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- Nixon, Nixon!
Nixon, Nixon!
- Congratulations, Mr. President!
- The next president of the United States!
- Nixon!
- Nixon, Nixon, Nixon, Nixon, Nixon, Nixon, Nixon!
- Got bars and tone in five.
- Everybody settle down now.
Charlie I still get a reflection in camera two.
- Check. - I'm too hot over here.
- You remember everybody, this is live.
- Standby. - And camera one,
start wide-- - Everybody off theater com.
- On both of the flags and I'll take a slow zoom
into the top of the mics on my cue.
- Okay good.
- Just wanna rebalance. - That's fine.
Video, I still need more level on the seal.
- Are you gonna get the south shot for the open?
- Good, oh oh oh oh.
- Okay, one minute to air.
- Mop is on. - He looks good.
Is he ready for us, he knows to take the cue from you?
Be cued to talk at 40 after the hour.
- So we're going to go from the south lawn
to the seal to the pres at 40. - Correct.
Where are we on time? - 30 seconds to air
and one to the pres. - Is everybody on
the inner city? - Bars are up.
- All have checked in.
Starting countdown, 10, nine-- - Okay standby on the seal
on C2. - Eight, seven--
- Dis to two. - Six, five, four, three--
- Okay, 10. - Two, one.
10 to the pres.
10, nine, eight--
- Okay, standby on C1 and his cue.
- Seven, six, five, four--
- Dis to C1. - Three, two, one.
- Cue the pres.
- Last June 17th, while I was in Florida
trying to get a few days' rest after my visit to Moscow,
I first learned from news reports of the Watergate break in.
I was appalled at this senseless, illegal action
and I was shocked to learn that employees
of the reelection committee were apparently
among those guilty.
I immediately ordered an investigation by appropriate
government authorities.
On September 15th, as you will recall,
indictments were brought against seven defendants
in the case.
As the investigations went forward,
I repeatedly asked those conducting the investigation
whether there was any reason to believe that members
of my administration were in any way involved.
I received repeated assurances that they were not.
Until March of this year, I remained convinced
that the denials were true and that the charges of
involvement by members of the White House staff were false.
However, new information then came to me
which persuaded me that there was a real possibility
that some of these charges were true
and suggesting further that there had been an effort
to conceal the facts, both from the public, from you,
and from me.
I was determined that we should get to the bottom
of this matter.
And that the truth should be fully brought out.
No matter who is involved.
Today, in one of the most difficult decisions
of my presidency, I accepted the resignations
of two of my closest associates, Bob Haldeman,
John Ehrlichman.
Two of the finest public servants it has been
my privilege to know.
I want to stress that in accepting these resignations
I mean to leave no implication whatever of personal
wrongdoing on their part.
- Get Mr. Buzhardt al the Pentagon please.
- Council to the president John Dean
has also resigned.
- General Haig is calling, is Mr. Buzhardt in?
I have Mr. Buzhardt for you on line two.
- Whatever may appear-- - Fred.
Al Haig.
We need to talk.
Can you come here this afternoon?
I'll send a car for you.
- Whatever improper activities
may yet be discovered-- - That's fine.
- In connection with this whole--
- See you then. - Sordid affair.
I want the American people, I want you
to know beyond a shadow of a doubt
that during my term as president
justice will be pursued fully, fairly, and impartially,
no matter who is involved.
This office is a sacred trust and I am determined
to be worthy of that trust.
I want these to be the best days in America's history
because I love America.
I deeply believe that America is the hope of the world
and I know that in the quality and wisdom
of the leadership America gives lies the only hope
for millions of people all over the world
that they can live their lives in peace and freedom.
We must be worthy of that hope in every sense of the word.
Tonight I ask for your prayers.
To help me in everything that I do
throughout the days of the presidency.
To be worthy of their hopes and of yours.
God bless America, and God bless each and every one of you.
- You know Len Garment.
- Yes, of course, how are you Len?
- Overworked. - I can believe it.
- We need your help, Fred.
The Senate Watergate Committee begin their hearings
in a few days' time and we need a special
White House council to deal exclusively
with the problems that arise from Watergate.
The president agrees that the feeling is
that you are the man for the job.
- Well what exactly would I have to do?
- The president will tell you that himself.
Len will remain as council to the president.
Your assignment will be a temporary one.
Like mine.
I'm only doing Bob Haldeman's job until the president
finds a permanent replacement.
Once we've gotten rid of Watergate,
you go back to the Pentagon.
It's gonna be a long and bloody struggle.
But we have got to put Watergate behind us
so that we can get back to the things that really matter.
- Well, okay, I'll do what I can.
- Good, that's great.
The president will wanna see you this afternoon.
- First of all there's the Dean problem.
John Dean is scheduled to appear before the
Watergate Senate Committee next month.
And he's already spreading stories all over town,
trying to give the impression that I was somehow
involved in the coverup.
Now, this nonsense has got to be stopped.
I can't have that man saying whatever the hell he wants
to whoever cares to listen.
- Does he have anything to back up these stories?
- He says he has.
Told Judge Sirica that he had removed certain documents
from the White House to protect them from what he calls
illegitimate destruction.
- Where are these documents?
- He's put them in a safe deposit box.
Given the keys to the judge.
But that's no problem.
We'll get copies of everything.
Take a look, come up with an explanation for it.
That's job number one, Fred.
We need a totally convincing explanation
for whatever's in those documents.
Okay?
- I'll do what I can, sir. - You'll do a great job,
I'm sure of it.
Remember this, Fred.
The important thing is the presidency.
It is our duty at all times to preserve and protect
the integrity of this office.
That must always be your main concern.
Always.
- Mr. President I'd like you to meet Kate Adams.
Mr. President I'd like you to meet Major Sandborn.
- Major.
Nice to see you this evening.
- Mr. President,.
Captain Laurie, Captain Laurie, nice to meet you.
Mr. President I'd like you to meet Captain Laurie.
- Captain, how are you?
Nice to have you with us.
- On May 24th, my parents hosted
a gala dinner in honor of the prisoners of war
returning from Vietnam.
It was the largest dinner ever given in the White House,
and there was the electricity of excitement in the air.
In a voice gravely with age yet strong in spirit,
Irving Berlin led all of us in singing God Bless America.
- I have examined the documents, sir.
Basically they're top secret plans relating to the expansion
of domestic intelligence activities by the FBI,
the CIA, and military intelligence units
dealing with surreptitious entries, wiretaps,
mail surveillance, and so on.
The documents were prepared by one of your aides.
- Tom Huston, yeah.
But he's left, he doesn't work here anymore.
- Seems that you signed a paper agreeing with
the Huston Plan and then four or five days later
you canceled it? - Listen.
This happened several years ago, 1970.
All those papers should have been sent back here.
How the hell did Dean get a hold of them?
- Presumably one of the agencies involved
disregarded your instructions.
- I guess so.
Well.
It's not as bad as it might have been.
I mean the press has been inventing
all sorts of fairy tales saying that Dean's documents
would link Haldeman and Ehrlichman to Watergate.
- Yes I know.
- And me.
They were hoping to find something to nail on me.
This stuff you're talking about, it's all
relatively unimportant.
- Yes sir but this sort of domestic intelligence
gathering, it's clearly illegal.
- Oh I know, I know, that's why it was canceled.
Listen, we were looking for some kind
of legitimate response to all the trouble
that we had that year.
1970, remember?
Arson, bombing, violence on the university campuses?
God knows what else.
- So what do we say?
- Say?
- If Dean decides to use this.
- Oh well you just say that these ideas were
considered but rejected because they weren't
legally acceptable.
Okay?
- There is something else, sir.
- What's that?
- Uh, there's a memo of a conversation at the White House,
I got this from the CIA,
that seems to imply that you didn't want the FBI
to pursue an inquiry into the source of the money
paid to the Watergate burglars.
That's a reference to the sum of $89,000
that was laundered through Mexico.
- Uh huh.
- Well, memo says that Haldeman stated it was, quote,
the president's wish, unquote, that the FBI
should no pursue this matter.
- Uh huh.
- Was Haldeman correct in saying that?
- Oh sure, absolutely.
It was a question of, you know, national security.
There's a danger that we were trying to ensure
that no CIA operations would be compromised.
National security, Fred.
- Uh, but there's no denying the fact that
the White House
and Ehrlichman, Haldeman, Dean, we're all involved
in some of the early money decisions.
- How much money do you need?
- I would say these people are going to cost
$1 million over the next two years.
- We could get that.
- Uh huh. - You, on the money,
if you need the money, I mean, uh,
you can get the money.
Let's say.
- Well I think that we're going--
- What I mean is you could,
you could get $1 million,
and you could get it in cash.
I know where it could be gotten.
- Uh huh. - I mean it's not easy.
But it could be done.
But, um, the question is who the hell would handle it?
Former presidential council John W. Dean III
has told Senate investigators and federal prosecutors
that he discussed aspects of the Watergate coverup
with President Nixon or in Mr. Nixon's presence
on at least 35 occasions between
January and April of this year.
You saw this?
- I read that, yeah.
- Okay.
Ron Ziegler's on his way over.
Well, I've listened to some of the other tapes.
We've always had a problem with that damn conversation
on March 21st, but I think we can handle that.
- I'm glad you listened to those tapes.
It's good for your own peace of mind.
- As you know, we're up against ruthless people.
