All language subtitles for Oppenheimer - Destroyer of Worlds Documentary Eng [0s9fpFPAC94](en)

The man known to history as Robert Oppenheimer
was born on the 22nd of April 1904 as Julius

Robert Oppenheimer in New York City.

He quickly became known primarily by his middle
name and is typically referred to today as

Robert Oppenheimer or J. Robert Oppenheimer.

Robert was born into an affluent Jewish family
in New York City.

His father Julius had been born in the Hesse-Nassau
province in the territory of the Kingdom of

Prussia in what had just become the united
German Empire months prior to his birth in

May 1871.

At a time of growing Anti-Semitism across
Western and Central Europe, Julius Oppenheimer

left Germany in 1888 at 17 years of age bound
for the United States.

Though virtually penniless, he prospered in
America and by the time Robert was born in

1904 he had risen to become a wealthy executive
at one of Manhattan’s leading textile manufacturers.

Robert’s mother was Ella Friedman, a woman
of Jewish heritage as well, who had been born

in New York in 1870 to a family of German
Jews who had headed for America a generation

before Julius Oppenheimer.

She was a painter from whom Robert inherited
some of his aesthetic views on the structure

of existence and the universe.

Ella and Julius would have one other child,
a boy named Frank who was born eight years

after Robert in 1912 and who would follow
in the steps of his older brother by becoming

a physicist.

Robert’s youth was a privileged one.

By the mid-1900s his father had become a substantial
figure within New York business circles and

in the early 1910s they moved into a large
apartment on West 88th Street in Manhattan

overlooking the Central Park Reservoir in
one of the most affluent areas of New York

City at the time.

There the family had original works by Vincent
Van Gogh and Pablo Picasso among others on

the walls.

Robert attended the Ethical Culture School
followed by the Alcuin Preparatory School,

two of New York’s best educational establishments
in the early twentieth century.

By the time he was five he was already interested
in minerology, a hobby inherited from his

German grandfather.

Such was his aptitude, that at eleven years
of age he was admitted to the Mineralogical

Club of New York City.

His precociousness extended into his secondary
school years and he finished his education

at Alcuin in a year and a half less than the
standard time, having taken two grade years

in twelve months and being fast-tracked through
the eighth grade.

By this time his interests had developed beyond
minerology into the harder sciences, particularly

chemistry, but it was eventually physics which
would prove his calling in years to come.

In 1922 Oppenheimer began studying at Harvard
University at the age of 18.

Robert initially intended to focus on studying
chemistry but soon switched to physics, yet

his earlier interest in chemistry and his
eclectic inquisitiveness would serve him well

in later years during a period when scientists
were becoming all too specialised in specific

fields.

While studying at America’s oldest college,
he was deeply influenced by the teachings

of Professor Percy Bridgeman, an experimental
physicist on the staff at Harvard at the time.

This was also a period when students at Harvard
and other elite universities in America still

studied a very wide range of subjects and
Oppenheimer delved deeply into history and

the Greek and Latin classics, which were still
central to many western curricula in the 1920s.

Reflecting on his years at Harvard in later
life Oppenheimer noted that he spent most

of his time in the library and read voraciously.

He even attended more classes than it was
necessary for him to.

The result in 1925, was that Oppenheimer graduated
with a Bachelor of Arts summa cum laude after

just three years at Harvard, a distinction
which usually took four years to attain, but

which Oppenheimer, following an emerging pattern,
completed in less than the standard time.

Even before he graduated from Harvard, Oppenheimer
had already been accepted to continue his

studies at Cambridge University in England.

This was the great centre for the study of
physics in Britain at the time, a reputation

it has held and cultivated since Isaac Newton’s
days there in the late seventeenth century.

The year that Oppenheimer spent at Cambridge
between the fall of 1925 and the summer of

1926 was influential in his development, as
he was exposed there to the teachings of Lord

Ernest Rutherford, a New Zealand-born physicist
who is typically understood to be the father

of nuclear physics today.

For instance, it was Rutherford who first
discovered and explained what nuclear half-life

and the radiation associated with it were,
an achievement which Rutherford was awarded

a Nobel Prize in Chemistry for in 1908.

Towards the end of his first year at Cambridge,
Oppenheimer, whose abilities were beginning

to attract considerable attention amongst
European physicists, accepted an offer from

the German physicist Max Born to study under
him at the University of Gottingen in Germany,

one of Europe’s great centres of learning.

There Oppenheimer studied with a number of
contemporaries who would become giants of

the study of theoretical physics during the
twentieth century, notably Werner Heisenberg,

Enrico Fermi and Edward Teller, several of
whom Oppenheimer would work alongside during

the Manhattan Project in the midst of the
Second World War.

Remarkably, Oppenheimer was awarded his PhD
in physics in the spring of 1927, less than

a year after arriving in Gottingen.

The internal examiner, James Franck, who had
won the Nobel Prize for Physics two years

earlier in 1925, is famously said to have
expressed relief when the oral examination

or viva voce concluded, stating that Oppenheimer
had easily defended his doctoral work and

had seemed to be ready to begin questioning
Franck.

The great promise which Oppenheimer showed
as a theoretical physicist as he acquired

his PhD around the same time he turned 23,
was most clearly demonstrated in a paper which

he and Born co-authored on the ‘Quantum
Theory of Molecules’ in 1927 and which laid

out what has come to be known as the Born-Oppenheimer
Approximation.

This pertains to the field of molecular dynamics
or how molecules move and interact.

The approximation which Born and Oppenheimer
demonstrated, showed that the wave functions

of nuclei and electrons within a molecule
are different, owing to the fact that nuclei

are considerably heavier than the electrons.

This means that the co-ordinates of the nuclei
are relatively fixed in place, whereas the

lighter electrons are impacted on to a greater
extent by wave functions and their co-ordinates

are consequently more dynamic.

