and everyone should
give up something.

That idea has all
sorts of support,

even amongst our friends.

We could ask the
Turkish government

to reject the demand on its own.

No, the issue is between
the Soviet Union and us,

it's not about Turkey,
it's about Cuba.

But because my orders to get those
damned missiles out of Turkey

were ignored, we've
given the Soviets

an open invitation
to retaliate there

if we strike at Cuba.

And if they go after Turkey,
that involved NATO,

and that's war across the board.

Now we're vulnerable and
it's our own damned fault.

Bob, how long will it take
to launch an air strike?

Forty-eight hours.

Thirty, if absolutely necessary.

Mr. President, I would rather sink
a Russian ship than bomb Cuba.

That's some damned choice, Bob.

Mr. President.

All right, Kenny, all right.

Just to set the record straight,
when was the last time

I asked to have those
missiles removed from Turkey?

Not the first five times I
asked, just the last time.

I checked it out, you
ordered the Jupiters

removed the last week in August.

Over two months ago.

Yes, sir.

The Defence Department stall
because the Joint Chiefs objected,

the State Department stall because
the Turkish government objected?

That's right, sir.

Defence was wrong,
and State was wrong,

and the Joint Chiefs were wrong.

Yes, sir.

And I was wrong.

Mr. President, we need you.

Yes, Bobby.

Namara just got word, one of
our U-2s was just shot do

by a Soviet surface to
air missile over Cuba.

Shot down?

Yes.

The pilot?

He's dead.

Jack, their SAM system
is now operational.

I guess that puts us in a
whole new ballgame here.

Are they proving
that guns can kill?

Who can be responsible for
such a stupid, insane act?

You're sure it was shot down?

When did it happen?

Yes, just a minute, please,

I want everything you've
got, the name of the pilot.

The plane was shot down
up to three hours ago.

We're trying to fix
the exact time.

The pilot was Major
Rudolph Anderson, Jr.

He flew the mission
that discovered

the missiles on October 14th.

Give me some information
on his family, Kenny.

We can't send out
those U-2 pilots now

unless we knock out
those SAM sites.

I want absolute verification that

that U-2 plane was shot down
and didn't crash accidentally,

a very careful review here.

Mr. President, there's no doubt
that the report is accurate.

Mr. President, we have no option

but to launch a military
response to a military attack.

We're on very hazardous
ground here.

Now, the conventional response,

our planned response would
be to attack Cuba now.

But if we do and the Russians
respond by attacking Turkey,

what's our next move?

We launch our Jupiter
missiles there?

Do the Russians then respond
by launching a missile barrage

from Russia or from Cuba?

Can I set this chain
of events into motion

without taking Turkey and
NATO into my confidence?

Don't they have a right
to know what we're doing

when our decisions have such
devastating implications?

Am I going to launch
an all out nuclear war

because one junior officer
in Cuba pushed a button

he shouldn't have pushed
and killed one pilot?

This is a direct order from the
President of the United States:

all American missiles
with atomic warheads

will be defused immediately.

No American nuclear weapons
will be armed to fire

without a direct order from the
President of the United States.

We're going to prepare possible

approaches short of
war or surrender

to the Jupiter missile
situation in Turkey and Italy.

Pierre, make it clear to the press

that we're close to invading Cuba.

Summarise accurately and in detail

the military forces
we've assembled.

Make it easy for
Soviet intelligence

to see that we're serious.

I want State to release a
statement acknowledging

the receipt of two
inconsistent and conflicting

proposals from Khrushchev.

Reiterate our position
in no uncertain terms.

Get Skally, brief
him, instruct him,

and send him back to Foreman.

Yes, Mr. President.

I have been with the State
Department people for hours.

Foreman, what the hell is
going on in the Kremlin?

Khrushchev's proposal
today reneges

on everything you
suggested yesterday.

Did you set me up
to divert attention

while your friends arranged
for the double-cross?

Honestly, Skally, I
am puzzled, too.

My offer was genuine
and in good faith.

Then you're being used, too.

I don't believe that.

What's the explanation?

I think it's a matter
of bad communications.

The offer I submitted
is the latest offer.

The other was drafted first and
delayed in the transmission.

I don't believe that you people

have brought the
world to the brink

because some Teletype
operator screwed up.

