All language subtitles for Cold War - S01E19 - Freeze (1977–1981) (480p x265 EDGE2020).eng

NARRATOR I
1976.

The United States celebrates
200 years

of independence
and freedom.

A vigorous Jimmy Carter

was heading
for the Presidency.

The Soviet Union, too,

displayed pride
in its achievements

under the aging
Leonid Brezhnev.

Both leaders promised

to reduce
East-West tensions.

But within four years

the promises had turned
to anger and mistrust.

The Cold War was
far from over.

D ♪

NARRATION:
Washington, DC,

January 20, 1977.

I believe the future is gonna be
very bright for all of us.

You are partners
of mine.

Together, I'm sure
we'll reach for greatness

and we'll never disappoint
the people

who put their trust
in us.

Thank you.
Have a good time.

We'll be seeing you
tomorrow.

NARRATION:
President Carter aimed to restore

self-confidence at home

and American leadership abroad.

MARY KING:
Jimmy Carter was a completely fresh face.

He was, in essence,
an outsider.

Nationally most people
had never heard of him.

Jimmy who?

Jimmy Carter?

Jimmy who?

I don't know
who he is.

Jimmy Carter is
a baseball player, isn't he?

He would say things like,
"I will never lie to you.

I believe in God.

I have always been
faithful to my wife."

Now in Washington,
you can imagine

the reaction was jaded,

and disbelieving, and...

um, contemptuous.

But people liked this
very much.

They wanted someone
who was fresh,

and someone who was new

and someone who was
unsullied

by the traumas
and problems

and corrosion
of the past.

NARRATION:
In his relations with the Soviet Union,

the new president wanted
to promote

respect for human rights

and to press for major
nuclear arms cuts.

We will move this year,

a step towards
our ultimate goal --

the elimination
of all nuclear weapons

from this earth.

NARRATION:
President Ford and the Soviets had made

an interim agreement
on nuclear arms cuts

at Vladivostok
in November, 1974.

The agreement established
common ceilings

for strategic arsenals.

President Ford's successor,
Jimmy Carter,

wanted to go
much further.

Brezhnev would be urged
to put the arms race

into reverse.

Uncertain of Carter,

Brezhnev reaffirmed
his faith in détente.

[speaking Russian ]

[ Applause ]

NARRATION: Carter sent Cyrus
Vance, his Secretary of State,

to Moscow with a set
of proposals --

one called
for radical cuts

in strategic arsenals,

well below
the Vladivostok levels.

Vance had given Soviet
Ambassador Dobrynin a preview

of Carter's aims.

LESLIE H. GELB:
The morning we departed for Europe,

Vance met with Dobrynin

and in effect,
gave him the details

of the proposal
that he would present

to Mr. Gromyko
a few days hence.

Dobrynin said what he had said
to us all along,

"It's Vladivostok.

Marginal cuts
or nothing."

NARRATION: The Soviets bluntly
rejected the American initiative.

[ Dobrynin speaking
Russian ]

INTERPRETER:
Our position was very simple --

we thought everything
had been agreed

in Vladivostok.

What he was suggesting

was to make bigger,
more drastic cuts,

which we knew would take
a very long time.

In retrospect,
I can see

that President Brezhnev
was quite proud

of the limited agreement
that he had concluded

in Vladivostok.

And to have a new American
President come in and say,

"That is not
good enough.

Let's do much more,
and do it quite rapidly,"

took him by surprise.

NARRATION:
At home,

Carter and Vance promoted
the Moscow talks

as a positive move.

Cy, we're glad
to have you back.

Thanks, Mr. President.

The whole of the trip was
not only useful

but very necessary.

It seems to be
that Mr. Gromyko agrees

with that conclusion,

and I do not believe,

contrary to what appeared
in one of the papers today,

that there were
any miscalculations.

We were very well prepared
for what came up,

and I think on the whole,
as I've said,

it was a very useful
and necessary talk.

NARRATION:
Other aides were less confident.

ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI: The Vance
mission was a big disappointment to us.

The Russians adopted
a very intransigent attitude,

and that was a disappointment
to those who thought

that perhaps we could start
a new administration,

the Carter administration,

with some wide-ranging agreement
with the Russians.

It became clear that this would
be much more difficult.