The approximation was reached by the pair
to a great extent owing to Oppenheimer’s

dual interests in chemistry and physics, as
the theory which they presented employed elements

of quantum chemistry and molecular physics.

In terms of its practical applicability the
approximation was important in allowing scientists

from the late 1920s onwards to separate the
motion of a nuclei and an electron.

The individual who worked this out with Max
Born and who acquired his PhD at Gottingen

was a curious figure.

Oppenheimer was a mix of a distant scientist
and a relatively jovial individual, slipping

from introversion to extroversion as occasion
sometimes demanded or as his mood was inclined.

A chain-smoker, he was perennially surrounded
by a cloud of smoke throughout his adult life,

a habit which would contribute substantially
to his premature death in his early sixties.

Individuals who knew him during his years
at Harvard, Cambridge and Gottingen recalled

a person who was a strange mix of intelligence
combined with a striking naivety at times,

often making poor judgements and decisions
and being prone to exaggeration.

As the years went by, he developed an arrogant
streak, but this was tempered by intellectual

generosity to those who studied and worked
with him and those he taught in later years.

A striking aspect of his personality was his
interest in eastern philosophy and mysticism,

being particularly interested in Hinduism
and Confucianism, even going so far as to

learn Sanskrit, the sacred language of Hinduism,
so that he might read the ancient texts of

this faith in the original.

This interest in religion and mysticism was
not an eccentric pastime.

For Oppenheimer, the study of physics was
an entry point into understanding the mystical

nature of the universe and existence and his
broader intellectual outlook was one of open

curiosity rather than a quest for hard scientific
data.

There was, though, also an unstable and erratic
side to Oppenheimer.

His behaviour at Harvard was sometimes questioned
by fellow students and teachers.

In 1926 while he was at Cambridge he allegedly
doused an apple with some illness-inducing

chemicals and left it in the office of his
tutor, Patrick Blackett, with whom he had

had a difficult relationship, before heading
off to France on holiday.

Evidently this action and perhaps others besides,
saw him briefly threatened with being suspended

from his studies at Cambridge.

A close friend of his in the 1920s, Francis
Ferguson, who later went on to become an acclaimed

theorist of stage performance and drama, claimed
that Oppenheimer attacked him and tried to

strangle him once when he told him he was
engaged to be married.

Underlying all of this erratic behaviour,
was a strange mix of an individual who could

be appallingly arrogant and fell out with
a great many colleagues over the years as

a result, but who many biographers have concluded
was also a deeply insecure individual.

The root of this may have been Oppenheimer’s
position as the son of a German-Jewish émigré

to America at a time when Anti-Semitism was
common across the western world.

He was a constant outsider, or at least felt
like one, and is known to have suffered frequently

from bouts of depression.

He was, in short, something of an enigma.

After completing his studies at Gottingen
and publishing several more papers from the

research he had undertaken in England and
Germany, Oppenheimer returned to the United

States, briefly holding fellowships at Harvard
and the California Institute of Technology,

punctuated by return visits to Europe to work
for a few months at the University of Leiden

in the Netherlands and at Zurich in Switzerland,
where Albert Einstein had carried out much

of his earliest and most ground-breaking work.

In Leiden he acquired his nickname Oppie from
a bawdlerised Dutch rendering of his name.

It was not until 1929 that Oppenheimer settled
back in America permanently, having been presented

with numerous job offers from US universities.

He accepted two and became an associate professor
in physics at both the University of California

at Berkeley and the California Institute of
Technology or Caltech.

For the next thirteen years, between 1929
and 1942 he would hold positions at both institutions,

teaching during the fall and winter semesters
at Berkeley before spending the spring term

lecturing at Caltech in Pasadena.

During the 1930s Oppenheimer became famous
within the physics community in the United

States for his teaching methods and the finest
physicists of the mid-twentieth century in

America trained under him at Berkeley and
Caltech at the School of Theoretical Physics

which he founded.

Within this there was usually a cohort of
a dozen or so advanced graduate students and

research fellows who worked closely with Oppenheimer
on some of the most relevant questions in

the field of theoretical physics at the time.

During busier times in term they would often
meet daily, with Oppenheimer quizzing them

on their progress and offering suggestions
thereon.

Mostly, as several biographers who knew him
during those days later recounted, he inspired

those he taught, conveying to them the idea
that they were at the forefront of answering

some of the most important questions facing
humanity at the time.

Yet it was an eclectic academic environment
and when not discussing physics, Oppenheimer

and his colleagues were often seen to be reading
Plato in the original Greek or learning Sanskrit.

Hans Bethe, who knew Oppenheimer during these
days, later recalled that Robert was largely

aloof from the wider world in the late 1920s
and 1930s in California, only learning of

the Wall Street Crash of late 1929, months
after it had happened.

There were impressive scientific breakthroughs
made by Oppenheimer and his students at Berkeley

and Caltech during the 1930s.

In 1930, for instance, Oppenheimer wrote a
paper which effectively predicted the existence

of the positron or antielectron as an antiparticle
of the electron, although its existence was

not fully proven until 1932 by Carl David
Anderson, a student who worked with Oppenheimer

at Caltech.

Following on from this, Oppenheimer worked
closely with Wendell Furry, to work out the

modern form of the electron-positron theory
and how the two interacted with each other.

Perhaps his most important work though was
a giant effort with Melba Phillips, one of

Oppenheimer’s first doctoral students at
a time when female physicists were all too

rare in the United States.

Together they proposed the Oppenheimer-Phillips
Process in 1935, a type of deuteron-induced

nuclear reaction in which the neutron half
of a deuteron fuses with a target nucleus,

ejecting a proton in the process.

This proved that some elements can become
radioactive if bombarded by deuterons and

that a nuclear interaction can occur at lower
energies than had previously been understood.

This, and many other breakthroughs by both
Oppenheimer and his students at Berkeley and

Caltech, made California one of the world’s
great centres of theoretical physics in the

mid-twentieth century.