This is a dirty,
stinking, double-cross,

and one of the most colossal
misjudgements in history.

We're going to get those
missiles out of Cuba,

your time has run out.

You killed one of our men,
and we think your military

has given your people in
Cuba new instructions.

There is no double-cross.

The idea of trading our base in
Cuba for your base in Turkey

is not unreasonable.

Your own Walter Lipman
made the proposal three,

I want to make this
as clear as I can.

I don't give a damn who
mentioned what unofficially.

You have to understand that
the idea of trading bases

is completely, totally, and
perpetually unacceptable.

It was unacceptable yesterday,
it's unacceptable today,

it will be unacceptable tomorrow,

and eternally unacceptable.

Any questions?

None, Skally, no questions.

Mr. President, we just had
reliable word that one of our U-2s

has intruded on Soviet airspace.

Where?

Over the Shoque Peninsula.

The plane was on an air sampling
mission and went off course.

But the Soviets might interpret
it as a preparation by us

for a nuclear first strike.

I thought we grounded
all U-2 flights

everywhere except over Cuba?

We did.

Get me Maxwell Taylor.

There's always some so and
so never gets the word.

If the Americans want nuclear war,

they can have it at any time.

They don't require a
pretext, neither do we.

I have ordered our
fighters to track down

the American U-2 and
to send it home.

But I've also ordered
them not to fire upon it,

a direct order.

In the time since we
dispatched the second letter

you so fervently desired,

nuclear war has nearly
been triggered twice.

Once because we cannot
control every action

of our forces around the world,

and once because Kennedy
has the same limitation.

And why did we take this risk?

To force America to
remove obsolete weapons

under humiliating circumstances.

Alexander Foreman has
reported to me personally

that Kennedy will never
agree to those conditions.

Do you want to further
test Kennedy's nerve?

Are you prepared for war?

Are you prepared for
total destruction?

Give me an answer.

I don't like the tone of this
letter your people drafted, Dean,

it's entirely too negative

in rejecting all of
Khrushchev's initiatives.

I just don't think I'll do.

Khrushchev put Turkey
on the agenda,

we have to knock it off.

Why?

We can't simply
ignore his proposals.

Which proposals, Foreman's,

Khrushchev's first letter, the
second letter, which ones?

Bobby, what's in your mind?

Mr. President, last night we felt

we had a possible solution in
answering the first letter.

We can't pretend that we never
received the second letter.

- Why not?
- Because we...

Dammit man, why not?

Ted, didn't Foreman tell
Skally the second letter

was a mistaken communication?

Yes, he did.

Sir, I think we can
pretend to believe him.

It's a marvellous idea.

Bobby, you're absolutely right.

Mr. President, what
have we got to lose?

We can draught a
reply to Khrushchev

which simply ignores
the second letter.

Exactly.

We'll state our terms as though
Khrushchev offered them,

and then accept them.

It's very tricky, it all depends

on whether Khrushchev
can extricate himself.

And whether he wants
to extricate himself.

Bobby, if you disagree so
violently with State's letter,

draught one of your own.

Thank you, sir.

Ted?

Make it clear that if
they remove the bases

and the missiles under
UN supervision, we'll

negotiate an agreement not to
invade Cuba now or in the future.

Yes, sir.

It will be said that
we've broken our pledge

to help the Cuban people
regain their freedom.

I'm not negotiating
for the Cuban people.

This involves the security
of the United States

and all of our allies.

I'm trying to get out
from under a war.

Our power is not infinite,
we have limits.

Let's try it.

Bobby, Ted, go write the letter.

Thank you, sir.

Thank you for the information.

Major Anderson had a son
just about John's age.

I hope somebody will be
able to tell him some day

why he died, what cause,
for what purpose.

The first draught of the
letter, Mr. President.

Thank you, Mrs. Lincoln.

I'm having Salinger release
this as soon as we're finished.

I want the public
to know our terms.

Bobby, you'll deliver a copy
personally to Dobrynin.

Tell him that if we don't
get a reply from Khrushchev

in the next 36 hours, we'll
start military action.

You're presenting me
with an ultimatum.

A statement of fact,
Mr. Ambassador.

In my personal opinion,

my government is deeply
committed to our Cuban allies.