- No no, this puts us in very good shape now.
We can prepare a proper response.
Maybe we can release our own version of the events
through Buzhardt.
- But Fred doesn't know about the taping system.
- No, he knows about the taping capability
on the phones, but that's it.
- Alright, no further.
We can put out a story to the effect
that Fred has mem coms, chronologies, telephone reportings,
all that sort of stuff.
Oh hi Ron, come on in.
We're discussing the Dean stuff in the Washington Post.
You've heard my summary of the tapes.
How did it strike you?
Was Dean telling me there was a coverup?
- Not at all.
But Dean knew.
- Of course he knew it!
He knew all of this.
I mean, god.
Maybe we were talking about a coverup.
Watergate.
I really didn't, I didn't know what the hell.
I honestly didn't know.
- You'll talk to Buzhardt?
- Yeah yeah yeah, I'll talk to him.
- I spoke to the president. - Yeah, how was that?
- Okay, not wonderful, but okay.
He's been through his notes of about
20 key meetings and phone conversations with Dean.
And?
- Well there are contradictions.
- Well.
- I suppose that's inevitable, but it appears
that some of the president's key advisors and aides
could be implicated in the coverup.
- What about the March 21st conversation?
- Money was mentioned, that's for sure.
You know, to buy silence.
The president says he told Dean that it was blackmail,
that it was wrong, that it wouldn't work,
that the truth'd come out anyway.
- Mm hmm.
Do you think Dean has a case?
- Maybe.
What he can do, what he almost certainly will do
is to tell the world about his White House.
The wiretappings, the burglaries, the money laundering
and all the rest of it.
- Did you say this to the president?
- I did.
He said the Kennedy and Johnson administrations
were far worse.
- He's right, you know.
What's happened in this administration
happened in spades in others.
Can we talk later?
- Mm hmm.
- Hi Doreen, how are you? - Fine, thank you.
- Any messages? - Mr. Cox called,
could you call him back?
- I have a problem here, Mr. Buzhardt.
Shortly after I was appointed special prosecutor,
I spoke to the Assistant Attorney General Petersen
who told me about a conversation he had
with the president about John Dean and the allegations
he has made to the federal prosecutors.
During the course of this conversation,
the president said, "I have Dean on tape."
Implying that this tape recording could prove
that he, the president, was not involved in the coverup.
- Now hang on, hang on just a minute.
The president was talking to Henry Petersen, right?
- Right.
- And the president said, "I have Dean on tape."
- That's right.
Do you know if this conversation
between the president and John Dean could have been
tape recorded?
- No, I do not.
- Well perhaps you could clarify this for me, Mr. Buzhardt.
- Yes, sure, I'll look into it.
- No no, Petersen's got it all wrong.
He misunderstood me.
I was referring to a Dictabelt, not a tape recording.
I often dictate a summary of the events
at the end of each day.
That's what I meant, Fred.
That's what I was talking about.
Petersen misunderstood me.
- Mr. Brezhnev's plane landed
at Andrews Air Force Base on the afternoon of June 16th.
And shortly thereafter we began the series of talks
known as Summit II.
On the following Tuesday, Henry Kissinger and I
boarded helicopters and flew to Camp David
to continue our discussions with the Soviet leader.
I presented Mr. Brezhnev with an official gift
commemorating his American visit,
a dark blue Lincoln Continental
donated by the manufacturer.
It had black velour upholstery and a special
good wishes greeting engraved on the dashboard.
- Is this a gift for me?
- Lincoln Continental. - Lincoln Continental.
- Oh.
- Thank you, thank you.
This is a very fine machine.
- Oh yes, it's the best.
- Good, good.
- It's very nice.
- Does he like the color?
- It is his very favorite color, blue.
- Yes, I know, midnight blue, midnight blue.
Bulletproof.
- Brezhnev,
collector of luxury cars, did not attempt
to conceal his delight.
He insisted upon trying it out immediately.
He got behind the wheel and enthusiastically
motioned me into the passenger seat.
The head of the Secret Service detail went pale
as I climbed in and he took off
down on of the narrow roads
that run around the perimeter of Camp David.
- There's a, this is not such a good section here.
- Brezhnev was used
to unobstructed driving in the center lane in Moscow.
And I could only imagine what would happen
if a Secret Service or Navy jeep
had suddenly turned a corner into that narrow road.
- I would take it a little easy.
No but, um, you see--
No, um, you see the sign?
Just a little easier.
It's very, very--
No no no no no, please.
I would slow down, I would take it a little slower.
Mr. Brezhnev, I would...
- No no no no no.
Don't worry Mr. President.
- No no no!
Slow down!
You're gonna run through the sectional!
This is a bad section, Brezhnev!
Take it easy!
There's an edge coming up!
Brezhnev, keep right!
Slow down!
Slow down!
- This is a very fine automobile.
It holds the road very well.
- Yes, well you're an excellent driver.
I would have never been able to take that turn
at the speed we were traveling.
- Thank you.
- I am super driver.
- General Secretary says he is super driver.
- Super driver.
- He's joking, he's joking.
Mr. Kissenger.
- Super driver. - Super driver.
- Super driver.
- How could he say super driver?
- No modern president could have been
less equipped by nature for political life.
Painfully shy, Nixon dreaded meeting new people.
Only the anonymity of large, approving crowds
could make him feel secure.
Few men so needed to be loved
and we so shy about the grammar of love.
- Now Mr. Dean, let's move on to something else.
Did you discuss any aspects of the Watergate
at that meeting with the president
on September 15th?
In other words, did you tell him anything
about what Haldeman knew or what Ehrlichman knew?
- Well, given the fact that he told me I'd done a good job
I assumed he was very pleased
with what had been going on.
- Did you discuss the coverup money
that was being raised and paid?
- No sir.
- Did you discuss the fact of an aide
bringing wiretap information to Mr. Haldeman?
- No I did not.
- Did you discuss Haldeman instructing his aide
to destroy all these materials?
- No I did not.
- Did you discuss the CIA coverup idea?
- Did not.
- In other words, your whole thesis on saying
that the president of the United States knew about Watergate
on September 15th is purely an impression.
There isn't a single shred of evidence
that came out of this meeting--
- Senator, I don't-- - That he knew
anything about it. - Senator, I don't have
a thesis, I'm reporting the facts as I am able to recall
them, truthfully, to this committee.
- You know what?
- What?
- Nixon's right.
It's legally inconclusive.
- What is?
- Dean's account of the president's involvement
in this Watergate thing, this coverup.
It sounds authentic.
But it rests entirely on his own recollection of events.
- So?
- So there's no documentation.
And without documentation,
Dean's story can't be corroborated.
- Meaning they'll find someone.
You know, someone--
- No no, not a chance.
No there's only a few witnesses left,
clerks, secretaries and so on.
They'll be interviewed by the Watergate staff.
That's just routine.
But nobody expects them to come up with corroboration
or proof.
Without that, there's nothing.
It's the end of the road.
- Morning, sir.
What's the matter, sir?
Is something wrong?
- There's one hell of a pain in my chest.
- It's viral pneumonia.
He's going to have to stay here for about a week.
Above all he needs rest and plenty of sleep.
- Mr. Butterfield.
You resigned your commission from the Air Force
to work for Mr. Haldeman.
Is that right? - Yes sir.
- And what was the name or title of this job?
- Deputy Assistant to the President.
- Now we received this account from
the White House of the conversations between the president
and Mr. Dean.
Would you look at that?
Can you suggest where such an account might have originated?
- Where did you get this?
- Mr. Buzhardt provided it to the committee.
Could that have come from, say, someone's notes?
- No, no, it seems too detailed.
- Dean indicated that there may have been
some facility for taping.
He said that on April 15th, in the president's
EOB office, he had the impression that he was being taped.
Is it possible that Dean knew what he was talking about?
- No, Dean didn't know about it.
But that's where this must have come from.
There are tapes in each of the president's offices.
It's kept by the Secret Service
and there are only four men who know about it.
Dean had no way of knowing about it.
He was just guessing.
- Hmm.
- Oh.
Why in God's name did he do it?
- Well I don't think he realized the full significance
of what he was saying.
- Well I can't believe that.
Look, first tell Fred Buzhardt to write a letter,
a formal letter, to the Watergate Committee
saying that the system, the taping system,
is the same as, uh, similar, you'd better say similar,
to the one used by the previous administration.
- Right.
- And then get it disconnected.
Wires, microphones, every damn thing.
- Right.
Fred was wondering, he would like permission to
review the tapes.
- No no no.
You tell him no.
- Well he thinks the prosecutor is gonna want those tapes
for evidence and Fred thinks he should listen to them.
No no no!
Never!
Never never!
No one is gonna hear those tapes.
No one.
- Welcome home, Mr. President.
- Thank you, Fred.
How are you, Ollie? - Fine, Mr. President.
- Archibald Cox wants to see those tapes, Mr. President.
- Has he asked for them?
- No, not yet.
He will. - Okay.
We'll refuse.
Executive privilege.
- Well it's not as simple as that, sir.
Those tapes are evidence.
Evidence in a criminal prosecution.
- Oh no no no, that's enough, thank you Ollie.
- Now as special prosecutor,
Cox is in a very powerful position.
You refuse to hand over those tapes
and a subpoena could be issued--
- I don't give a hootin' hell about Archibald Cox
and those subpoenas and all of this
criminal prosecution stuff.