I think most of us
on the American side knew

the fat was in
the world publicity fire,

that here, the Carter
administration

had gone to Moscow
with new hopes, new dreams

to limit the nuclear
arms race,

and had failed --

that it meant somehow

that we didn't understand
the Soviets,

that the Carter team
was inept,

and that we would not
be able to manage

Soviet-American relations.

So this was
to be a deep stab wound.

NARRATION:
Carter proposed a 3% increase

in the American
defense budget.

But those who saw détente
as a trap,

demanded not parity,
but nuclear superiority.

JEANE KIRKPATRICK: There was a
strong view that détente was not working

and that the United States
was becoming

progressively weaker

and the Soviet Union not
only progressively stronger

in relationship
to the United States

and the West,

but also more aggressive.

[ Narration in Russian ]

NARRATION: The Soviets
were still pouring resources

into their military build up.

Huge deposits of oil
and natural gas in Siberia

had insulated
the Soviet Union

from the oil price rises

which had caused
recession in the West.

Oil earned
the Soviet Union

much-needed hard currency.

The Soviet people were
constantly told

that their country
was thriving,

and able to match the West
in everything.

[ Brezhnev speaking
Russian ]

NARRATION:
In reality,

defense expenditure
was draining

the civilian economy.

By 1977,

the geriatric Leonid Brezhnev
was no longer

in full control.

[speaking Russian ]

The doctors began
to limit the time

he was allowed to work.

His eyesight
was going.

We had to change
the font of his typewriter

to the largest one
possible.

At that time the whole central
running of the state

was in disarray.

Each member
of the Politburo

began to work
in his own interests

and in the interests
of the section

of the economy
he represented.

NARRATION:
Beyond the Kremlin,

ordinary Russians
were increasingly apathetic.

Living standards
were poor.

Communist idealism
had evaporated.

Everyday life
was drab.

Détente had not changed

the Soviet Union's
repressive ways.

The pressure to respect
human rights

increased
East-West tensions.

In 1975,

Brezhnev, Ford,
and 33 other leaders

had signed
the Helsinki Declaration.

For the first time,

the West had a powerful
political weapon

to defend the cause
of human rights

behind
the Iron Curtain.

[speaking Russian ]

Thanks
to the Helsinki Accord,

which the Soviets saw
as just a piece of paper,

the attention
of the world media

turned to our cause.

Suddenly, the American congress
was dealing with it.

Heads of state were
dealing with it.

It started influencing
the whole character

of relations
between East and West.

I was very convinced

before I became
President

that basic human rights,

equality of opportunity,

the end of abuse

by governments
of their people,

was a basic principle
on which the United States

should be
an acknowledged champion.

[speaking Russian ]

We said to the President,

"We are not going to let
you put pressure on us.

This is
an internal matter.

We are not going
to discuss the subject

with you."

I was deeply committed
to human rights.

I felt this was important,

but I will not hide
the fact

that I also thought

that there was some
instrumental utility

in our pursuit
of human rights

vis-a-vis
the Soviet Union.

And raising the issue
of human rights

pointed to one of
the fundamental weaknesses

of the Soviet system,

namely that it was
a system based on oppression.

NARRATION:
In Czechoslovakia,

dissidents secretly drew up
Charter 77,

a human rights document
that was smuggled

to the West.

The signatories
were persecuted.

Many were imprisoned,

including playwright
Vaclav Havel.

Under house arrest,

Havel made
a clandestine recording.

HAVEL:
That special house what you see now,

it isn't dream
of Corbusier,

but I think more a dream
of George Orwell

because it is house
of police

which it build
three months ago.

And the whole day,
everyday,

they live inside

and they follow
all my steps

and everything what I do
in my country house.

Sometimes they are here
also during the night

but mainly
only during the day.

They are
my new neighbors.

NARRATION:
Even as he walked his dog,

police kept close.

Yet he had a sense
of freedom and achievement.

[ Havel speaking Czech ]

INTERPRETER:
I know from my experience

collecting signatures
for the Charter

how tortuous it was
for people

until they decided
to sign.

When they did sign,

they found themselves
in a state of euphoria.

It was a community
of free people

in the middle
of an unfree society.

They had a feeling
of harmony with themselves.

NARRATION:
Human rights activists in the communist bloc

set up Helsinki Watch Committees

to monitor and publicize
human rights abuse.

Close links
with the Western media

were forged
by dissidents

such as physicist
Andrei Sakharov.