I don't think you're offering
Chairman Khrushchev enough.

We are offering the Chairman
a peaceful solution

to a problem he created.

You must agree to give
up your base in Turkey.

No, no, that's not
gonna happen now.

The Turkish bases might not
offer too many problems

in negotiations once this
crisis has passed, but not now.

I am very pessimistic.

We're committed.

So are we.

Dave are you sure your
wife doesn't mind

being home alone at
a time like this?

She's used to it.

That's impossible.

There's never been
a time like this.

How'd it go?

Not well.

Dobrynin's frightened,
tired, scared, he's like me,

he's like all of us.

I want a leg.

There's no more legs.

Terrific.

Dobrynin feels that,

Khrushchev is too committed
to go along with our letter.

That's the word he
used, committed.

He used it twice.

Did you tell him we were
going to invade on Monday?

Yes.

What did he say?

That they were committed.

Was he telling the truth?

Was I?

Dave, the way you're eating my
chicken and drinking my wine,

anybody would think it
was your last meal.

Well, the way Bobby's
been talking,

I think maybe it is.

There are a total of 24
troop carrier squadrons

in the Air Force Reserve.

How soon can they be called up?

Immediately.

Have your department make the
announcement to the press.

The Soviets will interpret
it as a prelude to invasion.

Exactly.

Bob, you and Maxwell
meet with General Sweeny

first thing in the morning and
go over the air strike planning.

Have an invasion scenario set
for me by the afternoon.

Yes, Mr. President.

Shouldn't we have approved
the tentative timetable

for the initial air
strike on the assumption.

No.

Mr. President,

let's call it a night.

We've had it till
Khrushchev replies.

Don't despair.

Mr. President, we'll be
fighting in Cuba by Tuesday.

I think it could
go either way now.

The Atomic Energy
Commission announced today

a successful nuclear
test explosion

near Jungston Island
in the Pacific.

The Soviet Union today
tested an intermediate-range

atomic device as part of the
continuing Soviet experiments

in the Naviazemblia area.

Johnny, you know
what Khrushchev did

at 8:00 o'clock
tonight Moscow time?

No idea, Dave.

Well, according to TASS,

he took the Presidium
with him to the opera.

It's an old Soviet custom
to go to the Bolshoy

when things get hot
in the Kremlin.

They did it the night
they eliminated Beria.

Well, I suggest we establish
a White House custom.

How do you feel about
Audrey Hepburn?

Mr. President?

Mr. President?

It's over.

Not yet, Dave.

The thirteenth day of the
Missiles of October.

Khrushchev's response.

All of it?

Yes, sir.

Thank you, Kenny.

Dear Mr. President:

Our regard with great
understanding your concern

and the concern of the
people of the United States

that the weapons you
describe as offensive

are formidable weapons, indeed.

Both you and we understand what
kind of weapons these are.

In order to eliminate
as rapidly as possible

the conflict which endangers
the cause of peace,

my government, in addition to
its previous instructions,

has issued a new order,

to dismantle the weapons
you regard as offensive,

to crate them and return
them to the Soviet Union.

I regard with respect and trust

the statement made in your message
that there would be no attack,

no invasion of Cuba.

Then the motives which induced
us to render assistance

of such a kind to Cuba, disappear.

We are confident that all people
will understand, Mr. President,

we are not threatening.

Our people have achieved
tremendous success

since the October revolution

and have created
powerful material,

spiritual and cultural values.

We want to continue to
achieve and to develop

on the path of social progress
and the road to peace.

The United States
verified the removal

of Soviet missiles and
bombers from Cuba.

The American blockade ended.

Soviet forces destroyed
the missile bases,

and the land was ploughed over.

Within two months,

not a trace remained of
the Missiles of October.

Who has the agenda?

Our problems are man made;

therefore, they can
be solved by men.

Across the gulfs and
barriers that now divide us,

we must remember there are
no permanent enemies.

Let each nation choose
its own future,

so long as that choice does not

interfere with the
choice of others.

If we cannot end our differences,

at least we can make the
world safe for diversity.

For in the final analysis,

our most basic, common link

is the fact that we all
inhabit this planet,

we all breathe the same air,

we all cherish our
children's future,

and we are all mortal.