What we're talking about is infinitely more important.
Now listen to me, Fred.
No outsider can possibly comprehend the breadth
of the intimate material that is on those tapes.
They contain the private thoughts and comments,
not only of the president, but of foreign leaders,
congressmen, my staff, my own family, for god's sake!
If I were to break the confidence of those who have
unburdened themselves in my office,
I would shatter the presidency.
And not just my presidency,
but for all my successors as well.
Now this decision is a matter of the highest principle.
Those tapes contain the very essence of the presidency.
You must understand this, Fred.
- Yes, well.
Obviously the president's private conversations
must be protected.
You're right.
We'll have to claim executive privilege.
There's no alternative.
- Yep. - I have Attorney General
Richardson on line two, sir. - Okay, put him through.
Elliot. - Good morning, Al.
- How are you today?
- I'm fine, thank you. - Good.
- Al, listen, I'd like to see you
if you have any free time
tomorrow, is that possible?
Won't take long.
- Uh, let me see.
What about 2:30 tomorrow afternoon, that be any good?
Yes, yes, that's fine, 2:30.
- Okay, see you then.
- So it looks like the president is refusing
to turn over the subpoenaed tapes.
- Well, he's leaning that way.
I told him when I raised the possibility
of handing over the tapes,
he lost his temper.
Swore he'd resign first.
Makes you wonder what's on those tapes.
- Yes, I wondered that too.
- I've never seen him so worked up.
Never.
Elliot, do me a favor.
Tell Archibald Cox to back off a little bit.
Not to be so inflexible.
- I can't do that.
- Try, Elliot.
There is a real danger that the president will fire Cox
if he's not reined in.
- I don't want a confrontation, Al.
- Neither do I.
But if we have to have a confrontation,
I guess we'll have it.
- There's something else you should no.
Has nothing to do with Watergate.
Do you remember I told you about
the federal prosecutors in Baltimore
that were investigating the vice president's
financial affairs?
- Yeah, some vague allegations about illegal payoffs?
- Well there's rather more to it than that.
The allegations are extremely serious,
conspiracy, extortion,
bribery, tax fraud. - What?
- Well there's potentially indictable
on more than 40 counts.
- What about Agnew, what does he say?
- Well he's very bitter about it,
he says it's a political vendetta,
but the case against him looks, uh, well, bad.
To say the least.
- How bad?
- Cut and dried.
- Well.
Thanks, Elliot.
That's all we need.
- Hi Rose, how are you today?
- Fine, thank you sir.
- Listen, about these subpoenaed tapes.
- Mm hmm.
- I think it might be a good idea
if we prepared some kind of transcript.
Not a complete transcript, that would take forever.
- Mm.
- But, you know.
Some kind of summary.
What do you think?
- Yes, I could do that.
- Just the conversations subpoenaed
by the special prosecutor, okay?
- Yes.
- You're a fast typist, shouldn't take long.
- Yes sir.
- On Saturday, October 6th,
we received a cable from our ambassador
in Tel Aviv.
Reporting that Syria and Egypt were in a final
countdown for war.
It was Yom Kippur, the day of atonement.
The one day of the year when Israel
was least able to defend itself.
It was hard for me to believe that the
Egyptians and Syrians would have moved
without the knowledge of the Soviets
if not without their direct encouragement.
Four days later on October 10th, Ted Agnew resigned.
A federal court in Baltimore sentenced him
to three years' probation and a $10,000 fine.
I wrote him a letter in which I said
I have been saddened by this whole course of events
and I hope that you and your family will be sustained
in the days ahead.
By a well-justified pride in all that you have contributed
to the nation.
- Okay Elliot, here's the plan.
The president will personally listen to
the subpoenaed tapes and then he will supervise
the preparation of transcripts that will be handed
to the court as a substitute for the tapes themselves.
How do you feel about that, Elliot?
- I'll tell you one thing,
the special prosecutor will never agree.
- The hell with Cox.
You know how the president feels about him.
If he objects, he'll have to go.
- Go? - He'll be fired.
I remember warning you of this.
- If you're worried about the authentication
of the transcripts, that's all taken care of.
Now we've spoken to Senator Stennis
and he's gonna make a comparison
between the transcripts and the tapes.
Then we'll present his authenticated version to the court.
That should keep everybody happy.
- Have you spoken to the prosecutor about this?
- Will you stop worrying about Cox, for god's sake?
The president is offering a perfectly reasonable compromise
and if Cox objects, he'll have to go.
Am I right?
- That's right.
- As you all know, there has been in this evidence
not proof perhaps in some instances, but clearly
prima facie evidence of serious wrongdoing
on the part of high government officials.
Wrongdoing involving an effort to cover up other wrongdoing.
Last night we were told that the court order
would not be obeyed and that the papers,
the memoranda and documents of that kind would not be
provided at all.
And that instead of the tapes, a summary of what
they showed would be provided.
The other main part of the president's statement
said that I would be instructed not to use
the judicial process in order to obtain tapes,
documents, and memoranda relating to other
presidential conversations.
Now this instructs me not to pursue what would be
the normal course of a prosecutor's duty
in conducting this kind of an investigation.
I think these instructions are inconsistent with pledges
that were made to the United States Senate
and through the Senate to the American people
before I was appointed and before
Attorney General Richardson's nomination was confirmed.
Now for me to comply with these instructions
would violate my solemn pledge to the Senate
and to the country to invoke judicial process
to challenge exaggerated claims of executive privilege.
I will not violate that promise.
- Okay.
Tell Elliot Richardson to fire him now.
Elliot.
I want you to delay your decision to resign.
- I'm sorry sir, that's not possible.
- I need to show strength.
Brezhnev would never understand if I didn't fire Cox
after all of this.
- I'm sorry, Mr. President.
- Yes, I'm sorry too.
I'm sorry you feel you have to act
on your commitment to Cox and his independence
and not to the larger public interest.
- Maybe your perception and my perception
of the public interest differ.
- Now I know many of you are on deadline,
I have a brief statement to give you at this time.
President Nixon has tonight discharged Archibald Cox.
Special prosecutor in the Watergate case.
Before taking this action, the president met this evening
with Attorney General Richardson.
The Attorney General, on hearing of the president's decision
felt obliged to resign as he felt the discharge
of Mr. Cox to be inconsistent with his confirmation
and the conditions thereof in the Senate.
As the Deputy Attorney General, Mr. William Ruckelshaus
refused to carry out the president's explicit directive
to discharge Mr. Cox.
He, like Mr. Cox, has been discharged of further duties
effective immediately.
- Okay Fred, where do we go from here?
- Well, options are scarce, sir.
We can either defy the court order to turn over the tapes
or we can comply.
- Any other alternatives?
- Not really.
If we don't turn over the tapes, Judge Sirica
will almost certainly order a hearing
which means your attorneys will have to go
into court and argue why the president
should not be held in contempt.
That could be an ugly situation.
- Yep.
- Outright defiance could lead to...
Well, it could end in impeachment.
- Yep.
Well.
Least we got rid of Cox.
Huh?
So, what are you saying, Fred?
You're saying we have no choice.
- Not really.
However, there is a positive side to this.
Turning over the tapes could have real shock value
that would show everybody that Cox was not fired
because of damaging information on those tapes.
- That's right.
- Turning them over would be precisely what
nobody would expect.
- Okay.
Comply.
- Uh, sir, Len Garment says that
some of the tapes are missing.
- Is that true, have you checked?
- Frankly it's pretty hard to check on anything.
There's no real index or storage system.
Everything seems to be in a hell of a mess.
- Well look, maybe we got the dates mixed up or something.
Is it really important?
- The April 15th tape is extremely important.
We can't find either the tape
or the Dictabelt you mentioned.
- You mean, uh--
- The one you mentioned in the conversation
with Henry Petersen, remember?
You said you had Dean on tape.
You told me it was a Dictabelt.
We talked about it.
- Oh yeah.
So it's been lost.
These things happen.
- Sir.
The point is, I have to testify
before Judge Sirica next week.
It'd look bad if the court were told
that both the tape and the Dictabelt
for that particular date were gone missing.
- Okay, don't testify.
I'll invoke attorney-client privilege.
- I don't think that's a good idea.
- Why not?
- It's bad enough me being dragged into court;
to invoke attorney-client privilege
would just add fuel to this whole coverup thing.
- Why don't we make a new Dictabelt?
- Sir, uh...
- I've got some notes somewhere.
My own personal notes.
We can use those, it shouldn't be too difficult.
- Sir that would be manufacturing evidence.
We don't wanna get involved in that.
- No, you're right.
Okay, fine.
Keep looking for the tapes, okay?
They should be around somewhere.
- Mr. Buzhardt, did you have personal knowledge
of the existence of a tape recording made by the president,
dictated by him following the meeting with John Dean
on the 15th of April?
- I will answer it this way, Mr. Ben-Veniste,
I have never seen such.
- You have never seen such.
- I have never seen such.
- Now as a matter of fact, there is no
Dictabelt conversation of the president's recollections
of his meeting with Mr. Dean.
Isn't that so?
- That is correct, we have not been able to locate one.
I'm looking for Mr. Garment.
Len. - Fred.
- Apologies, but we've got to talk.
- What's the problem?
- Well, I was sitting back at the office and I,
I was wondering what the hell we're gonna do next.