[speaking Russian ]

NARRATION:
Systematically intimidated,

dissidents ended up
in KGB prisons.

[speaking Russian ]

The threat was

that their criticism
of the Communist party

and the Socialist
way of life

would become a platform

for attacking the regime.

It could turn into
an organized political force.

That was what
we were afraid of.

[chanting praying]

NARRATION:
Jews were a distinctive group

among the dissidents.

They claimed the right
to leave the Soviet Union,

but many were refused
exit visas

and became known
as Refuseniks.

NARRATION:
Those who campaigned for their rights

were often punished
with long prison sentences

in forced labor camps,

along with other
political activists.

One Refusenik,
imprisoned in Latvia

was Yakov Raskin.

[ Raskin speaking Russian ]

INTERPRETER:
The whole territory was surrounded

by armed guards
with dogs.

The door would open

and we would be split up
into work groups

five people
in each group.

Then in a few seconds
we had to jump into those trucks

and it was like
a closed cage inside.

I could see people
outside in the streets.

Everyone was getting on
with life

and I was jealous
of them all.

I was envying them

and my heart was aching.

NARRATION:
Another way of silencing Soviet dissidents

was to label them insane

and put them
in mental hospitals.

Mind control drugs were used
to make them recant.

[speaking Russian ]

They would tie us up
for long periods.

They gave us handfuls
of drugs,

three times a day,

so the body couldn't
stand it anymore.

I was dumb
for two years.

I couldn't speak.

My whole mouth and jaw
were paralyzed.

My tongue was swollen.

My arms and legs
were shaking.

I was dribbling.

I couldn't eat.

I couldn't unclench my teeth
to force the food

into my mouth.

NARRATION: Soviet doctors
who exposed the psychiatric abuse

to the West

risked imprisonment.

Dr. Anatoly Koryagin was
jailed for 12 years.

[speaking Russian ]

I said to myself,
I can't be silent

when people are kept
in psychiatric hospitals

for their
political beliefs.

We can't live
on our knees like slaves

when they do these things.

NARRATION:
In prison, Koryagin refused to admit

any wrongdoing.

[ Koryagin speaking Russian ]

INTERPRETER:
They tried to break my will.

In January
they opened all the doors,

letting in
the cold air.

They poured cold water
on me.

My body came out
in huge pimples.

They put a bowl
of hot water next to me,

and said, "Wash yourself."

I just lay there,
next to that hot water,

because I was
protesting.

It was like having food
put in front of you

on a hunger strike.

In 1978,

the prominent Refusenik,
Anatoly Sharansky,

was sentenced to 13 years

for espionage
and treason.

Outside the court,

supporters,
who included Andrei Sakharov,

defiantly publicized
Sharanskys case

to the Western media.

[ Overlapping conversations ]

The KGB and the police
looked on.

[speaking Russian ]

[speaking Russian ]

When there were protests,

and when material was
published in the Western press

about violations
of human rights,

there was
indignation.

The KGB reaction was,

"Those wicked people have
penetrated our defenses

and published information
in the West.

Punish them!"

Free Sharanksy now!

Free Sharansky
now!

NARRATION: The Sharansky
trial triggered forceful protests

in the West.

The fate
of political prisoners

became a key issue
in American politics.

MAN: The trials which began
yesterday in the Soviet Union

have serious implications

for the future relations
between the United States

and the USSR.

NARRATION:
The United States Congress

and the Helsinki
Watch Committees

monitored Soviet behavior.

[speaking Russian ]

INTERPRETER:
But I'm not at all a specialist

in regards
to military matters.

But I do not trust
the Soviet government.

NARRATION:
The evidence of human rights abuse

inflamed anti-Soviet feeling
in America.

NARRATION:
Moscow and Washington were clashing

over human rights.

They were updating
their arsenals.

Yet they stepped up
negotiations

for a new
arms limitation treaty --

SALT ll.

Meanwhile, the Soviet Union
was deploying

its new medium range
nuclear missiles --

the 88-208.

They were targeted
on Western Europe.

[speaking Russian ]

The decision to deploy
the SS-ZOs

was made
in total secrecy.

Even our intelligence
didn't know about it.

The military industrial complex
was out of control,

including the army.

We in intelligence
learned about it

from western sources.

NARRATION: The 88-20
missiles alarmed the NATO allies,

particularly the West Germans.