Oppenheimer’s personal life was somewhat
chaotic during this period.

He had been diagnosed with a mild case of
tuberculosis in the late 1920s, for which

condition he sought out the dry desert air
of Arizona and New Mexico in the years that

followed, eventually buying a ranch in New
Mexico.

In the mid-1930s, he began a relationship
with Jean Tatlock, a psychiatry student who

was the daughter of John Strong Tatlock, an
eminent Old English scholar and expert on

the life and works of Geoffrey Chaucer.

Ten years Robert’s junior, Jean was a troubled
young woman with severe depression and a conflicted

sexuality.

Their relationship was tempestuous but continued
through to 1940, even after Oppenheimer began

seeing Kitty Harrison, a botanist and physicist
at Caltech who eventually divorced her second

husband, Stewart Harrison, in November 1940
and married Robert the following day.

It remains unclear to this day if Oppenheimer
continued to periodically see Tatlock in the

early 1940s prior to her taking her own life
in January 1944.

Robert and Kitty would subsequently have two
children, a boy named Peter who was born in

May 1941, as Kitty had been pregnant already
when they married, and a daughter named Katherine

after her mother, who was born in 1944.

Oppenheimer’s life, like that of virtually
every individual across Europe, North Africa,

North America and much of Asia, was hugely
interrupted in the autumn of 1939 by the outbreak

of the Second World War.

The conflict came about as a direct result
of the ascent to power in Germany of the Nazis

led by Adolf Hitler early in 1933.

A rabidly anti-Semitic nationalist and fascist
organisation, the Nazis had made their twin

goals to crush the Jewish people in Germany
and to initiate a new war in Europe to overturn

the terms of the Treaty of Versailles which
had brought the First World War to an end

and to build a new German Third Reich or empire
which would dominate the continent.

Oppenheimer was very familiar with the Nazis.

As a Jew himself, albeit a non-observant one,
he had become politically involved for the

first time in his life during the mid-1930s
when he began setting aside 3% of his salary

to help German Jews who were trying to flee
Germany in the wake of the anti-Jewish Nuremburg

Laws which were introduced from 1934 onwards.

The Nazis’ anti-Jewish policies had become
more extreme from 1936 onwards and particularly

so in 1938, as Germany began annexing neighbouring
states, firstly Austria and then Czechoslovakia.

With the invasion of Poland in September 1939,
Britain and France declared war on Germany,

but public opinion in the United States was
not yet wholly in favour of intervention,

in what was deemed to be a European war.

Therefore, America would remain officially
neutral for the first two years of the conflict,

though the administration of President Franklin
Delano Roosevelt was providing extensive support

in the shape of war material to Britain, from
the war’s inception.

Oppenheimer’s life and his place in history
would be changed forever by the events of

December 1941.

By that time, the United States still remained
neutral in the Second World War, despite the

desperate situation in Europe, with the Nazis
conquering Poland in the autumn of 1939, Denmark

and Norway the following spring and then the
Low Countries and France in the summer of

1940.

With many other states like Italy, Hungary
and Romania allied with the Nazis and invasions

of Britain’s colonies in North Africa and
Russia afoot from the summer of 1941 onwards,

it seemed that Germany was destined to dominate
Europe.

It was in this context, that the Empire of
Japan, an ultra-nationalist state bent on

creating an Asiatic and Pacific empire, one
which already included Korea, Manchuria and

much of eastern China by the early 1940s,
decided to pre-emptively attack the United

States without declaring war.

The attack on Pearl Harbour in Hawaii and
other American territories such as the Philippines

on the 7th of December 1941, pulled the United
States into the Second World War.

Within days the US was at war with Germany,
Italy and the other Axis states as the entirety

of the Northern Hemisphere ended up at war.

Oppenheimer would soon be catapulted to the
centre of America’s research efforts during

the conflict.

This occurred in the context of efforts by
Nazi Germany to acquire a weapon of mass destruction

as a means of winning the war swiftly.

In the 1920s and the 1930s Germany had been
home to some of the world’s leading scientists

and so was well placed to develop a nuclear
weapon.

Nuclear fission, for instance, had been discovered
by a team led by Otto Robert Frisch and Lise

Meitner in Berlin in 1938.

Various experiments were initiated by the
Nazis the following year to begin using this

breakthrough to develop a nuclear weapon.

Some of these focused on developing a nuclear
reactor, while others favoured the theory

of using heavy water to produce an atomic
weapon, research which was carried out in

Nazi-occupied Norway throughout the war.

Already in August 1939 President Roosevelt
in Washington D.C. had received a letter from

the Hungarian nuclear physicist, Leo Szilard,
and Albert Einstein, alerting the US government

to the threat posed by these Nazi experiments.

Little effort was made to respond to this
in 1939 or 1940, but with the entry of the

US into the war at the end of 1941, fresh
consideration was given to America commencing

its own research in this area.

Oppenheimer would technically be in charge
of the Los Alamos Laboratory during the Second

World War, but this was all under the umbrella
of the Manhattan Project, a research and development

programme initiated by the US government in
1942 with the ultimate aim of developing a

nuclear bomb.

The name comes simply from the fact that the
team of individuals who were in charge of

the wider project, had their first headquarters
where they met in 1942 on the island of Manhattan

in New York City.

Eventually it grew from 1942 onwards to employ
approximately 130,000 people across the country.

They worked on various elements of the project
in many states and regions.

For instance, a large team working in Chicago
throughout the war, which included Oppenheimer’s

old colleague from Gottingen, Enrico Fermi,
and Leo Szilard who had co-authored the letter

to Roosevelt in 1939 warning the president
about the Nazi nuclear programme, developed

the first working nuclear reactor there.

Another team at the Hanford Site in Washington
state, were charged with producing plutonium

from uranium as a raw material for any future
nuclear weapon and a similar project was underway

in Tennessee.

