All language subtitles for The Cuba Libre Story - S01E08 - Staatswillkür und Ferne Hoffnung

[in Spanish] Cuba has always
been fighting for its freedom.

[in Spanish] 100,000 died, and even though
we lost the war, the country had changed.

There is little question that Meyer Lansky
had thoroughly corrupted Batista.

It's not a lie.
They didn't promise anything.

They promised a revolution
and they did a revolution.

[in Russian] These guys were bound to
become either martyrs, or national heroes.

Una revolución!

-Fidel Castro!
-[cheering]

He told Khrushchev, "You should unleash
the entire Soviet nuclear arsenals."

Apocalypse.

[in German] Cuba will never bend its knee.

Cuba has come a long way.

From island paradise in the Caribbean,
over 400 years of colonial occupation,

to being the lone outpost of socialism
in the Western hemisphere.

Revolutionary leader Fidel Castro
has led the country for half a century.

Everyday life on Cuba is focused on him,
his maxims, and his cult of personality.

But behind this static facade,
a transformation is underway.

Why did secret agents

become one of the island's
most important sources of income?

How did the Pope manage to mediate

between Cuba and its sworn enemy,
the United States?

And what will happen
after the Castros?

The history of Cuba is 500 years
of poverty and insurrection,

and a dream of freedom that
the Cubans have never given up on.

During the Cold War, Cuba was firmly
on the side of the Soviet Union.

Education and health were
positive aspects of the Castro era.

[in German]
Cuba was the first Latin American country

to provide universal access
to schools, to university,

as well as universal healthcare.

The demise of the Soviet Union and
its satellite states in the early 1990s

hit Cuba hard.

Economic support worth billions
of dollars suddenly disappeared.

Cuba's infrastructure collapsed,

and even basic food items
were suddenly in short supply.

Any opposition to the regime
was repressed.

[in Spanish] The majority of people
in Cuba don't believe in this system.

After 56 years, you'd have to be an idiot

to still believe that it can work.

Many disenfranchised Cubans
decided to flee the island.

Among them is Alina Fernández Revuelta,
Fidel Castro's illegitimate daughter.

Forgoing a privileged life
among Castro's inner circle,

she fled Cuba
with a fake Spanish passport in 1993.

Seeking refuge in the United States,

she immediately spoke out
against her father's regime.

[in French] The government steals.

Perhaps to keep,
perhaps to sustain itself.

It's a fact.
This has been going on for 35 years.

The government has found a way

to try to keep going,

but obviously it won't last.

But unlike Alina, most people
did not have the option to flee Cuba.

On August 5th 1994,

anti-Castro demonstrations
erupt in central Havana.

The events may seem small,

but it's the first time
under Fidel Castro's rule

that public anger has manifested
in the streets.

But even so, anti-Fidel protesters
are immediately confronted

by pro-Fidel sympathizers —
and the police.

[all chant]

[in German] These were the first serious
riots after the crisis began.

In 1992, 1993, Cuba hit a real low point.

One trigger for the protests was
the opening of a new kind of store

in Cuba in the early 1990s.

These stores catered only to tourists
and Cubans with relatives abroad,

because they only accepted US dollars.

The majority of the population
could only watch in envy.

[in Spanish] Young people who wanted
to leave took to the streets to protest,

"I want to leave, let me leave!"

And Fidel asked them, "What do you want?"

"We want to leave."
"Well, then go ahead, leave."

The distance between Cuba and
the United States is a scant 90 miles.

It may not seem like much,
but there are no ferries,

and no other boats available
to most Cubans.

After Fidel Castro granted his permission
to people wishing to leave Cuba,

tens of thousands took to the sea
in flimsy handmade rafts and floats.

They were called "balseros" - rafters.

Many of them told their stories

in the Catalan Oscar-nominated
documentary of the same name.

[in Spanish] I think the demonstrations
triggered something.

And the Cuban government had to react.

They always had an option, a safety valve.

If things got too bad, they could open
the valve and let people out.

Castro told his police not to oppose
any attempts to leave the country.

Most of those fleeing

underestimated the difficulties
of navigating on the open ocean.

Without help, they had little chance
to make it to the United States.

I had an airplane at the time
which I used to go to the Bahamas.

It was a play-thing, a hobby,

and we flew quite a lot
to determine several things.