With a range of 3,000 miles,

these missiles could
hit their capitals.

[speaking Russian ]

No one had any plan
to attack Europe

using SS-20s.

At first they were just
a replacement

of old obsolete rockets.

Then the conveyor belt
started working,

and it went on and on.

It was difficult
to stop the production line.

NARRATION: Yet, the new Soviet
missiles were not on the agenda

of the SALT ll
negotiations.

[Speaking German ]

In my view,

it was dangerous that
the Americans refused

for such a long time,

to include
the Soviet SS-20s

in the ongoing
arms reduction talks.

I remember being
somewhat startled

when Chancellor Schmidt
started making a big issue

out of the SS-ZOs,

but then I came to realize
that in a sense he was right --

namely that the 88-20,

while perhaps not
a decisive military weapon,

posed the risk
of decoupling Europe security

from America's.

Namely, of posing before us
the dilemma

that maybe Europe
was threatened

by nuclear devastation,

but we were not.

And therefore should we risk

the devastation of our own
people in our own cities

in order to protect Europe?

We had all sorts
of counters in Europe,

we ourselves had thousands
of nuclear weapons in Europe --

cruise missiles,
tactical aircraft.

We could have responded
at any level.

But it was
almost impossible

to make that case
successfully

because everyone was
so nervous

about being accused
of not being tough enough

on the Soviet Union.

NARRATION:
The West adopted a twin track policy.

America would develop
its new generation of rockets,

and allow Moscow three years
to negotiate limits

on medium range missiles.

If no agreement
was reached,

nuclear-tipped American Cruise
and Pershing weapons

would be stationed
in Europe

and targeted
on Soviet cities.

America's handling
of the negotiations

troubled
the German Chancellor.

[Schmidt speaking German]

INTERPRETER: They still didn't
push the Soviets strongly enough

on the issue
of a mutual withdrawal

of medium range missiles.

I remember the Soviet
Prime Minister Kosygin

with undisguised
triumph said,

"The Americans aren't
mentioning

the SS-20s at all.

So you're completely
isolated."

[ Loudspeaker announcement
in Russian ]

NARRATION: NATO's
promise to deploy these weapons

was divisive.

[chanting in Russian]

In Western Europe,
fear of the missiles

created a new mood
of resistance

to the arms race.

[Speaking German ]

What was always dangerous

was that Germany
would become

the nuclear battlefield.

That made the people
very upset and angry.

It was now crystal clear

that military armament
did not bring security.

It actually undermined
our society's safety.

NARRATION: The peace
movement gained increasing influence

in German politics.

The superpowers had agreed

new limits
on strategic arms in June 1979,

completing
the SALT ll treaty.

Carter met Brezhnev
for the first time

when they both came to Vienna
to sign the treaty.

But Carter's plans
for detailed talks

with Brezhnev fell through.

[ Dobrynin speaking Russian ]

He was physically and
intellectually deteriorating.

Carter hoped that he would
be able to speak without papers

on a wide range
of international issues.

But Brezhnev was in no condition
to do that.

His abilities were limited
by his meager knowledge,

and by his poor
state of health.

CARTER: When I proposed
that we make these changes

in nuclear weaponry,
he said,

"God will never forgive us

if we don't succeed."

And, you know,
coming from a leader

of an atheistic,
communist country,

this surprised everyone.

I think the most surprised
person and the table

was Gromyko, who looked up
at the sky like this

and did his hands
in a peculiar way

as though this was a shocking
thing for Brezhnev to say.

[ Detinov speaking Russian ]

The SALT ll agreement
made it possible

to limit
the arms race.

This was very important
to the Soviet Union.

Because at that time,

our expenditure
on all weapons

had begun to have
a negative effect.

It was affecting
the growth of production.

It was affecting
the living standards

of the population.

Essentially,
that agreement was

what was agreed to
in Vladivostok.

We had done
some things to it,

I think to improve it,
clarify.

But in terms of cuts,

they were more or less
what had been agreed to

three years before.

And in terms of limits

on the developments
of new weapons systems,

there were none.

So, we had labored
for almost seven years

and produced
an arms control mouse.

[ Dobrynin speaking Russian ]

INTERPRETER:
So the treaty was signed.

Marshal Ustinov
asked Gromyko,

"Are they going
to kiss each other?"

Because Brezhnev liked
to kiss.

Gromyko said,
"I don't know. We'll see."