There were even teams of individuals operating
under the rubric of the Manhattan Project

in Europe carrying out espionage to try to
uncover what the Nazis were working on.

Oppenheimer would oversee the most critical
research team of all those involved in the

Manhattan Project, as director of the Los
Alamos Laboratory in New Mexico.

He was very nearly not picked for this position.

The individual who oversaw the Manhattan Project
was Major General Leslie Groves.

Groves is not exactly a household name today,
but he has the distinction of having been

in charge of both the Manhattan Project, which
created the first nuclear weapon and also

overseeing the construction of the Pentagon
as the headquarters of the US military and

department of defence.

Oppenheimer was suggested to Groves in 1942
as a possible candidate to lead a team of

theoretical physicists and scientists as part
of the Manhattan Project, but Groves was initially

sceptical, favouring the idea of appointing
someone who had been awarded a Nobel Prize

in Physics and would consequently have enough
academic gravitas to lead a team of some of

the most eminent minds of the day.

He was eventually persuaded that Oppenheimer
had a track record of getting the best out

of people he worked with.

He contacted Oppenheimer and after interviewing
him came to the conclusion that he was well

suited for the post.

In the weeks that followed in the early winter
of 1942, Oppenheimer scouted out a suitable

location for the establishment of a research
centre, somewhere remote and away from any

urban centres, where secrecy would be ensured
and a nuclear weapon could be tested in due

course.

He eventually settled on Los Alamos in New
Mexico where a research facility was erected

on the site of an old school.

This was subcontracted to the University of
California through the War Department so that

Oppenheimer had some degree of autonomy in
hiring and firing as director of the Los Alamos

Laboratory.

Although there would be more hiring than firing.

At its height, there were well over 5,000
people employed at Los Alamos, far more than

Oppenheimer had initially anticipated.

The team that Oppenheimer assembled at Los
Alamos, included some of the finest scientists

of the first half of the twentieth century.

One was John Hasbrouck van Vleck, a physicist
and mathematician who had been at Harvard

when Oppenheimer arrived there in 1922.

He was subsequently awarded a Nobel Prize
in 1977 for his work on electronic magnetism.

Van Vleck made significant contributions to
the gun design which would be used in the

bomb used over Hiroshima.

A colleague of Oppenheimer’s from Berkeley,
Robert Serber, acted as an organising physicist

at Los Alamos and would eventually name the
bombs used in the first test explosion as

well as against Japan, as ‘Thin Man’,
‘Little Boy’ and ‘Fat Man’ after characters

from detective movies and novels such as The
Maltese Falcon.

Hans Bethe was a German-born theoretical physicist
who would later be awarded a Nobel Prize in

1967.

He was central to calculating the critical
mass of the bombs designed at Los Alamos.

Finally, Edward Teller was a Hungarian-born
Jew who was recruited to the Los Alamos Laboratory.

He had studied in Germany around the same
time as Oppenheimer in the late 1920s but

had subsequently immigrated to the United
States.

Teller had already worked at Fermi’s reactor
centre in Chicago before being sent to New

Mexico.

Teller was arguably Oppenheimer’s closest
colleague at Los Alamos.

Beyond these, were hundreds of other engineers,
metallurgists, chemists and military experts

involved in the research teams at Los Alamos,
working on a wide range of finer details about

how the first atomic weapon could be constructed.

The task which confronted this team of physicists
and other engineers and scientists was daunting.

When they assembled at Los Alamos they had
little to work on other than a theoretical

knowledge of how a nuclear chain reaction
could be produced.

But what must be remembered in an age when
we know what a nuclear explosion looks like

and the destruction that it results in, is
that Oppenheimer and his colleagues at Los

Alamos were not just trying to build a nuclear
weapon, but also to predict what would happen

when one exploded.

Thus, there was an enormous amount of experimentation
and theoretical speculation throughout 1943

and 1944.

Throughout it all, Oppenheimer worked exhaustively.

As Hans Bethe recollected years later, “his
uncanny speed in grasping the main points

of any subject was a decisive factor; he could
acquaint himself with the essential details

of every part of the work.

He did not direct from the head office.

He was intellectually and even physically
present at each decisive step.”

Yet the incredibly arduous work schedule which
Oppenheimer followed at Los Alamos also took

a toll on his health.

He was always a thin person, but during the
work in New Mexico he lost another twenty

pounds, eventually weighing as little as 110
lbs or less than eight stone.

During the course of 1943, research efforts
at Los Alamos began to focus on a prototype

codenamed ‘Thin Man’.

This was a plutonium gun-type weapon, which
would work more like an artillery gun, to

detonate, rather than an implosion type bomb.

The research into producing this was extremely
complex from a logistical perspective, with

the polonium which was used in the initiator
having to be obtained from ores in Ontario

in Canada and then manufactured at a separate
facility in Tennessee, which was also part

of the wider Manhattan Project, or at the
Hanford site in Washington state.

However, more complex still was the design
issue.

In order for the gun-type weapon to work,
a plutonium bullet which would be fired off

inside the bomb would have to be accelerated
to a speed of 3,000 feet per second or over

3,200 kilometres per hour or else the nuclear
fission would begin before the rest of the

mechanics of the bomb were ready for a successful
explosion.

This was ultimately the undoing of the ‘Thin
Man’ design, as it was realised during the

course of 1944 that the gun barrel needed
to produce this speed, would be far too large

to be employed in a bomb of a kind which could
be transported on board a B-29 Flying Superfortress,

the newly-designed heavy bombers which were
to be used to transport any nuclear bomb developed

by the US government.

This, along with issues relating to the use
of plutonium in a gun-type bomb, saw the ‘Thin

Man’ design abandoned in April 1944.

With the abandonment of the ‘Thin Man’
design, Oppenheimer redeployed many of the

scientists and engineers who had been working
on it to another design called ‘Little Boy’.