With a group of amateur pilots,

José Basulto founded the aid association
Brothers to the Rescue.

1994 was an avalanche.

Before 1994 we had found
4,200 refugees at sea.

In 1994 we assisted the Coast Guard
to find 35,000 more.

Rafts were identified from the air,

and their positions radioed
to the Coast Guard,

who intercepted the rafts.

The rafters were brought by Coast Guard
ships to Guantanamo Bay,

where they were registered
before being sent to the US.

Together, the US Coast Guard
and Brothers to the Rescue

saved thousands of lives.

The exodus did not last long, before Cuba
once again closed access to the malecón.

[in German] Fidel personally came
down to the malecón with his entourage.

The point was to publicly
reclaim this space

and to show that things
were under control again.

In 1994, Cuba was in the midst
of an economic crisis.

Tourism on the island
mainly benefitted the army,

securing its financial survival.

To find new sources of income,

Cuba began selling secrets
collected by its spy services.

For decades, essentially up to 1995,

the Cubans were almost perfect
in the United States.

Because they had been so successful
for so long, they stopped being creative.

They became predictable.

And in the spy services,
being predictable is fatal.

In 1985, the Cuban Intelligence Service

recruited the services
of American Ana Montes.

She then applied to join
the US Defense Intelligence Agency.

As a double agent, she helped
the Cuban intelligence service

identify several American spies
while still working for the DIA.

In Washington, Montes was regarded
as an expert on Cuba,

and acted as a consultant on
Cuban affairs to various politicians.

It took a slip-up during
a routine interview

to unmask her as a double agent.

She was sentenced
to 25 years in prison.

In most cases, when you're running a spy,

the spy is simply there
to steal the secrets.

Ana Montes was much more than that.

She actually helped shape US policy
on Cuba.

One of her nicknames
was the Queen of Cuba.

When they lost her, they lost a lot.

Cuba's economic situation
remained desperate

until a new potential backer appeared
on the world stage.

Cuban intelligence
began working in Venezuela.

[in German] In 1999, Cuba found
its new savior in Hugo Chávez.

He took on the role that
the Soviet Union had played before.

Not with ideological pressure,
but at least on an economic level.

He provided oil and pumped billions
into the country.

Like Fidel Castro,
Hugo Chávez was a socialist,

and also like him, a fervent opponent
of US influence in Latin America.

In 2002, more than 1,000 Cuban agents

helped put down an anti-Chávez coup
from within the country's army.

[in German] Chávez then designated Castro

as the father of
the Latin-American revolution,

at least in Venezuela.

Relations between Venezuela
and Cuba intensified.

Cuba sent teachers and doctors, and spies
to help repress any opposition to Chávez.

In exchange, Venezuela delivered oil.

[in German]
Cuba does not have the resources

to meet its domestic demand for energy.

The oil that is found there is not enough.
Power plants have collapsed.

They need to find other ways
to supply themselves.

This is what Venezuela helped with.

Hugo Chávez treated Castro
like a Venezuelan elder statesman.

Chávez even ruled his country
while living in Cuba for months on end.

Its oil made Venezuela rich,

and financed both Venezuela's
and Cuba's socialism.

Cuba received $1.5 billion worth
of oil per year.

It sold half on the international market,

generating profits in excess
of $800 million a year.

Even today, the Cuban intelligence
service is very active in Venezuela.

They help to counter
the political opposition

in exchange for the government's
ongoing support for Cuba.

But they still have thousands of officers,

and as long as these officers
are in place...

And, I mean, frankly,
the current Venezuela leader

owes his survival to the Cubans.

He's in no position to force
the Cubans out.

And they have no interest in leaving.

Despite Venezuela's support, however,

Cuba's supply situation
remained critical.

Fidel Castro and his propaganda
sought to blame everyone else,

and particularly the USA.

[woman] We love Fidel!

[in German] He was the uncontested
leader of Cuba.

He was the father of the nation.

Whenever he appeared in public somewhere

people applauded and shouted,
"Fidel, Fidel!"

It was clear that he was their leader.

Cuba's army controlled
40% of its economy.

The profits were used to finance
the military apparatus.

The people of Cuba
received almost nothing.

The government ensured that
the military and secret services

maintained their position of power.

Real private enterprise and political
parties remained banned.

[in German]
There has always been opposition,

but more of an intellectual opposition

that would manifest itself
in criticism in magazines.