Ustinov said,
"No, they aren't."

Gromyko said,
"|'m not sure."

Brezhnev began
to kiss Carter.

And Carter was forced
to kiss Brezhnev,

for which the American media
gave him a telling off.

NARRATION: The treaty was
condemned by the American Right.

SALT ii is not
strategic arms limitation.

It is a strategic
arms build-up

with the Soviet Union
authorized to add

a minimum of 3,000 nuclear
warheads

to their already
massive inventory.

The Carter Administration's
principal argument

for ratifying SALT ll

was that no one
will like us if we don't.

You know, isn't it time
that we made him understand

we don't really care
whether they like us or not,

we wanna be respected.

[ Applause ]

The Soviets
never really gained

military superiority
over us.

It was just part
of the psychodrama in America

to use that issue

to galvanize Americans

about this larger
legitimate question

of the strategic competition

between our two countries

and two philosophies.

NARRATION:
Carter increasingly was charged

with being soft
on the Soviets.

His critics pointed
to Soviet expansionism

in Angola
and the Horn of Africa.

They warned that America's
oil supplies were threatened.

They feared that
America's vital interests

were under attack.

Then the Shah of Iran
was overthrown.

Oil-rich Iran had been
an American client state.

Now Islamic fundamentalists
took over.

They were led by the exiled
Ayatollah Khomeini.

Denouncing the United States
as the great Satan,

he returned to Teheran
in triumph.

A siege of
the American Embassy ended

with all diplomats
taken hostage.

A failed rescue attempt

sealed
America's humiliation.

The crisis in Iran

heightened our sense
of vulnerability

in so far as that part
of the world is concerned.

After all Iran was
one of the two pillars

on which both stability

and our political
pre-eminence

in the Persian Gulf rested.

Let's go, dude.

Right behind here.

NARRATION:
In the United States,

oil shortages,
after the loss of Iran,

led to long lines
at the pumps.

Ha, I've been here
for four hours.

It's just too much.

NARRATION:
The economy was slowing down.

The blame fell
on President Carter,

and further damaged
his prestige.

Then the Soviets struck
in Afghanistan.

This invasion is

an extremely
serious threat to peace

because of the threat
of further Soviet expansion

into neighboring countries
in South-West Asia,

and also because such
an aggressive military policy

is unsettling
to other people

throughout the world.

This is a callous violation
of international law.

NARRATION:
Carter saw the invasion

as part
of a wider Soviet plan.

[speaking Russian ]

Unfortunately there was
no strategic plan at all.

Events were developing
chaotically.

In Angola and Ethiopia,

as well as in Afghanistan,

Soviet policy
became the hostage

of unfolding events.

NARRATION:
The invasion of Afghanistan ended détente.

President Carter gave up
hopes of congressional approval

to the SALT ll treaty.

He organized punitive
international sanctions

against
the Soviet Union.

Carter called
for a boycott

of the 1980 Moscow
Olympic games.

America stayed away.

As a gesture,
the boycott was futile.

It proved unpopular at home,

and the games went ahead
anyhow.

[ Applause ]

[ Cheering ]

NARRATION: In Poland, the
Russians faced a fresh challenge.

The new Pope,
Karol Wojtyla,

visited his homeland.

He called on his flock
to recapture control

of their destiny.

[woman speaking Polish]

INTERPRETER:
It broke down the barrier of fear.

We saw that

if we could
stick together in solidarity,

the authorities would have
less power.

NARRATION:
The Polish economy was in crisis.

There were shortages
everywhere.

Western loans had
been squandered

and the country was
burdened by foreign debt.

[ Overlapping conversations ]

When the government yet again
raised food prices

in the summer of 1980,

workers at the Gdansk shipyard

staged
an illegal strike.

The strikers drew up
a 21-point list of demands

and refused to leave
the shipyard

until they were met.

[Speaking Polish]

This fight with
the Communist monster

was really impossible.

We could only fight
against it

by using its own weapons,

because it pretended to be
the people's system.

The only effective way

was for us to organize
around bread and butter issues

and use these concerns

to gain our freedom.

We set about using truth

to conquer untruth.

NARRATION:
The government decided to negotiate

with the strikers.

But first, it promised
there would be no reprisals.

[Speaking Polish]

NARRATION:
What began as an economic protest

became a demand for
sweeping political concessions.