And I suddenly said to myself, this is ridiculous.
We are in an impossible situation.
We're trying to defend a man
who does absolutely nothing to help us.
We need answers, he won't give us any.
- Here you go, gentlemen.
- We need...
- There.
- We need evidence to defend him,
all we get is excuses.
Now we cannot go on like this!
- I agree.
- I mean I, I keep telling myself
that I'm defending the presidency,
but the point is by defending Richard Nixon
are we in fact harming the presidency?
I mean just look at this situation objectively.
44 separate bills have been introduced in Congress,
all of them relating to Watergate,
half of them calling for an impeachment investigation.
Now how can we as lawyers justify
what we're trying to do here?
- Now Fred, stop blaming yourself.
If anyone's to blame, it's the president.
He's at the center of everything.
We've got time bombs everywhere.
Some of them already gone off, others are just
laying there ticking and there's nothing
we can do about it.
- There's plenty we can do about it.
We can talk to him.
No more time wasting.
We can fly down to Florida and see him tomorrow evening.
- That wouldn't make us very popular,
he's supposed to be having a rest.
- Well, for god's sake this country is in a state
of virtual revolution!
We can't just stand by and do nothing,
we've got to talk to him right now!
- And say what?
- Tell it like it is.
Tell him straight, lay it on the line.
- Hmm.
- Just a minute, just a minute.
What the hell are you trying to say?
- I'm not trying to say anything.
I am telling you that the president means--
- Don't bother, I've heard this before.
- Ron, Ron!
You better listen to this, this is the truth
and it's about time we all faced it.
- Don't give me that, it's just panic.
You just lost your nerve.
- Okay, we're scared.
So should you be.
We've done everything we can to defend the president,
now we have to protect ourselves.
That includes you and Al.
If we don't handle this very carefully
we could all be cited for obstruction of justice.
- That's just nonsense.
I mean all that stuff about the president
suggesting we make a new Dictabelt,
that wasn't a serious proposal,
he was just thinking out loud!
- How do you know that?
How do we know what to believe?
- Okay.
Okay.
So what's the bottom line?
- It's our recommendation that the president resign.
- God almighty. - What?
You're not serious. - Yes, we are.
- How the hell can you come to that conclusion?
He wasn't being serious about a new Dictabelt
for god's sake!
God knows how many outrageous ideas he comes up with,
then he makes a decision, that's the way he operates!
Now you know that, Fred! - Ron, Ron,
it's not just the Dictabelt.
- Wiretaps, breaking and entering, interfering with the FBI,
not to mention all the financial stuff,
the income tax problem, god knows what else.
The water is full of sharks.
- Len, come on, you know that hounding the president's
become the national mania.
- That's right!
That's right, it's just panic.
Resignation is absolutely out of the question.
- No Ron, you can't say that.
It's an option we have to consider.
- And so has the president.
- Right.
- Let's be practical.
We haven't got a vice president.
We can't do anything until Gerry Ford is confirmed
by the Congress.
- That's only a matter of days.
- Okay, fine.
Let's say we recommend that Nixon resign.
Do you have any idea what the impact will be
on foreign policy?
The Middle East could blow up into a major crisis.
Do you really think that Gerry Ford
is experienced enough to handle that?
- Now listen Al.
Watergate has crippled the president.
It's crippled his capacity to lead.
- What's happened to everyone's sense of loyalty?
It's not your job to judge these matters.
- We don't want the president to go out
and hang himself, we just want him to understand
the reality of the situation.
- You're both turning against him.
- That's not true.
- Oh Ron, look at the facts, will you?
The president's position...
It's absurd!
His explanations aren't being bought by the judge,
the special prosecutor, the public.
Even the traditional Nixon supporters on the Hill
aren't buying any of it.
Now I know there's no immediate solution to this
but the least we can do is tell the man the bad news.
The situation is perilous.
- Okay, here's what we'll do.
I will go to him and tell him why you're in Florida
and why you wanna see him.
Okay?
- Okay.
- The president doesn't want to see you.
I'm sorry, I told him why you came
and I said that it isn't a question
of your doubting his innocence,
just his chances of survival.
He's in a deep depression, Fred.
He doesn't wanna see anyone, he doesn't wanna
talk to anyone.
I'm sorry.
I know how you feel.
Anyway, there is a feeling that we need to establish
a kind of damage limiting operation.
- What does that mean?
- Well, it means that someone needs to listen
to the subpoenaed tapes to make an assessment.
The president wants you to do it.
I know.
I know, it's gonna be one hell of a job.
- I thought he said he didn't want anybody
listening to those tapes but him.
- Times have changed.
Since those tapes are going to Judge Sirica,
we need an analysis of each conversation
so that we can make the appropriate claim
for executive privilege.
I wish there was someone else to do it, Fred,
but there's not.
- The reason I thought we oughta talk this morning
is because in our conversations I have the impression
that you don't know everything I know.
- That's right. - And it makes it
very difficult for you to make judgments that
only you can make. - That's right.
- On some of these things, and I thought that--
- You've got, in other words,
I've got to know why you feel that something, well, that--
- Let me-- - That we shouldn't
unravel something.
- Let me give you my overall first.
- In other words, you, your judgment
as to where it stands and where we go now.
- I think, I think that there's no doubt about
the serious of the problem where we've got,
we have a cancer within most of the presidency
that's growing, it's growing daily.
It's compounding, it grows geometrically now
because it compounds itself.
It'll be clear as I explain some of the details
of why it is and it basically is because one,
we're being blackmailed, two, people are going to start
perjuring themselves very quickly that have not
had to perjure themselves to protect other people
down the line and that is just...
And there is no assurance-- - Bet or go bust.
- That we'll bust.
- Richard, there is some confusion about one of the tapes.
- Which one?
- June 20th.
- Is that the one Rosemary Woods told me about?
- What did she say?
- Well, as I understand it,
there were two conversations for that date.
One between the president and John Ehrlichman
and the other between the president and Bob Haldeman
and apparently Rosemary can't find
the Haldeman conversation.
- Yeah well, what happened, seems she accidentally
erased it.
- She must have pressed the wrong button or something.
She, uh, anyway, whatever happened,
she erased about four minutes, four and a half minutes,
just, you know, wiped it out.
- Well, I don't think that should be a real problem.
As I recall, the subpoena didn't even mention
a Haldeman tape.
- Yeah well that's what I thought too.
- But I'll check it out just in case.
- Alright Bob, come on in.
How are you today? - Fine,
thank you Mr. President. - Okay.
What do you know about, you know, Congress?
- Um, well...
- I'm afraid you've been misinformed, sir,
about the length of that erasure.
It's substantially more than four and a half minutes.
- How much more?
- 18 minutes at least.
- 18, are you sure about that?
- I've checked and rechecked.
And there's something else.
I had another look at the subpoena.
It seems to me that the erased conversation
is part of the subpoenaed material.
- Damnit, Fred, how could we be confused about this?
- I don't know.
- Just a minute, let's get this straight.
You're saying the stuff that's been erased is part of,
uh, you mean it's subpoenaed material.
All of it, the whole conversation?
- I think so, yes sir.
- Do you have any idea what's on that tape?
- No sir, I do not.
Can you remember?
- Must be a simple explanation for this, Al.
Maybe some technical fault with the equipment.
18 minutes is a hell of a long time.
Must be either a technical fault or an accident.
- There's another thing.
There are two separate erasures.
- What do you mean?
- There's a buzz indicating the first four and a half
minute erasure.
Then there's a pitch change indicating a second,
separate erasure.
- Perhaps the conversation can be recovered
electronically, something like that.
- No, I doubt it.
Frankly sir this could be very serious.
- What the hell do you expect me to do about it?
- First thing we need is some expert advice,
someone who really knows tape recorders.
We'll get on that straight away.
- Yeah, right.
- Maybe we could talk to Bob Haldeman.
He might have made notes during that conversation.
- Okay, fine.
Do that.
- And we should tell Judge Sirica
and the special prosecutor.
- Tell him what?
- I don't think--
- Better we tell them before they find out.
- Very serious matter, Mr. Buzhardt.
- Yes your honor, very serious.
- You say that the label on the box containing the tape
indicates that Mr. Haldeman was talking with the president?
- Yes sir.
- And that there is an obliteration of the voices
for approximately 18 minutes.
- Yes sir.
- Furthermore it doesn't appear from what you know
at this point that that obliteration
could have been accidental.
- No sir.
The circumstance is even a little worse than that,
your honor.
- I don't see how it could be worse.
- We have found Mr. Haldeman's notes of that meeting.
They consisted of two legal pads of paper.
The notes reflect that the discussion
was about Watergate.
- The matter will have to be made public.
I shall order an immediate inquiry in open court.
- For almost six months,
there had been rumors of my father's private gain
from public office ranging from the story that he may
have used $1 million in campaign funds
to buy San Clemente
to Newsweek's contention that Trisha may have
improperly filed her income tax returns
because of my father's manipulation
of family property.
By the end of November, my father reached the conclusion
that the only way to quell these ugly rumblings
was to allow the Joint Congressional Committee
on Internal Revenue Taxation to review his tax returns.
- I was telling Ron that this is a little bit
like walking into the lion's den.
I have made my mistakes, but in all my years
of public life I have never profited, never profited
from public service.
I have earned every cent.