But there was no,
or almost no organized opposition.

One exception to this were youth groups
within the Catholic Church,

which had always demanded human rights
and free elections.

One of them,
a young man named Oswaldo Payá,

even founded a Christian Liberation
Movement — the MCL.

But even before, Payá was seen
as a troublemaker by the regime.

During his mandatory military service,

he refused to transport
political prisoners,

and was promptly arrested.

[in Spanish]
When my father was 17 years old,

he was kidnapped and sent
to forced labor camps,

like many other young men at the time,

who were persecuted for listening to rock,
for listening to the Beatles,

for having long hair,
for being homosexuals,

for having any kind of religious beliefs,
for not participating in the regime.

What set Payá apart

is that he always condemned
the United States' Cuban policy.

But his criticism and opposition work
also stayed within Cuban law.

[in Spanish] We say that
every Cuban should have a vote

and the people should be able
to vote in free elections.

There should be a parliament that
one can be elected to, and out again.

There should be multiple
political parties.

Payá knew that his demands
were not possible

within the framework
of Cuba's socialist constitution.

But he saw a legal way out.

Under Cuban law, there is the possibility

of holding a national referendum
that could change the law.

All he had to do was gather
at least 10,000 signatures.

[in Spanish] That's why
we started the Varela project.

It's a way for Cubans to claim
what is rightfully theirs.

We want to make ourselves
protagonists of our history.

Payá's MCL movement
called for freedom of opinion,

freedom of the press, free elections,
and free market enterprise.

They had little trouble collecting
the required 10,000 signatures.

The government, however, refused
to hold the now required referendum.

The issue of the Varela project
was taken up

when former US President Jimmy Carter
visited Cuba in 2002.

I don't know what's gonna happen
with the Varela project.

I think it would be very good

if your officials would decide to publish
the entire document,

let there be a free and open debate
in Cuba.

Fidel Castro's response?
A crackdown on the opposition.

In 2003, he had 75 members
of Payá's movement

and other opposition groups arrested.

[in Spanish] It was a message of terror

that was heard by the Cuban people.

He told them, "We give the orders."

"Don't think that you can change things."

[Cason] They received very long sentences,
some of them 25, 28 years.

They all went off to jails.

Generally they tried to put them
as far away from their family as possible

to make it very difficult
for them to be visited.

The charges: conspiring with American
diplomats, and treason.

Oswaldo Payá was not arrested,
but his initiative had failed.

[in German]
I think this was another instance

where the revolution perverted
what it stood for.

They organized a witch-hunt
against the opposition

and had people sentenced
to long prison terms by kangaroo courts,

which was entirely outside
any legal framework.

Relatives of the arrested dissidents
formed a new protest movement.

They called themselves Ladies in White.

They protested the unjust arrests
and demanded freedom for their relatives.

[in Spanish] My father had
received death threats

from state security for years.

And it wasn't just death threats.
They actually tried to kill him.

On July 22nd 2012,
Oswaldo Payá died in a car crash.

The Cuban police claimed that the car,
carrying four passengers,

was speeding and crashed into a tree.

The driver and the passenger
in the front seat survived.

They were travelling
from Havana to Bayamo

when the accident happened.

At first, they claimed
to have been hit by a truck,

but retracted their statements
in front of television cameras later on.

Oswaldo Payá and his group's
youth movement leader, Harold Cepero,

were both killed in the accident.

The driver, a Spanish politician
named Ángel Carromero,

was arrested
for involuntary manslaughter.

Oswaldo Payá's funeral was attended
by tens of thousands of Cubans.

His family is convinced his death
was orchestrated by the government.

Shortly after the funeral,
the driver, Ángel Carromero,

was sentenced to four years
in prison for allegedly speeding,

and using his cell phone while driving.

[in Spanish] It was a trial full of lies
and false testimony.

It ended with a guilty verdict
for the driver.

After his release, Ángel Carromero
claimed on American television

that there had been no accident at all.

[in Spanish] I think they died later,
because there was no accident.

We were just simply pushed off the road.
We were not exceeding the speed limit.

We did not hit a tree,
as they had claimed.

When I was taken prisoner
and put in a cell in Bayamo,

I had no access to a lawyer,
or to anybody,

except for the soldiers
who were watching me.

They forced me to record a video,
al-Qaeda style.