[chanting cheers]

The government negotiators
gave way

to the workers'
key demands.

[Speaking Polish]

[ Cheering ]

NARRATION:
The workers were joined by intellectuals.

Together they formed
a new movement --

Solidarity.

Support spread
throughout Poland.

[man speaking Polish]

INTERPRETER:
For the first time

they had a taste
of being citizens

with civil liberties,

which you don't forget.

For someone who had
lived under communism,

it was like
a narcotic, or fresh air.

It was like
having your identity

for the first time.

NARRATION:
Solidarity was given massive coverage

in the Western media.

The United States provided
crucial covert assistance.

We tried to meet
their specific requests,

what they asked us for,

and those requirements
were conveyed to us

through a variety
of different channels.

They wanted communications
equipment of various kinds --

offset printing presses,
radio equipment,

things of that sort.

NARRATION:
Solidarity became increasingly defiant.

[singing in Polish]

As the movement began
to challenge

the Communist system,

Moscow watched
with growing alarm.

[speaking Russian ]

We exerted pressure

on the Polish leadership
all the time

to take more decisive measures
to restore order.

NARRATION:
By December 1980,

Soviet pressure on the Polish
leadership was intense.

Warsaw Pact forces
were amassed

around Poland's borders.

The message was obvious --

curb Solidarity,

or there is worse
to come.

American concern grew.

BRZEZINSKI: The critical
moment came in December of 1980

when the Soviets were poised

to intervene
in Poland.

We did everything we could

to mobilize
international opinion,

to galvanize maximum
international pressure

on the Soviets,

to convince the Soviets
that we will not be passive.

[speaking Russian ]

Our leadership,
including the military,

thought that under no
circumstances

should we move in
the troops.

We said,
"One Afghanistan is enough.

We will have to make
the Polish comrades

solve the problem
with their own forces."

NARRATION:
The Kremlin,

bent on ending
Solidarity's mutiny,

leaned forcefully
on the Polish leader,

General Jaruzelski.

Soviet actions
were influencing

America's 1980 Presidential
elections.

Carter faced
difficult odds.

The economy was slack.

Americans were still
hostage in Iran.

The Russians were still
in Afghanistan.

There was what
he himself called

a growing spirit
of malaise

in the United States,

and that malaise related,
I believe,

to a popular sense

of the decline
of American strength

and of Western strength,

and also
of American clarity

and purpose in the world.

NARRATION: Carter's opponent
was the Republican Ronald Reagan.

Thanks very much.

Now if the boat
doesn't go straight

it's because they tell me
I've gotta steer it

for a minute.

We have got to stop
letting all of these events

catch us by surprise,

as Carter has been
caught by surprise.

We have got
to control events

to the place that we don't run
into a crisis

that inevitably leads
to war.

NARRATION: Reagan won
the election by a large margin.

He had promised
much tougher policies

against Moscow.

It was necessary to show
that détente couldn't work

in order to go
beyond it,

and to re-engage
in the Cold War,

to re-establish
a set of objectives

that was aimed at victory
in the Cold War

rather than ending it
by accommodation.

NARRATION: America's hard-line
policy boosted morale in Poland.

Solidarity now had
nine million members

supporting their fight
for economic reform

and political rights.

Strikes gripped
the country.

The Soviets were
tightening the screws

on the Poles.

Brezhnev pressed Jaruzelski
to plan countermeasures.

[Jaruzelski speaking Polish ]

I received a letter
from Brezhnev.

This letter had
the character of an ultimatum,

warning Poland

not to change
its structure and policies.

If we made any changes,

we should expect
military intervention.

NARRATION:
On December 2, 1981

a firemerfs strike
was crushed by riot police.

It was a warning
to Solidarity

that the authorities
were ready to use force.

On December 12,

Solidarity met
to plan a nationwide strike.

That night
the Polish government

sent in the army.

Solidarity's leaders
were arrested.

Solidarity was banned.

President Jaruzelski declared
martial law.

[Speaking Polish]

NARRATION:
Martial law fractured East-West relations.

Civil rights were suspended,

mocking
the Helsinki Declaration.

Moscow had
re-imposed its will.

[Speaking Polish]

In 1981,
I said to the gentleman

who came to arrest me,

"This is the moment
of your defeat.

These are the last nails
in the coffin of Communism."

NARRATION:
The fires of rebellion burned on.