This was a simplified gun-type fission bomb,
but unlike the ‘Thin Man’ it was intended

that uranium-235 would be used instead of
plutonium for the nuclear fission that would

create the explosion.

Simultaneously, a third type of design was
being progressed.

The ‘Fat Man’, as it was known, would
use plutonium but was designed as an implosion-type

bomb.

The design team for it was led by an American
physicist by the name of Seth Neddermeyer.

Oppenheimer continued to favour the gun-type
design even as the ‘Fat Man’ was being

furthered during the course of 1943 and 1944.

Oppenheimer’s brilliance as an overseer
at Los Alamos, was seen in his decision to

bring John von Neumann, a Hungarian-born mathematician
and physicist to Los Alamos in 1943 to review

the design.

It was von Neumann who suggested a spherical
shape and shaped charges which would reduce

the amount of plutonium needed and make the
assembly of an implosion-type bomb more practical

and achievable.

Over the next several months, metallurgists
at Los Alamos had to try to solve the problem

of how to cast plutonium into a sphere, but
this was eventually overcome when a plutonium-gallium

alloy was devised, one which was pressed into
spheres and coated with nickel.

The design process was nearing completion.

As 1945 dawned at Los Alamos, Oppenheimer’s
teams were coming close to completing both

the design of the ‘Little Boy’ and ‘Fat
Man’.

Consequently there were two plausible candidates
for a successfully built nuclear weapon.

In the end both would be completed at roughly
the same time, as design problems were worked

out in the spring of 1945 and the required
levels of enriched uranium and plutonium were

produced in the sites in Washington state
and Tennessee.

The latter were enormous undertakings given
the technology available to the Manhattan

Project, as it was extremely costly and time
consuming to enrich these to become fissile

substances in the mid-1940s.

Other elements which needed to be resolved
were engineering problems for the most part.

For instance, the ‘Fat Man’ bomb was being
assembled using a huge array of approximately

1,500 bolts in 1944, an impractical amount
in order to develop a working bomb.

By the time it was completed in the early
summer of 1945, Oppenheimer’s team had reduced

this to just 90 bolts.

Other technical issues concerned how the bomb
would descend when dropped from a height and

throughout 1944 and 1945 tests were done to
assess how a bomb of the size and structure

of the ‘Fat Man’ and ‘Little Boy’
would fall through the air.

All of this came together during the course
of the spring of 1945 and by midsummer Oppenheimer

was able to deliver the head of the Manhattan
Project, Major General Leslie Groves, the

news that they were ready to conduct a test
detonation.

The Trinity nuclear test was carried out in
the Jornada del Muerto desert in New Mexico

on the 16th of July 1945.

Fittingly, the desert’s name translated
from the Spanish means ‘Dead Man’s Route’.

Oppenheimer revealed in correspondence with
Groves in 1962, that he codenamed the test

‘Trinity’ as he had been reading the religious
poetry of the seventeenth-century English

poet, John Donne, around the time that he
came up with the name.

The device which would be used during the
test was a ‘Fat Man’ bomb, using plutonium

and of an implosion-type.

For the purposes of the test the bomb in question
was christened ‘The Gadget’.

In order for the test to be carried out safely,
a location was chosen which was highly remote,

almost entirely unpopulated and otherwise
isolated.

There was only one building on the proposed
blast site, the McDonald Ranch House which

had been built there by a German migrant in
1913 and which had been forcefully vacated

in 1942 by the McDonald family after the US
government took over the region under the

remit of the Manhattan Project.

The test was a carefully planned thing, as
the plutonium which was to be used, had cost

billions of dollars to produce in today’s
money, such were the torturous methods involved

in enriching uranium and plutonium at the
time.

Much hinged on its success.

As Groves noted at the time, he didn’t want
to explain to a Congressional committee why

he had blown up a billion dollars’ worth
of plutonium in the desert for no reason.

The Trinity test was carried out near dawn,
on the morning of the 16th of July.

Observation shelters were established in three
different places to the north, south and west

of the blast site, each approximately nine
kilometres away from where the bomb would

be detonated.

Goggles were provided to prevent against harmful
ultraviolet wavelengths, while the distance

was considered safe enough in terms of the
radioactive half-life which would be produced.

Many of the observers that morning were scientists
and included Oppenheimer, Teller, Bethe, Enrico

Fermi and John von Neumann.

Some believed that the bomb would not work.

Others were concerned about exactly how destructive
it could prove to be.

They had their answers at 5.29am when ‘The
Gadget’ exploded, releasing explosive energy

equivalent to 25,000 tonnes of TNT.

This created a crater a third of a kilometre
wide and melted the sand across the launch

site, turning it into a light green glass-like
rock.

The observers nine kilometres away did not
hear the immense noise from the shock wave

for 40 seconds after the detonation, but by
that time, they were witnessing a growing

fireball which changed colour from purple,
green and orange eventually to white.

Then it coalesced into a mushroom cloud, one
which eventually spiralled twelve kilometres

into the sky.

The shock from the explosion was felt nearly
one-hundred kilometres away, while those at

the observation shelters nine kilometres away,
later recollected that there was a brief period

of immense heat like they were standing in
front of an open oven for a few seconds momentarily,

when the bomb detonated.

Oppenheimer’s supposed words as he watched
the Trinity text explosion have become somewhat

infamous in modern times.

He is alleged to have quoted from the Bhagavad
Gita, one of the holiest texts in Hinduism,

one which was written in the second half of
the first millennium BC and the title of which

approximates to ‘The Song by God’.

The Gita is a 700-verse scripture which primarily
revolves around Prince Arjuna and his guide,

the Hindu deity Krishna, on a wide range of
moral and religious matters.

It is widely and mistakenly believed that
Oppenheimer quoted a line from the Gita, in

which another Hindu god Vishnu says, “I
am become death, the destroyer of worlds.”