If you see the video,
I have bruises on my face,

it's hard for me to talk.
There are curtains behind me.

I'm reading the message
they wanted me to read.

I had two options. Do what they want,
or don't come back.

Is Carromero telling the truth, or did
he really lose control of the rental car?

The Cuban authorities stuck
with their version,

but doubts and contradictions linger.

[in Spanish]
I think my father was targeted

by the Cuban government
from the beginning.

I think that the Cuban government
was simply waiting for an opportunity.

Fidel Castro claimed that Payá was in the
pay of the US government,

but never offered any proof.

However, the United States
continued to be his nemesis,

and, according to him,
the cause of all of Cuba's problems.

In particular, Castro saw
the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay

as a constant provocation.

US soldiers have been stationed here,
without interruption, since 1903.

[in French] In the eyes of the Cubans,
it's like a thorn in their side.

There are armed Americans,

people displaying a kind of sovereignty
on Cuban territory.

September 11th 2001 changed
the balance of world politics.

The United States sought allies
in their war on terror.

How would Cuba and Castro react?

[in German] Castro condemned terrorism.

He opposed it.

At the same time, he said,
"We don't want this to result in war."

"No al terrorismo, no a la guerra."

[in German] I clearly remember
when he said that.

The USA invaded Iraq and Afghanistan,
hunting down al-Qaeda terrorists.

But it was unclear which of the many
suspects were actual terrorists at all.

Almost all suspected
high-level enemy combatants

were held at Guantánamo Bay on Cuba.

Since the base was not part
of US territory,

US armed forces and the CIA

could operate outside of the restrictions
of US domestic law.

This posed no problem
for the Cuban government.

[in German] Raúl was asked what
he thought about this by journalists.

He answered, "We were asked beforehand."

Soon, the first accusations
of torture and prisoner abuse

emerged from Guantanamo.

Despite international protests,

the prison was not shut down under
US President Barack Obama.

Of more than 800 prisoners here,
most were let go over the years.

But the fact remains
that the United States,

who have always accused Cuba
of human rights violations,

did themselves violate international law
in a military base on Cuban soil.

Castro's regime exploited the situation

and regularly denounced the crimes
committed at Guantanamo.

For them, it was another way of turning
attention away from Cuba's own problems.

Unknown to most Cubans, meanwhile,
Fidel Castro lived with his family

in his well-guarded luxury residence
at Punto Cero.

[in Spanish] There are about 200 men

in charge of Fidel's personal protection.

There are other units, too,
that join them.

Logistically, it is huge.

The Castro family's compound was
conceived as wholly self-sufficient,

because Fidel feared being poisoned.

[in Spanish] The food was all grown there.

It was being taken care of
by army officers.

There was a cow for his milk,
buffaloes for his milk, it was all there.

Vegetables also.

He's very disciplined
when it comes to food.

There were two chefs employed
24 hours a day.

He had everything within reach,

and everything was protected
by guards.

Aside from Punto Cero,

Fidel Castro also owns a small
vacation island near the Bay of Pigs

called Cayo Piedra.

But the "Máximo Lider" himself
does not live a life of luxury.

He instead lives under a regime
of the highest levels of security.

His occasional public appearances,
where he loved to be a man of the people,

were a nightmare
for his security apparatus.

The Castro brothers' real wealth

lies in the almost unlimited power
they wield over the island.

Juan Juan Almeida, himself the son
of a revolutionary commander,

grew up within the Castros' inner circle.

[in Spanish]
The difference is in their power.

They are Godlike in their power.

What makes us different from God?

God decides about life and death.

Well, Fidel Castro gives us life,
or takes it away.

Fidel Castro's private life
was almost never discussed in Cuba.

He had at least 11 children
with seven women,

including five with his wife Dalia.

Most of his sons and daughters
lived on the island.

[in German] "Hijo de Papa",
as they say in Cuba.

"Father's son", or "father's daughter".

They live a sheltered life in Cuba,

so that the people in general
do not know how well-off they are.

Pictures of Fidel Castro's children
are rare.

The eldest son, Fidelito...

Alejandro...

Antonio...

Alex...

Ángel...

and Alina.

[in Spanish] These guys grew up
among the mighty,

but outside of their decisions.

Perhaps Fidel's omnipresence...

Perhaps Fidel's omnipresence

made them reject public
or political positions.