And in all my years of public life I have never
obstructed justice and I think too that I could say
that in my years of public life too that I have welcomed
this kind of examination.
Because the people have got to know whether or not
their president is a crook.
Well, I am not a crook.
I have earned everything I've got.
- As I understand it, Miss Woods, the president had asked
you to transcribe some of the tapes and you were doing
that in your office at the White House, is that correct?
- Yes.
- How did you operate the tape recording machine?
- By pushing either the buttons
on the machine itself or by operating a foot pedal.
- Would you tell this inquiry what happened
when you got to the beginning of the conversation
between the president and Mr. Haldeman?
- Well I was listening to the tape
when the telephone rang.
I pushed the record button instead of the stop button.
I, I suppose I must have left my foot
on the pedal during the telephone conversation.
- And that's what caused this erasure?
- You can call it an erasure.
I call it a gap.
- Miss Woods, how longs was this telephone conversation?
- About four or five minutes.
- The erasure lasts longer than 18 minutes.
- Yes.
- How do you explain the difference?
- I can't explain it.
I almost panicked when I realized what had happened
but I don't think I can admit to doing anything wrong.
I'm most dreadfully sorry, your honor.
- I'm sorry to interrupt your vacation, Mr. St. Clair,
but we need to discuss a matter of the greatest importance.
There is a feeling that the president
is going to need the services of a good criminal lawyer.
I'll be frank with you.
There is no doubt.
The president has discussed some very unseemly matters,
but he is not, nor has he been involved
in any overtly illegal acts.
I truly believe that.
Nevertheless, I am advised that a man can be
charged as a member of a conspiracy
simply for taking part in discussions
that lead to the criminal acts of others.
For that reason, we need the advice
and the experience of a first class criminal lawyer.
Things are in a shambles here.
And I truly believe that men such as yourself
should be willing to abandon their lucrative
law practices for a while to take the president's case.
The salary is $42,000 a year.
- Well, uh...
It's a challenge I welcome, General Haig.
I appreciate the gravity of the situation but
I have every confidence that I can handle it,
and handle it well.
- Because my father's will to fight
and to survive was a major factor
in the unfolding Watergate drama,
the press was scrutinizing his actions
as if he were beneath a magnifying glass.
One of the White House press aides was asked
if the president was using drugs or seeing a psychiatrist
and whether or not he still believed in prayer.
The drinking rumors were the most persistent,
perhaps because it seemed he was drinking
a little more than he ever had before
but at dinnertime when he was trying to unwind.
He still adhered to a self-imposed code of
no alcohol on nights he was attending receptions
or dinners, nor did he drink during the day.
Other rumors about the president's behavior
and distress were rife in the press room.
There was even one story that he was wearing makeup
to disguise an illness.
- As you know sir, the House Judiciary Committee
has issued a subpoena for an additional
42 tape recordings.
In my view, the White House should give
the appearance of cooperation.
- Well, in my view I think we should tell the committee
to go to hell.
- Well.
We can't do that, we can't risk a charge of concealment.
- There has to be some accommodation.
- You mean a compromise.
- Yes sir.
- Okay.
How about, what about an abridged transcript?
A summary of the relevant parts?
- Good idea.
- I disagree.
Committee's already suspicious.
Give them no more than a summary
and it's just gonna make matters worse.
- Oh for god's sake, Fred!
I give them those tapes, they'll just want more and more!
- Sir, that is a risk we're just gonna have to take.
- It seems to me that we should surrender
enough information from the tapes
to give the impression of reasonable behavior.
What do you suggest, Fred?
- We have to take the mystery out of those tapes.
I suggest we offer a full verbatim transcript
to the relevant material from the subpoenaed tapes.
- We can't do that, Fred. - Why not?
- Those are private, candid discussions.
There's rough language on those tapes.
- Right, you're right.
That stuff was never meant for public scrutiny.
- We can delete any offensive words or language.
- What do you think, Al?
- Well, now, that is certainly a possibility.
- There'll be no principle of privilege abandoned,
there'll be no precedent set.
- Well, why don't you tell the committee
that in spite of their unreasonable demands,
that I'm willing to meet them more than halfway.
- Yes sir, I think that'd make a big impact.
- Hold on, wait a minute.
Let's think about this.
It's not just the committee
that we have to be concerned about.
This material will be leaked.
It'll be given out to the public!
- He's right.
- This is gonna cost us one hell of a lot of damage, sir.
- Be sensible, Ron.
If we defy the committee outright,
it'll almost certainly end in a citation
for contempt of congress and impeachment.
Agreed? - Agreed.
- Okay, okay, go ahead.
- He isn't just deleting bad language.
He's deleting entire conversations about Watergate,
I mean look at this here, look at that.
Entire conversations.
- Don't tell me, tell the president.
- The point is sir we have got to be consistent.
The only conceivable justification for major deletions
is that certain subjects are not relevant
for the committee's investigation.
Now these--
- Okay, okay Fred, you've made your point.
But you must try and understand my position.
A president of the United States is confronted
with allegations that his top aides are involved
in an obstruction of justice.
What does he do?
Explore every option, that's all he can do.
Okay.
Some of these options may sound bad.
But what matters, the only thing that really matters,
is the final decision.
- Yes sir, I can appreciate that but--
- The material I've been deleting
is irrelevant to my actions.
I was just thinking aloud, you know how it is.
- Well.
I don't see how we're going to explain this
to the committee. - It's simple.
You just insert an appropriate phrase
where I've made cuts.
- What sort of appropriate phrase?
- Um, materials unrelated to presidential action deleted,
how about that?
- Okay.
- That's precisely and exactly why I made those cuts, Fred.
Don't worry about it.
I take full responsibility.
In giving you these records, blemishes and all,
I am placing my trust in the basic fairness
of the American people.
I know in my own heart
that through the long, painful, and difficult process
revealed in these transcripts,
I was trying in that period to discover
what was right and to do what was right.
- There's no way he's going to change his mind, sir.
The new special prosecutor's made that very clear.
Edited transcripts are totally unacceptable.
He wants the tapes.
- To hell with that.
I've said this to you, Fred, and I'll say it to all of you.
I'll fight the case for those tapes
all the way up to the Supreme Court.
- There...
There is something else that you should know, sir.
- What's that?
- Well, uh, I had a visit this morning
from the special prosecutor.
It would seem that he's been authorized by the grand jury
to cite you as an unindicted co-conspirator
in the Watergate coverup.
Apparently he's known about this for some weeks now
but out of deference to you he and his staff
have kept quiet about it.
- So why is he telling you now?
- Well.
If you're willing to give him 15, maybe 18 of the 64
subpoenaed tapes, he will drop the suit
for the rest of them and not reveal at this time
that the grand jury has named you
as an unindicted co-conspirator.
- Uh huh.
- He calls it compromise.
I call it blackmail.
- What'd you say to him?
- I said we'd have to talk to you about it.
We need to know how many tapes he'll settle for
and which ones he's talking about.
- Well I guess, um, I mean, if we agree
at least it'd put a stop
to this legal stuff about the tapes.
- That's right.
We can see the barbed wire at the end of the street.
Now we have to muster everything to cut through it.
- Okay, um...
I'll think about it.
- Listen to the tapes that he wants
and then see how you feel.
- How do you like this scotch, Jim?
30 years old.
- Very good.
- The best.
How 'bout you, Fred, another ginger ale?
- No sir. - Fred doesn't drink.
I call him the Baptist.
They pay you nickels and dimes,
but this is what makes it all worth it.
- Are you alright, Fred?
- Huh?
Yeah, I'm fine.
Fine.
- On June 10th, Henry Kissinger
and I left for the Mid East.
We landed in Cairo on June 12th in the hot afternoon sun.
I began this trip recognizing the profound importance
it will have for the future
as far as the Mid East is concerned
and as far as the American position in the world.
I was suffering from phlebitis,
an inflammation of a vein in my left leg.
The doctors told me that a blood clot might form
and break loose
into the bloodstream.
That could be fatal.
They urged me to return to Washington.
I, of course, will not allow them to do anything
that will disrupt the trip at this point.
My phlebitis attack must be kept absolutely secret.
The irony of it all is that as I told Ziegler,
the press or at least most of the press
will be more obsessed with what happens with the
minuscule problems involved in Watergate
then they are with the momentous stakes
that are involved in what I will be doing and saying
in the Mid East.
- And so the president's travels continue.
From Egypt he flew to Saudi Arabia, to Syria,
and then to Israel.
His last stop was in Jordan where he had talks
with King Hussein.
- And we in the Arab world are grateful
that you have made it.
Although you know better than anyone else
that the journey for peace
seems to have no ending.
Your coming to us at this time
has been perfectly timed
to preserve the momentum that the American initiative
had begun under your inspired and inspiring leadership.
- Are you okay sir?
- Oh yeah yeah yeah.
Any word on Fred Buzhardt?
- He's out of danger and making good progress now.
- Oh good well send around some flowers,
a basket of fruit, something like that.
- Yes sir.
Yes sir.
- Mr. President,.
- Looks to me like the president
should be in the hospital with that leg, Steve.
Phlebitis is a killer.
- The doctors are taking good care of him.
- It's crazy him coming to Moscow in that condition.
Why wasn't the trip called off?
- President's anxious to use his personal friendship
with Brezhnev to advance the peace process.
- Good PR too.
Keeps Watergate off the front page.