Although the line would have been a fitting
utterance that morning in New Mexico, in reality

Oppenheimer never said this.

Instead, recalling the event twenty years
later, he said that another line from the

Gita ran through his head, one in which it
is stated, “If the radiance of a thousand

suns were to burst at once into the sky, that
would be like the splendour of the mighty

one.”

On reflection in 1965, he thought the other
line would have been more fitting, but despite

the myth that has developed, Oppenheimer never
actually uttered the words, “I am become

death, the destroyer of worlds.”

However, for what in retrospect should have
been a sobering moment, the general reaction

in the observation shelters was one of glee
that the Manhattan Project had succeeded.

Oppenheimer, it was later noted, was jubilant.

The ramifications of their success, though,
would become all too clear within a matter

of weeks.

Within weeks of the Trinity test explosion,
the atomic bomb would be used as a weapon

of war.

By that time, the conflict in Europe had come
to an end, as the Allies had streamed into

Germany from both east and west in the spring
of 1945, leading to Hitler taking his own

life in Berlin in late April and the Nazis
surrendering just over a week later.

However, the Empire of Japan had indicated
no willingness to surrender and Japanese honour

systems and military culture seemed to suggest
an invasion of the Japanese islands would

be necessary to bring the war in the Pacific
to an end.

The US government had calculated that this
could result in millions of deaths as the

Japanese would fight to the bitter end.

Consequently, the decision was quickly taken
to utilise the new atomic bomb as a demonstration

to the Japanese government of the new weapon
which was available to the administration,

which was now headed by President Harry Truman,
who had succeeded to the White House following

President Roosevelt’s death in office in
mid-April 1945.

The result was the bombing of the Japanese
city of Hiroshima with one of the ‘Little

Boy’ bombs on the 6th of August 1945.

In Los Alamos that evening, Oppenheimer was
triumphant and seemed to regret the fact that

the weapon had not been available to use against
the Nazis in Germany.

However, this mood quickly gave way to disillusionment
three days later when the US dropped a second

bomb, of the ‘Fat Man’ type, on the city
of Nagasaki in Japan.

Surely, Oppenheimer and his colleagues concluded,
this was not acceptable.

After all, the Japanese had not been given
enough time to process the implications of

the first bomb and to decide to surrender,
which they did six days after the bombing

of Nagasaki.

With that the war came to an end.

The bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki remain
the only two occasions in world history when

nuclear weapons have been utilised in warfare.

They are accordingly enormously controversial.

Today most analysts of the events of August
1945 tend to take the same view as Oppenheimer

and his colleagues did, that the use of the
first bomb on Hiroshima was somewhat justifiable,

though imminently regrettable at the same
time, as a means of forcing the Japanese to

surrender and in the process potentially saving
millions of lives, by avoiding a land invasion

of the Japanese archipelago, but most are
agreed that the bombing of Nagasaki just three

days later was unwarranted.

More broadly, the ethical implications of
the work Oppenheimer and his colleagues carried

out as part of the Manhattan Project during
the war have been questioned.

There are two sides to this.

On the one hand the development of nuclear
weapons has introduced an existential threat

to humanity’s survival in modern times,
but on the other hand, the nuclear deterrent

has ensured that the world’s superpowers
and large states have avoided major wars ever

since 1945.

For centuries, Europe’s states had been
endlessly at war with one another.

That all changed once it became apparent that
direct conflict could result in mutually assured

destruction.

Ironically the impact of the development of
nuclear weapons has been to foster a ‘nuclear

peace’, but the risks remain profound in
a world where politics are becoming more antagonistic

and destabilised during the twenty-first century.

With the end of the war, Oppenheimer’s reputation
was at an unprecedented height within American

academic circles.

There were accordingly new opportunities open
to him and he decided to leave Berkeley and

head to the east coast to take up a position
as Director of the Institute for Advanced

Studies at Princeton in New Jersey in 1947,
an esteemed centre for the study of physics

in the United States, which included Albert
Einstein, Niels Bohr and Paul Dirac as former

charter members or visiting fellows.

Under Oppenheimer’s leadership, it became
a centre for emerging physicists and when

he left Berkeley a half a dozen of his more
promising graduate students left also, to

study at Princeton.

In New Jersey he continued the methods he
had developed in California in the 1930s,

producing an environment of energetic discussion
and research, often at the expense of his

own research, Oppenheimer choosing to write
and publish very little himself at Princeton.

As a result, the Institute became the leading
centre for the study of physics in the United

States in the late 1940s and early 1950s.

Many of the most important physicists of the
second half of the twentieth century passed

through the Institute during Oppenheimer’s
tenure, notably Yoichiro Nambu, a Japanese-American

who in 2008 would be co-awarded the Nobel
Prize for his role in discovering the spontaneous

broken symmetry in subatomic physics and Murray
Gell-Mann, who won the Nobel Prize in 1969

for his work on elementary particles.

As well as his work at Princeton, Oppenheimer
continued to hold a number of government positions

throughout the late 1940s and into the 1950s,
while also having security clearance to view

classified documents and material relating
to the United States’ evolving nuclear programme.

Notable in this respect, was his membership
of the newly established Atomic Energy Commission,

which had been founded in 1947 as a commission
headed by the United Nations, itself a newly

created body designed to foster world peace
in the aftermath of the war.

The Energy Commission was charged with regulating
the proliferation of nuclear materials and

the development of nuclear weaponry.

While the United States was for several years
the only nation with access to nuclear bombs

after 1945, it was only a matter of time,
now that the world had seen that it was possible

to develop such weapons, before other nation
states began building their own bombs or trying

to develop them.

Oppenheimer and several of his former colleagues
from the Manhattan Project were central to

efforts in 1946 and 1947 to establish restrictions
on nuclear proliferation which are still in

force today.