I think that they preferred sailing,
or going out for a stroll.

They preferred to enjoy Cuba
and all it has to offer.

They feel that it's theirs by right.

Hasta la victoria siempre!

What would a Cuba
without Fidel Castro look like?

An accident in October of 2004
made the question more pertinent.

[Wulffen, in German] There was
an outdoor rally in Santa Clara in 2004.

It had been raining before.

This probably made the stage
so slippery that he fell.

Fidel fell and hurt himself badly enough

to not be able to continue
his duties for awhile.

Since the revolution of 1959,

the question of who rules the island
was clear for most Cubans.

But of the top revolutionary leaders
from back then,

only the Castro brothers survive
to this day.

Raúl Castro has been
President of Cuba since 2008.

He has chosen not to deviate
from most of his brother's policies.

[in German] This is why,
as long as the brothers are alive,

no-one has dared to rise up.

There has never been another leader,

nor anybody even with the kind
of leadership persona

it would take to threaten
the Castros' position.

Raúl took over his brother's duties,
first temporarily, then permanently.

He became president at the age of 75.

Juan Juan Almeida,
after his parents divorced,

lived for several years with Raúl Castro.

[in Spanish] I can tell you
that I loved him very much.

I admired him.
For me, he was like a second father.

I would describe him as a family man.

Raúl's wife, Vilma Espín,
was herself a veteran of the revolution,

and a former member
of the Council of State.

Since Fidel kept his own family
out of the spotlight,

Vilma Espín was called Cuba's First Lady
until her death in 2007.

She and Raúl had four children,
in addition to their foster son, Juan.

[in Spanish]
Raúl had a marshal's uniform made.

It looked good on him.

When Raúl's children
or people living with him...

wanted something,
it was very easy to convince him

by saying, "Wow, that marshal's uniform
looks great on you!"

Raúl is a Marxist, he's a communist,

he's an admirer of the Soviet Union.

If you go to his office,

you see pictures of all the generals
of World War Two,

the Soviet generals.

Above all else, Raúl Castro ensured
the army's grasp on power.

Under his leadership,
the military controlled

large parts of Cuba's economy
and foreign trade.

[in Spanish] Raúl doesn't like cameras.

He doesn't like to be in public.
Raúl suffers from agoraphobia.

Raúl lacks many things
that Fidel had to excess.

Cuban politics did not change with
Raúl in charge.

Fidel was no longer involved
in day-to-day politics,

but he remained the symbol
of highest authority.

Here, he is visited in the hospital
by Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez.

[in German] I attended the military parade
in honor of Fidel Castro.

Everyone thought he would come.

But his health was such
that this was not possible.

What I saw then

was that the people were aghast

at how sick Fidel was.

[applause]

Official appearances
guarantee public applause.

[in Spanish] What is happening to him now,

that he has to stay at home,
unable to rule,

this has to be the worst punishment
for Fidel.

He can't rule over anybody.

I imagine that he must be
in a terrible mood.

Venezuela's president Hugo Chávez
died of cancer in 2013.

Cuba lost one of its chief allies.

The low cost of oil further hampers
Cuba's chances

of continuing to receive oil
under Chávez's successors.

Venezuela, economically, is going down.
It's the only supporter they had.

Venezuela was giving Cuba over
100,000 barrels of oil a day for free.

Of which they use half and half
they sell it on the international market.

So as soon as the market went down,
like it did,

to eight or ten dollars a barrel,

whatever they sold in the market
was nothing.

I mean, they lost a tremendous amount
of income.

In the fall of 2015,
Pope Francis visited Cuba.

60% of Cuba's population is Catholic,

even though the country
is officially atheist.

[in German]
The Catholic Church becomes more important

during the crisis of the late 1980s
and 1990s.

They became more involved
in ordinary people's lives

because they distributed medicine,
aid, and social assistance.

This increased the role they played.

The remaining incarcerated members
of Cuba's opposition movements

were allowed to leave Cuba for Spain,

thanks to the mediation
of the Catholic Church.

But their relatives
among the Ladies in White

were briefly interned themselves
during the papal visit.

[in Spanish]
I urge all political leaders to persevere

to do everything possible on this path

in order to secure peace
and well-being for their people,

and all of the Americas.

This would be a strong example

of reconciliation for the entire world.