- I felt more warmly toward
my doomed chief than at any previous time.
Whatever happened and whoever else deserved it,
I had determined to stick by the president
who had appointed me to high office to vindicate
the continuity of government.
But in the recesses of my soul I began to feel
what I am told is sometimes
the attitude of survivors toward the terminally ill.
I hoped that since the end was unavoidable
it would for the sake of our country be quick
and that if it had to happen
it would for the sake of the president be merciful.
- Well I got pretty bored lying in bed.
Reading seemed a good idea.
So I read the briefs Jim St. Clair
submitted to the Supreme Court.
Frankly I'm appalled.
- Appalled?
- His job is to convince the Supreme Court
that the president is legally entitled
to withhold the subpoenaed tapes.
Right?
I mean that's his function,
that's why he was hired, yes?
Well, he's done a sloppy job, Al.
His arguments lack any articulate reasoning--
- Fred-- - There's no
intellectual muscle, there's no sense of--
- Fred, Fred, you worry too much.
He knows what he's doing.
It all went very well. - What did?
- The Supreme Court thing.
Everything's okay, Jim is very confident about it.
- Means nothing.
- In your opinion.
- I've been told the Supreme Court is gonna
order the president to hand over all 64
of the subpoenaed tapes to Judge Sirica.
All of them Al, every one.
- That's just hearsay.
- Ah, reliable hearsay.
- What are you trying to say, Fred?
- Nothing.
Just imparting information.
- Information or rumor?
- Little of both.
- Okay, what else?
- Well the House Judiciary Committee
is about to publish its evidence on Watergate.
- I know that.
- I'm told it comes to almost 4,000 pages.
- Have you any idea what the evidence will be?
- Well I can hazard a reasonable guess.
We know for a fact that they've done their own
transcriptions of some of the president's tapes.
We also know for a fact that there are substantial
differences between their version and ours.
Awesome differences.
- Well Fred there are bound to be some differences,
that's inevitable.
After all, the president made his own edits,
secondly, they have top quality equipment,
they can hear things we couldn't.
- Al, Al, don't delude yourself.
They're not interested in logical explanations.
They're out for his blood.
- So you think the committee will vote to impeach.
- Don't you?
The evidence is gonna be extremely damaging,
we both know that.
- Well.
At least there's no bombshell.
- Meaning what?
- Well no matter what they say,
no smoking pistol has been found in the president's hand.
- Not yet.
- Sit down, Fred.
- Thank you, sir.
- How are you, feeling better? - Yes I am sir, thank you.
- Well.
It's good to have you back.
- Thank you.
- Must have been a worrying time for your wife.
- Yes, yes sir it was.
- Well, give her my best, will you?
- I will, Mr. President, thank you.
- The Supreme Court decision was a bad blow.
I had counted on at least one dissenting voice but
that wasn't to be.
It's not only we who lost, Fred.
The presidency has lost, United States has lost.
To tell you the truth, I was stunned.
- Yes sir, I can believe that.
- Anyway.
We need to assess the tapes that have to be turned over.
June 23rd might give us a problem.
- Oh?
- Get right on it and get back to Al Haig.
- Now on the investigation.
You know, the Democratic break in thing?
We're back to the in the problem area because
the FBI is not under control and they have,
their investigation is now leading
into some productive areas because they've been able
to trace the money not through the money itself
but through the bank.
You know, sources, a banker himself.
And it goes in some directions we don't want it to go.
The way to handle this now is for us to have the CIA
call the FBI and just say stay the hell out of this.
This is business here, we don't want you
to go any further on it.
That's not an unusual development.
- Uh huh.
- And that would take care of it.
- Yes Fred, what's the matter?
- I found the smoking pistol.
- Are you sure?
- Yeah.
It's the ballgame.
Haldeman told him a lot that day.
- Fred is completely off-base.
There is nothing new on that tape.
Everything has been disclosed in previous statements.
- Yes but-- - I know what I mean,
General Haig!
I was telling Haldeman to make sure that the FBI
did not jeopardize CIA secrets left over
from the Bay of Pigs operation.
That's what I meant.
- Fred is making his own judgments
based on what he heard on that tape
and other people are probably gonna do the same.
- Fred is tired, Fred is ill, Fred is the sort of man
who panics too damn easily.
I mean look how he panicked last November,
coming down to Florida with Len Garment
to say I should resign.
Now that was not a considered judgment,
that was a panic.
Don't you agree?
- Fred's opinion is not the issue here, sir.
The really important matter
is the Supreme Court decision.
I must advise full compliance.
Judge Sirica must have those tapes.
- And you're being too hasty.
You're not considering the full implications.
I mean, isn't it possible, just think about it,
maybe I have a constitutional duty
to reject that court order
- I wouldn't advise-- - A duty to defy
that court order!
And thus preserve the power of this office!
- That would lead directly to impeachment.
- Not necessarily.
- I think it would.
- Okay, okay.
So.
So what are you saying?
You're saying I should just give in?
Just comply with the court order, turn over the tapes?
- That's my opinion, yes. - That's it?
- Mm hmm.
- Al?
- I don't think you have any other choice, sir.
- Well.
In that case I'll need to listen to those tapes.
I can make a start at San Clemente.
- You mean listen to all of them?
- Right.
All of them.
I'm not giving Sirica those tapes
without listening to them
and reviewing them myself.
- That's gonna take a hell of a long time.
- A few weeks.
- I can't delay that long,
there's no way the court will agree to that.
- What do you mean no way?
You find a way!
That's what I want and it's your job
to make sure I get it.
Okay?
- Now on the investigation,
you know, the Democratic break-in thing?
We're back to the, uh, in the problem area
because the FBI is not under control
and they have, their investigation is now leading
into some productive areas because they've been able
to trace the money not through the money itself
but through the bank, you know, sources?
A banker himself.
And it goes in some directions we don't want it to go.
Oh, the Democratic break-in thing?
We're back to the, in the problem area
because the FBI is not under control
and they have, their investigation is now leading
into some productive areas
because they've been able to trace the money
not through the money itself but through the bank.
You know, sources?
A banker himself.
And, and it goes in some directions we don't want it to go.
- I have reviewed the decision of the Supreme Court
with the president.
He has given me this statement which he has
asked me to read to you.
While I am of course disappointed in the result,
I respect and accept the court's decision
and I have instructed Mr. St. Clair to take
whatever measures are necessary
to comply with that decision in all respects.
I was gratified to note that the court reaffirmed
both the validity and the importance
of the principle of executive privilege.
The principle I had sought to maintain.
As we all know, the president has always been
a firm believer in the rule of law.
In accordance with his instructions,
the time-consuming process of reviewing the tapes
will begin forthwith.
- Thank you. - Mr. St. Clair!
Mr. St. Clair!
- You open that scab there's a hell of
a lot of things that we just feel that it would be
very detrimental to have this thing go any further.
Damn.
When you get these people in say look,
the problem is that this will open the whole,
the whole Bay of Pigs thing
and the president just feels that, um,
without going into the details,
don't, don't lie to them to the extent to say
there is no involvement.
Just say this is sort of a comedy of errors,
bizarre, without getting into it.
The president believes that it's going to open
the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again.
And because these people are playing for keeps
and that they should call the FBI and say that we
wish for the country,
don't go any further into this case, period.
The whole Bay of Pigs thing, and the president just feels
that, um, without going into the details,
don't, don't lie to them to the extent to say
there is no involvement.
Don't, don't lie to them
to the extent to say there is no involvement.
Don't, don't lie to them to the extent to say
there is no involvement.
Just say this is sort of a comedy of errors, bizarre, with--
Okay, and just postpone the hearings.
With all that garbage.
Just say that I have to look at the primaries.
Uh, very bad to have this fellow Hunt.
He knows too damn much and he was involved,
we happen to know that.
And then it gets out and the whole
place is all involved in that Cuban thing.
Then it's a fiasco and it's gonna make the FBI,
uh, uh, CIA look bad.
It's gonna make Hunt look bad.
It's likely to blow the whole uh, uh, Bay of Pigs thing
which we think would be very unfortunate for the CIA.
And for the country at this time.
And for American foreign policy.
And he just better tough it out and lay it on 'em.
Isn't that what you... - Yeah, that's the basis
for the. - I don't want them
to get any ideas we're doing it because our concern
is political.
And at the same time I wouldn't tell them
it's not political. - Right.
- You call them in.
Good, good deal.
Play it tough, that's the way they play it
and that's the way we're gonna play it.
- Okay, good?
- Yeah when I saw that new summary item
I of course knew it was a bunch of crap but I thought
oh well it's good to have them off on this
wild hare thing 'cause when they start bugging us
which they have, we'll know our new boys
will not know how to handle it.
When you get these people in say look,
the problem is that this will open the whole,
the whole Bay of Pigs thing,
and the president just feels that, um,
without going into the details.
Don't, don't lie to them to the extent--
- I, Richard Millhouse Nixon-- - To say
there was no involvement.
Do solemnly swear-- - That you will faithfully
execute the office-- - Comedy of errors, bizarre.
That I will faithfully execute the office.
- Of the president of the United States--
- The president believes that it's going to open
the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again.
Of the president of the United States.
- And you will to the best of your ability--
- Because these people are playing for keeps.
And I will to the best of my ability.
And that I should-- - Preserve, protect,
and defend--
- Call the FBI and say that we...