As the first chairman of the Commission Oppenheimer
tried to discourage a nuclear arms race between

the United States and the Soviet Union in
the context of the developing Cold War, but

these efforts were in vain, and a major nuclear
arms race developed once the Soviets conducted

their first successful test of a nuclear weapon
in 1949.

As news of the Soviet acquirement of a nuclear
weapon reached the US in 1949, debate began

within the government of President Harry Truman
about the development of a hydrogen or thermonuclear

bomb, a far more powerful nuclear weapon than
the atomic bombs which had been developed

under the rubric of the Manhattan Project
and used against Japan in 1945.

Oppenheimer and a great many other scientists
who had contributed to the work at the Los

Alamos Laboratory between 1942 and 1945 were
opposed to such a measure, arguing that such

a weapon could not be used in any practical
sense in warfare, without causing immense

damage and potentially triggering a nuclear
war, which would wipe out much of life on

the planet.

In their petition to the government in late
1949 they stated that “the extreme danger

to mankind inherent in the proposal [to develop
thermonuclear weapons] wholly outweighs any

military advantage.”

Nevertheless, Truman pressed ahead and greenlit
the new programme in January 1950.

Nearly three years later, in November 1952,
the first hydrogen bomb was tested on an atoll

in the Pacific Ocean.

‘Ivy Mike’, as the bomb was named, produced
an explosion equivalent to over ten million

tonnes of TNT and was 450 times more powerful
than the atomic bomb which the US dropped

on Nagasaki in 1945.

Despite the reservations expressed by Oppenheimer
and many others, the Cold War was heading

into the era of mutually assured destruction.

As much as he had been absolutely central
to the Manhattan Project and a senior government

scientist for many years, Oppenheimer fell
foul of the government in the early 1950s

during the Second Red Scare.

These were years when the Cold War with the
Soviet Union was deepening following the division

of Germany into a western-aligned West Germany
and a communist East Germany, along with the

formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
and the Warsaw Pact as a rival military alliance,

while the Korean War pitted the western and
communist blocs against each other for the

first time in a major proxy war.

In this environment America became wracked
with what were initially legitimate concerns

about communist organisations within the United
States, acting as a fifth column for the Soviet

Union within America, but this soon gave way
to intense and unfounded paranoia about the

motives of anyone associated with socialist
politics or even groups such as the American

Civil Liberties Union.

The Second Red Scare, which is termed as such,
to distinguish it from the First Red Scare,

which struck America in the late 1910s following
the Russian Revolution of 1917, gathered pace

from the late 1940s and was at its most intense
between 1950 and 1954 as Senator Joseph McCarthy

undertook extensive efforts to identify and
bring to trial, anyone even remotely suspected

of communist sympathies.

Oppenheimer would soon come under suspicion
during the Second Red Scare.

Oppenheimer’s associations with socialist
and left-wing political movements and civil

liberties organisations in America stretched
back to the mid-1930s when, after being largely

apolitical throughout his youth, he began
to finally take an interest in political affairs.

This led him to join a number of left-wing
and progressive movements at a time when socialist

parties and organisations were seen as the
logical opposition to the growing fascist

tide across Europe, particularly so from 1936
onwards, when the Soviet Union and other communist

parties supported the Republicans against
the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War.

It should be noted, however, that Oppenheimer
never actually joined the Communist Party

of the United States, though, a great many
individuals who were very close to him were

active members, including Jean Tatlock with
whom he was involved romantically from 1936

onwards, his wife Kitty and his brother Frank.

Other movements which Robert was involved
in, such as the American Civil Liberties Union,

were also considered radical between the 1930s
and 1950s, but are now viewed as the torch-bearers

of the civil rights movement which ended Segregation
after nearly a century.

All of this ensured that Oppenheimer was viewed
with some suspicion by the authorities, a

development which was compounded by his father’s
birth in Germany once the United States entered

the Second World War, though this was a complete
oxymoron as Oppenheimer’s Jewish background

would have made him a persona non grata to
the Nazi regime in Berlin.

Nevertheless, suspicions abounded about Oppenheimer.

He was even under surveillance throughout
America’s involvement in the Second World

War, a bizarre period during which he was
one of the most senior figures involved in

the Manhattan Project but the FBI simultaneously
had a file open on him.

These issues coalesced by 1949 and that year
Oppenheimer was forced to testify before the

House Un-American Activities Committee about
his political associations.

During this, he admitted to ties to the Communist
Party and that many of his more prominent

students at Berkeley in the 1930s had also
been official members of the party, but stated

he had never been a member himself.

Not much more came of the interrogation at
this juncture, but four years later in the

early winter of 1953, the accusations against
Oppenheimer were resurrected and on this occasion

the FBI were convinced, wrongly as it turns
out, that Oppenheimer was a Soviet asset operating

within the US.

Such was the level of paranoia which pertained
within America at the time of the Second Red

Scare.

In mid-December 1953, Oppenheimer’s security
clearance for the US government was revoked

and he was advised to resign from his government
positions.

This Oppenheimer refused to do and demanded
a hearing, one which was held behind closed

doors in the late spring of 1954.

During this, Oppenheimer was completely undermined
by his old colleague, Edward Teller, who testified

that he had found Oppenheimer’s behaviour
questionable at times during his time as director

of the Los Alamos Laboratory.

With this betrayal, Oppenheimer was stripped
of his security clearance and cast into the

political and social wilderness in the mid-1950s.

The years following his security hearing and
the revocation of his security clearance were

difficult ones for Oppenheimer.

The reaction within the academic community
was mixed.

Most of his colleagues defended Oppenheimer,
but the bureaucrats and administrators who

ran the American universities were often less
sanguine, with many cancelling lectures and

appearances which Oppenheimer was scheduled
to give.

Oppenheimer’s own confidence was dented
and he refrained from overt involvement in

numerous initiatives launched by figures like
Einstein to warn the government and American

society about the dangers of excessive nuclear
proliferation.