Pope Francis
is originally from Argentina.

Even before his visit,
he used his influence

to mediate between
Cuba and the United States.

[in Spanish]
Francis didn't just ask for changes,

but also involved himself
in the negotiations

to bring about these changes

and to allow Cuba and the United States

to sit down and normalize
their relations.

Fidel Castro, a former Jesuit student,
meets Jesuit Pope Francis.

The two men spoke Spanish
and got on well.

Castro had opposed the Church
for a long time,

even banning Christmas from Cuba
during the Cold War.

But those days are behind him.

[in German] A man like Fidel
needs no political position.

He shines even without a uniform,
or other official apparel.

He embodies moral authority.

He is Cuba's father figure,
and is still regarded as such.

Socialist organizations helped
to ensure a maximum turn-out

for the papal masses in Cuba.

It was a quid-pro-quo,
as the Pope had,

behind the scenes
and long before his visit,

worked to reconcile Cuba
and the United States.

[in German] The Pope's main intention
was to visit Cuba,

but he was also an important factor
in the negotiations.

He succeeded in that both the USA and Cuba
were able to claim this as a win.

After decades of animosity,
and with the mediation of Pope Francis,

US President Barack Obama sees
the opportunity to make history.

To end the United States' isolation
in Latin America.

And even in Cuba,
the need for a new era is apparent.

Even the whole opening of relations
with the United States

isn't because they think
they lose anything.

Everybody in their intelligence services
is saying this is a good thing.

Politically, financially,
Cuba comes out the winner.

Why wouldn't they do it?

April of 2015 marked the first time

that the presidents of Cuba
and the United States

had met since the Cuban revolution.

[in German] Since the early 1960s,
there has been a half-century

where the United States
were Cuba's sworn enemy.

Now, we have the situation that
Raúl and Obama

hold a press conference at the same time.
This was coordinated politics.

It shook the image of this sworn enemy.

A handshake was staged
for the TV cameras.

The first concrete result
of this "Cuban Thaw"

was the re-opening
of the US Embassy in Cuba

by Secretary of State John Kerry.

Diplomatic relations
had been cut in 1962,

when the Cuban Missile Crisis had brought
the world to the brink of nuclear war.

The embassy was shut down in 1963.

In 2015, the same US Marines
who hauled down the US flag back then

brought it back to Cuba,
handing it to their young successors.

For a former advisor
to US President John F Kennedy,

it was an event that had been
a long time coming.

The United States politics
for all the years since then,

and until Obama acted,

were among the worst and silliest things
that any country had done.

Here we're recognizing China, Russia,

you name some of the worst regimes,

and little Cuba is the place
where we keep focusing politically.

"No, you can't do anything with Cuba."

But many, especially companions
from Cuba's former communist allies,

are not convinced
by the apparent rapprochement.

[in German] I think Cuba is sincere,

and it needs to collaborate with everyone,
even the United States.

I don't know whether
this sincerity is reciprocated.

I can't say. I would be wary.

I think the United States' policy

is to crush Cuba in its embrace.

Since the 1990s,
money transfers from exiled Cubans

to their families on the island

have been Cuba's main source
of foreign currency.

Now, Cubans hope for more tourism,
an end to the US embargo,

and investments from American companies.

And perhaps, in the distant future,

the end of the American presence
at Guantanamo.

[in German] In regards
to the most difficult questions,

when it comes to returning property,
Guantanamo,

repayment of debts,

I can't imagine
how there could be progress.

[in Spanish] It doesn't mean
that it will be hugs and kisses

between us and the United States,

nor that everything will be nice and sweet

and that there will be a panacea
against all ills.

There will be confrontation,
and there will be problems.

What we need is the political willingness
to make progress.

In Washington, the negotiations with Cuba
are not without criticism.

Despite their mishandling
of Cuba's economy,

the Castro brothers are seen
as having won their Cold War.

We see their arrogance back again now,

with who's leading the negotiations
with the United States,

who's Avina Videl who we threw out
for espionage in 2003,

and Gustavo Machin, her deputy,

who we threw out for
the Ana Montes espionage case.

I think that is classic Castro brothers.

They could have picked anybody
in the world to be the front men...

and they picked two spies.

Both sides hope to benefit
in the long term.

For now, humanitarian issues,

such as the delivery of medicines
and regulating visits,

are the main concerns.