Preserve, protect, and defend.
Wish for the country. - The constitution
of the United States. - Don't go any further.
The constitution of the United States.
- So help you God. - So help me God.
- Good swim, sir? - Oh, great, thank you.
That's okay, I'll get it.
Yeah.
- Sir, is that you? - Oh hi.
- The Judiciary Committee has voted for impeachment,
27 to 11.
They say the president engaged in a course of conduct
designed to obstruct the investigation
of the Watergate case.
John Ehrlichman's going to prison.
20 months to five years.
I've been talking to the lawyers.
And I've been talking to Al Haig
and he thinks the lawyers are right.
The point is sir if,
what they're saying is
if you don't resign you're going to face
conviction in the Senate.
And I know this sounds disloyal but it's not.
Believe me, it's not.
But the circumstances are surrounding us, Mr. President.
We can't ignore it.
The lawyers are acting in your best interest.
- Out!
Get out!
- I want to alert you, Gerry,
that things are deteriorating.
Like the whole ballgame may be over.
You should start thinking about a change in your life.
- What happened?
- We've been listening to one of the president's tapes.
It's catastrophic.
The impact will be immediate and devastating.
Are you ready, Mr. Vice President,
to assume the presidency in a very short time?
- Al, if it happens, I'm prepared.
- Well I can't tell you what's going to happen
in the next 48 hours.
I don't know what the president's gonna do.
- Do you think he's going to resign?
- I can't be sure.
That's our recommendation.
You understand this is very complicated matter.
- Al, I don't know what to say.
I need to think.
- I know, I know.
But there are some things that have to be dealt with
right now.
This, for example.
I've been talking to some knowledgeable people
on the White House staff about
the question of a pardon.
Whether the president should pardon himself,
whether some other people should be pardoned,
or if the president should be pardoned if he resigns.
Those are the options open to us.
- Well.
What kind of power does the president have?
Can he grant pardons to whom he chooses?
- Our lawyer tells me that the president has
the power to grant a pardon.
It's an unrestricted power
so it can be exercised before charges are brought.
- I need to talk to Jim St. Clair.
I want his legal assessment of Nixon's problems.
And I'll need to talk to my wife.
She deserves to be brought up to date.
- Well, we have to stay in contact.
Don't hesitate to call me,
I won't hesitate to call you.
Things could break so fast that we've
got to be accessible to each other.
- Right.
I'll be available.
I'll keep my cool.
- A few days after his return
from San Clemente, my father asked us to join him
in the Lincoln sitting room.
Mother sat with her back to the windows
next to my father who was sunk in his brown chair.
David and I were together on the only sofa in the room.
My father said that he had asked General Haig
to send over four transcripts of the June 23rd tape.
Soon Manolo arrived with the copies.
David and I took one and went down the hall
so that we could be alone to read it.
Trisha and Ed who had arrived from New York
went in the opposite direction with their copy.
- I don't think your father can take much more of this.
- He's strong, Ed, he's a fighter.
- I saw him the other night.
He was talking to these pictures.
- What?
- He was walking up and down right here, giving speeches
and talking to the pictures on the walls.
- He mustn't resign.
He mustn't.
- When we came back, we gave our opinions.
- I don't think you can resign.
You're not the only person that--
- Trisha and I were adamantly opposed
to his resigning and Ed was also opposed.
- You can't let a bunch of political enemies--
- David's response was to encourage
my father to do what he thought was best.
- More importantly, you're my father
and we're behind you and I'm trying to give you
advice here on something that I really can't
give you advice on.
This is your decision.
- I don't think is right but this certainly...
- Everything else you've done and said
have twisted them to suit
their character assassination...
- Through all this
Mother listened intently.
I sensed in her a rock-like solidarity
with my father and a fierce protectiveness.
I'm not sure she even looked at the transcript.
- Thank you all for coming.
I have the tough job of bringing you some bad news.
The president has been reviewing tapes, all except one
are consistent with his previous explanations.
The exception is of sufficient gravity
that it warrants this briefing and it's the tape
of June 23rd, 1972, which shows that
his previous explanations have been incomplete
and erroneous about CIA involvement.
President has asked me to read the following statement.
To the White House staff.
This was a serious act of omission
for which I take full responsibility
and which I deeply regret.
I hope you will all stay at your desks.
If not out of loyalty to the president,
out of loyalty to the nation.
I've served with men in combat and I can say
that no men and women have been as brave
as this White House staff.
Thank you.
- You fellas and your business.
You have a way of handling problems like this.
- My business? - The army.
Somebody leaves a pistol in the drawer.
I don't have a pistol.
- On Monday, August 5th,
we had dinner on the Sequoia.
It was obvious that my father did not want to talk
about the telephone report he was waiting for.
A report that would tell him whether or not
he still had congressional support
in the wake of the release of the June 23rd tape.
After dinner, my father went below
and lay down in one of the state rooms.
Rose called Al Haig to get the congressional reaction.
Then she went below to report.
Who is it?
- It's Rose, sir.
- Oh, come on in.
Well?
- General Haig says it's coming
about the way we expected.
- Well Rose.
There goes the presidency.
- And I called the president's doctor.
Told him not to give him any pills, tranquilizers,
sleeping pills.
We need his mind sharp and clear.
Couldn't afford it--
- He won't try to kill himself.
- That wasn't what I had in mind.
Well, obviously that crossed my mind.
We wouldn't want Watergate to end
in a presidential suicide.
- No, deep down the president is a very religious man.
Religious men don't kill themselves.
- Maybe not.
Wish I knew him better.
Wonder what he thinks about when he's all alone.
- He gave me some tapes once, some Dictabelts.
Never asked me what I thought of them,
never made any comment at all.
It was like listening to a private confession.
Nothing to do with Watergate.
Just his fears and obsessions.
A catalog of his inadequacies as a man.
Those tapes were never meant
for anyone else's ears.
He wouldn't even let Rose transcribe them.
I never realized what an introvert he is.
How isolated.
Tell you the truth I was embarrassed
by the insights those tapes gave me.
I can imagine him, sitting there all alone,
pouring those dark thoughts into a tape recorder.
He's strange.
- Dear Daddy.
I love you.
Whatever you do, I will support.
I am very proud of you.
Please wait a week or even 10 days
before you make this decision.
Go through the fire a little longer.
You are so strong.
I love you, Julie.
Millions support you.
- Oh come in, Henry.
Henry, I, uh, I've decided to resign the presidency
effective noon on Friday.
We'll need to notify foreign governments tonight,
uh, immediately.
And I would like to send special messages to the
leaders of China, the Soviet Union,
and the Middle Eastern countries.
- I'll see to it right away.
- They'll be asleep in Cairo and Tel Aviv.
Eight weeks ago they lined their streets
in the thousands, tens of thousands, to cheer me.
That was a great triumph, Henry.
- It was.
- Eight short weeks, triumph to disaster.
Henry I'm not sure I'll be able to resign.
Can I be the first president to quit office?
- Whatever you decide, you will always
be respected as one of the finest statesmen
this country has ever known.
- You think history will
treat me kinder than my contemporaries?
- Certainly.
Definitely.
When all this is over, you will be remembered
for the peace you have achieved.
All foreign leaders regard you as a man
who has shown the greatest distinction
in international diplomacy.
Watergate is not going to change that.
Your reputation is secure.
- Yes but, uh...
What have I done?
What have I done to this country and its people?
Everything is so confused, I...
I don't understand
how all of this happened.
How can a simple burglary lead to all of this?
- I know you are not a courageous man by nature,
but throughout your political career you have
shown remarkable courage, you have made tough decisions,
and you have never faltered.
Don't lose that courage now, sir.
- Henry.
I know you're not a very orthodox Jew.
And I am not an orthodox Quaker.
But we need to pray.
God.
Grant us...
What have I done?
- Nixon had set himself a goal
beyond human capacity, to make himself over entirely,
to create a new personality as if alone among
all of mankind he could overcome his destiny.
But the gods exacted a fearful price for this presumption
and ultimately he learned what the Greeks had known,
that the worst punishment can be having one's wishes
fulfilled too completely.
- You are a great patriot, Mr. President,
and a great peacemaker.
You've never lost sight of the ideals you believe in.
You will go down in history
as one of the great peacemakers of all time.
- Maybe, uh, there'll be a role for me in government.
What do you think?
Advisor, perhaps?
Special ambassador? - Well yes.
Who knows, yes.
I'm sure it's possible.
- Henry.
You know you must stay here and carry on with Gerry
the things that you and I have started.
The whole world will need reassurance
that my leaving will not change our policies.
They don't know anything about Gerry Ford.
You must tell them how strongly
he has supported my foreign policy.
- Very well, sir.
- Henry.
Please don't ever tell anyone that I cried.
Or that I wasn't strong.
- Your father has decided to resign.
- Okay.
We're going back to California.
- We're all very proud of you, Daddy.
- Oh.
Oh.
No man who ever lived had a more wonderful family
than I have.
Well this cuts it all fit.
We'll go out to California, they'll leave us alone.
- Uh, no they won't, sir.
I know these people.
I worked in the US Attorney's office in New York.
Went to school with some of them.
They're very smart and they're tough.
But most of all sir, they hate you with a passion
and they will hound you and harass you
for the rest of your life.
- Well, let's hope I can take it like a man.
Come in.