Instead he spent an increasing amount of time
away from the continental United States, relocating

to the Virgin Islands in the Caribbean, a
US overseas territory.

Here he purchased an estate on what was then
known as Gibney Beach on the island of Saint

John, but which has since become known colloquially
as Oppenheimer Beach.

He spent extended periods here from 1957 onwards,
though there were many institutions and organisations

within America that continued to invite him
to guest lecture.

Yet the 1950s were notably lean years for
him from a research perspective, during which

he barely published anything.

By the late 1950s there were concerted efforts
underway to rehabilitate Oppenheimer abroad.

For instance, in 1957, the French government
awarded him the Legion D’Honour in recognition

of his wartime service to the Allied cause.

In 1962 he was made a foreign member of the
Royal Society in Britain.

By that time there was an increasing awareness
at home in America that the Second Red Scare

had been utterly excessive in its prosecution
of individuals who had been only vaguely associated

with the American communist movement and had
no real ties of any kind with the Soviet Union.

Accordingly in 1963, President John F. Kennedy
moved to rehabilitate Oppenheimer by awarding

him the Enrico Fermi Award, an award which
had been created in 1956 by the US Department

of Energy and named in honour of Enrico Fermi,
the Italian-American scientist who had developed

the world’s first nuclear reactor in Chicago
in 1942, as part of the early stages of the

Manhattan Project and who had died prematurely
of stomach cancer in 1954.

The award had been bestowed on several individuals
who had worked at the Los Alamos Laboratory

under Oppenheimer between 1943 and 1945, including
von Neumann, Bethe and Teller in 1956, 1961

and 1962 respectively.

Hence Oppenheimer’s receipt of the award
in 1963 was belated but a welcome acknowledgement

of the government’s mistake in persecuting
him as part of the Red Scare.

Oppenheimer did not live long to enjoy having
his reputation partially restored.

Two years after he was awarded the Fermi Award
he was diagnosed in late 1965 with throat

cancer, an illness which was undoubtedly caused
by his lifelong chain smoking.

This was a time when many forms of cancer
which are treatable today were effectively

a death sentence.

Thus, while Oppenheimer underwent aggressive
chemotherapy in an effort to prolong his life,

he fell into a coma early in 1967 and died
at home in Princeton on the 18th of February.

He was 62 years of age.

While his reputation had been only partly
rehabilitated by the bestowal of the Enrico

Fermi Award in 1963 and many political figures
continued to view him suspiciously, the academic

community clearly demonstrated its respect
for Oppenheimer at a funeral service which

was attended by over 600 colleagues from within
academia, the scientific community and the

military, a great many of whom had worked
with Oppenheimer at Los Alamos.

His ashes were later deposited in the waters
off St John’s Island in the Caribbean in

an urn.

In the decades since, his reputation has been
fully rehabilitated.

By way of contrast, Edward Teller, who testified
against Oppenheimer at his closed doors hearing

in 1954, was spurned by many within the American
scientific community for decades to come.

In 1967 Oppenheimer was posthumously nominated
for the third time for the Nobel Prize for

Physics.

He had previously been nominated in 1946 and
1951, but he had not received the accolade

on those occasions, nor did he in 1967.

There has been considerable attention given
over the years as to why he did not receive

the Nobel Prize given his extensive accomplishments,
but there would seem to be clear reasons why

he did not.

Firstly, Oppenheimer did not publish extensively,
unlike someone like Albert Einstein who published

over 300 scientific papers during his lifetime
and many books later in his life.

By way of contrast, Oppenheimer published
just five academic papers after the Second

World War.

Furthermore, while he contributed to numerous
fields of inquiry within physics, he did not

make the kind of theoretical or applied breakthrough
in any one specific area which would have

warranted a Nobel Prize.

The Nobels are not awarded for a lifetime’s
work, but generally for a specific scientific

accomplishment.

Einstein, for instance, won his primarily
for his work on the photoelectric effect.

Hence Oppenheimer was deemed not to have warranted
a Nobel Prize for his individual contributions

to science, though some have speculated that
his work on gravitational collapse was worthy

of one.

His primary accomplishments throughout his
career lay in collaborative work and overseeing

teams of physicists and other scientists.

It was this which made him the ideal individual
to head the Los Alamos Laboratory during the

war.

Robert Oppenheimer is one of the most important
theoretical physicists in history.

His research and work between the 1920s and
1960s added substantially to our understanding

of the universe, notably the manner in which
the Born-Oppenheimer Approximation transformed

our understanding of molecular dynamics from
1927 onwards and how the Oppenheimer-Phillips

Process allowed for a deuteron-induced nuclear
reaction after Oppenheimer and Melba Phillips

provided an explanation for this phenomenon
in 1935.

But he will forever be remembered for his
role in the Manhattan Project as director

of the Las Alamos Laboratory.

In this capacity, Oppenheimer might be said
to have been the lead physicist in US efforts

to develop an atomic bomb during the Second
World War.

Whatever the existential and moral implications
of the introduction of such weapons into the

world might be, there is no doubt that this
research was considered necessary in the context

of the times.

Oppenheimer was clearly troubled by what he
and his colleagues had unleashed into the

world and spent much of the post-war period
arguing against the development of even more

deadly weapons of mass destruction.

It was in part owing to this, that he found
himself persecuted and prosecuted by the government

he had worked for in the early 1950s and cast
into the wilderness as a result of the Second

Red Scare.

His legacy, though, is alive and well today.

An eccentric man who viewed the physical universe
in mystical terms, Oppenheimer should surely

be remembered as one of the great scientists
of modern times.

What do you think of Robert Oppenheimer?

Was he the most significant individual involved
in the Manhattan Project and should he have

been awarded a Nobel Prize?

Please let us know in the comment section,
and in the meantime, thank you very much for

watching.