The message our president
has sent to everyone is,

"The Cubans are not a threat."

And so it will make it
even easier for them.

They can steal everything
they've wanted to steal

at a reduced risk, more efficiently.

For any enemy of the United States,
Cuba is now your greatest ally.

Because not only do they have agents
throughout the United States,

Cuba has its own version
of the National Security Agency.

So if you are the Russians or the Chinese
or the Iranians,

if you want to know what US communications
are saying right now,

there's only one country to go to.

Cuba eavesdrops on US communications

with the help of a Russian-built base
on the island.

It was shut down in 2001,
only to be put back online in 2014.

Today, 3,000 Russian technicians
maintain the base,

which is directed at the United States.

Cuba sells the fruits
of its eavesdropping

on the international market to the tune
of an estimated $100 million a year.

A spy base does not seem conducive
to a continued Cuban Thaw.

The future of this spy base will show

in which allies Cuba places stock
in the future.

This will likely be left for
Castro's successors to decide.

Raúl Castro has announced
that he will step down in 2018.

[in Spanish] The way our country
is being ruled does not work anymore.

I have a 17 year-old brother.

If you talk to him about the revolution
or the heroes of revolution,

he has no idea.

If you talk about European football
or hip-hop,

that is what he knows.

Regarding other things, he is clueless.

Revolutionary language apparently
no longer appeals to young Cubans.

But what comes next?

[in Spanish] I have faith in the youth,

in those who were born
after the revolution,

who don't have any affiliation
or romantic notions

concerning the revolution of 1959.

They're not bound to that process,
and all they want

is democracy and prosperity
in our country.

Cuba's youth will be left
with the unenviable task

of shaping their county's future

between revolutionary nostalgia
and the need for change.

[in Spanish] We cannot think
that young people are just like us.

I think they will defend the country.

They will defend what they have
with the means that they have now.

It has been 50 years since the revolution.

When we started to defend our country,
it was not like this.

When we started to defend
what we wanted our homeland to be,

we did it by throwing stones,
going on hunger strikes,

fighting with the police, with the army,
and then even with guns.

Now it is different.

Now they have other issues,
and other ways of defending the country.

As time goes by
this will keep on changing,

but surely they will defend it,
I have no doubt about that.

Already, access to US television,
cell phones,

and, albeit limited, to the internet,

shows that Cuba's government
can no longer decide

what Cubans have a right to know.

[in Spanish] Like it or not, our neighbor,

the North American consumer society,
attracts people very much.

They believe that everybody
can live equally.

They don't realize that equality
doesn't exist even for Americans.

[in Spanish] There is still
a lot to accomplish in Cuba.

For instance, I believe that
full and open use of the internet

is a necessity, not only for the people,
but for Cuban society as a whole.

I believe that we have been left behind

because of the limited level of access

to these new, important technologies.

Until Cuban society can realize

the true possibilities
of these new technologies,

it's as if we were still living
in the 20th century.

[singing in Spanish]

The days of the Castro brothers
are coming to an end.

An entire country is
waiting for what comes next.

[in Spanish] You cannot change
54 years...

in six months.

I think the first time we'll talk
about real change

will be in 2018.

This is when Raúl Castro
said that he will abdicate.

We will see who his successor is,
what policies are created,

what civil society and infrastructures
are set up.

We are in a period of interesting
and important change,

which we have to encourage.

[in Spanish] What I believe will happen
is that when the two old men disappear,

there will be an accelerated
process of reforms

that will liquidate
this military-state capitalism.

As happens very often,
there will be tension between

the most orthodox,
and those who want reforms more quickly.

This will inevitably create conflict.

Most Cuba experts believe
that the island's next leader

will arise from within the old political
and military apparatus.

Whether this leader will be willing to
make democratic or economic reforms

remains to be seen.

For centuries, the inhabitants of
the largest island in the Caribbean

have dreamt the dream of freedom...

while their home suffered under
the yoke of foreign masters,

Spain and the United States.

Time and again, saviors and saints arose,
spread hope, and failed.

Heroes turned to tyrants,
hungry for power and wealth.

For Cubans, a new era will begin in 2018.

With so many unanswered questions left,

tensions, or even conflicts,
it seems, will be inevitable.

But Cubans on the island,
as well as abroad,

share one overwhelming hope.

That this time,
history will not repeat itself.