Oh I asked Ollie to come.
Ollie, take a few shots.
- Mr. Ziegler said I've got to photograph
absolutely everything.
- Yes, that's right, for history.
How do you want us, Ollie?
Some sort of group shot or what?
- That's up to you, sir.
- What do you think?
- Maybe we should all stand up and link arms.
- Yes, that's a good idea.
Rose, would you have Manolo send some food up on a tray?
Where should we go, Ollie?
- Um... - Over there by the window?
Uh, what about over here by the piano, what do you think?
- Well, by the piano.
- That's best.
Between the piano and the French doors, how about that?
- Yes sir.
- Okay.
Uh, okay everybody, over here, come on.
Come on everybody, over here.
Julie.
You come over on one side, David.
Trisha and Ed to the other side.
Pat and me in the middle.
Julie you go to the left.
Okay let's all bunch together, link arms.
Okay Ollie.
- That's fine, Mr. President.
- I can't Daddy, I can't.
- Oh it'll only take a few seconds.
Get moving, Ollie.
- I don't wanna be photographed like this.
- Try again, Ollie, keep going til you get a good one.
Come on everybody, come on, smile now.
Come on.
- That's fine, sir.
I think we've got enough, Mr. President.
Thank you very much.
- Well thank you, Ollie.
- I love you, Daddy.
- Will I be prosecuted, Fred?
What do you think?
- Impossible to say.
I'm not sure what's gonna happen.
- Well.
If they wanna put me in jail, let 'em.
Least it'd give me time to do some thinking.
And writing, huh?
All the best writing done by politicians
has been done from jail.
It's true, think about it, I mean, Gandhi.
Take Gandhi, Gandhi's an interesting example.
I mean, if they send me to jail
I'll be sort of a political prisoner just like Gandhi.
And like him I've been persecuted.
Persecuted, don't you agree?
- I do.
- Persecuted, Fred.
- If any other president had been investigated
as thoroughly as you,
God knows what would have been uncovered.
- That's right.
- The press has been especially tough on you.
All the usual restraints have been ignored.
- What matters to me, Fred, is the loyalty
and respect and affection of those close to me.
The people here at the White House.
They come in here crying.
I oughta be the one crying.
I don't want anyone crying.
I'll tell you something.
Do you know what happened last night?
Last night the Secretary of State
and President of the United States
got down on their knees and prayed.
And I'll tell you something else.
I couldn't have done it without my family.
God am I proud of my family.
They wanted me to fight all the way.
Well that's what I wanted.
Well you know that.
I've never been a quitter.
I hate quitting.
One year in high school
I made the football team by being
the 11th man to turn out for the squad.
I wasn't much good, but I didn't quit.
And I made the team.
And track too.
I remember there was a foot race
that I was damn sure that I couldn't finish.
But I pushed myself.
God did I push myself.
I didn't win, but I didn't come in last, either.
I didn't quit.
- They're ready for you in the Oval Office now,
Mr. President.
- Thank you, Steve.
Oh there was something you wanted to tell me, what was it?
- I received a call from John Wilson,
Bob Haldeman's lawyer.
- Yeah.
- Regarding this thing about the pardon.
- No pardons.
Okay?
You call him, you tell him.
No pardons will be granted
and that's the end of it.
Okay?
Do think I'm doing the right thing?
- No sir.
- You support me?
- Yes sir.
But you should hang in there.
- Well.
I've made up my mind.
- Two minutes to air.
- South Lawn I'll use you for a beauty
until straight then I'll test to camera two
for a shot of the city.
- Desk mic's not working.
Walk his two mics out for us
and I brought a backup.
- Fine, one of the two desks
is for backup anyway.
Is the prompter up and ready? - Yes.
The corrections have been made.
- Okay you're a little low
on the overall bit on camera two.
Do you need more light on the...
- Are those lights set properly?
They're a bit too high,
they're shining in my eyes a bit.
Sure.
Oh thank you, thank you, that's fine.
- Yeah tell him there's a shadow still,
we're seeing a shadow.
- One minute to air. - Okay, looks good.
Is he ready for us, knows to cue?
He'll be cued to talk
at 40 after the hour.
- My friend Ollie always likes
to take a lot of pictures of me.
I'm afraid he'll catch me picking my nose.
But he wouldn't print that, would you Ottie?
I mean Ollie. - No sir.
- Oh that's enough, no more pictures, that's enough.
- 30 seconds to air and 110 to the pres.
- Is the Secret Service in the room?
- Yes sir, just me sir.
- Al. - Start countdown.
10, nine--
- You don't have to stay, do you?
- Yes sir. - Eight, seven--
- You're required to? - Six, five--
- Yes sir. - Four, three, two--
- Don't worry. - One.
- I was just kidding.
- 10 to the pres.
10, nine, eight, seven, six, five, four,
three, two, one.
- Cue the pres.
- Good evening.
This is the 37th time I have spoken to you
from this office.
Where so many decisions have been made
that have shaped the history of our nation.
From the discussions I have had
with congressional and other leaders,
I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter,
I might not have the support of the congress
that I would consider necessary
to back the difficult decisions
and carry out the duties of this office
in the way the interests of the nation will require.
Therefore, I shall resign the presidency
effective at noon tomorrow.
Vice President Ford will be sworn in as president
at that hour in this office.
- Ladies and gentlemen,
the President of the United States of America
and Mrs. Nixon.
Mr. and Mrs. David Eisenhower.
Mr. and Mrs. Edward Cox.
- Thank you, thank you.
Members of the cabinet, members of our White House staff,
all of our friends here.
You are here today to say goodbye to us
and we don't have a good word for it in English.
The best is au revoir.
We will see you again.
I look around here I see so many
people on the staff that you know I
should have been by your office and shaken hands.
And I would have loved to have talked to you
and found out how to run the world.
Everybody always wants to tell the president what to do
and boy, he needs to be told many times.
But I want you to know
that each and every one of you I know
is indispensable to this government.
I am proud of this cabinet, I am proud of our
White House staff.
Like I said last night, sure,
we have done some things wrong in this administration
and the top man always takes responsibility
and I have never ducked it.
But I would like to say we can be proud of it.
Five and a half years and not one man or woman
came into this administration and left it
with more of this world's goods than when he came in.
No man or no woman ever profited at the public expense
or at the public till, and that says something about you.
Mistakes, yes.
But for personal gain, never.
You did what you believed in.
Sometimes right, sometimes wrong.
And I only wish that I were a wealthy man.
At the present time, I've got to find a way
to pay my taxes.
And if I were, I would like to recompense you
for the sacrifices that all of you have made
to serve in government.
There is one thing I'd like for you
to tell your young people.
You know, people come in and,
and say, what will I tell my kids?
And, uh, they look around and they see the mistakes
that are made.
They get the impression that everyone is here
for the purpose of feathering his own nest.
That is why I made this earlier point,
not in this administration,
not one single man or woman.
And I say to them, uh,
there are many fine careers.
This country needs good farmers, good businessmen,
good plumbers.
I remember my old man.
I think they would have called him sort of
a little man, common man.
He didn't see himself that way, though.
You know what he was?
He was a streetcar motorman first.
Then he was a farmer.
Then he owned a lemon ranch.
It was the poorest lemon ranch in California,
I can assure you.
He sold it before they found oil on it.
And then he was a grocer.
But he was a great man because he did his job
and every job counts up to the hilt,
regardless of what happened.
Nobody will ever write a book probably about my mother.
Well I guess all of you could say this about your mother.
My mother was a saint.
And I think of her
two boys dying of tuberculosis, nursing four others
in order that she could take care of my older brother
for three years in Arizona.
And watching them die.
And when they died it was like one of her own.
Yes.
She will have no books written about her.
But she was a saint.
Now however we, we look to the future.
As you know, I kinda like to read books.
I'm not educated but I do read books.
And here is a little quote from Theodore Roosevelt I found
while reading my last night in the White House.
And this quote is about a young man.
He was a young lawyer from New York
and he married a lovely girl and they had
a lovely daughter and then suddenly she died.
And here is what he wrote, this was in the diary.
He said, she was beautiful in face and form
and lovelier still in spirit.
As a flower she grew and as a fair young flower, she died.
And when my heart's dearest died,
the light went from my life forever.
That was Theodore Roosevelt in his twenties.
He thought the light had left his life forever.
But he went on.
And he not only became president,
but as ex-president, he served his country,
always in the arena, tempetuous, strong, sometimes wrong.
But he was a man.
And as I leave,
I think that is something that we all,
we should remember.
We think that when someone dear to us dies,
we think that when we lose an election,
we think that when we suffer a defeat, all is lost.
We think, as TR said, the light had left his life forever.
Not so.
It is only a beginning, always.
The young must know it, the old must know it,
it must always sustain us.
Because the greatness comes not when things
always go good for you, but the greatness comes
and you are really tested when you take some knocks,
when disappointments come, when sadness comes.
Because only if you have been in the deepest valley
can you ever know how magnificent it is
to be on the highest mountain.
And so I say to you on this occasion as we leave,
we leave proud of the people who have stood by us
and worked for us and served their government.
We want you to be proud of what you have done.
We want you to continue to serve in government
if that is your wish.
Always give your best, never get discouraged,
never be petty.
Always remember,
others may hate you, but the ones that hate you can't win
unless you hate them.
And then you destroy yourself.
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