All language subtitles for Material-1988

Something's always left over.
Remnants that don't work out.

So images lie around
waiting for a story.

Camera:

Sound :

Music:

PART ONE

Editor:

Hello! Hello!

Hello!
I'm from Kreuzberg.

Hello! Hello!
I'm from Kreuzberg.

I'm sitting here
in the police van.

I want to...

I want to talk to you,
you up there on the roof.

I'd like to come up

and talk to you.

I'm coming now...

I'm coming...
Hello! Hello!

I'm coming out onto the street
with my hands up.

I want to talk to you.

I want to talk to you.

Could you send somebody down

to show me the way up,

or somebody I can talk to.
I'm coming out now!

Turn the lights off!

Go! Go! Go!

Stop!

Stop!

Stop!

Stop it now!
Stop that now!

Stop it now!

Stop it now!

They want to talk. Stop it!

Stop that now!

Stop it! Stop it!

What remains
Iays siege to your mind.

It's my image.

The rooms, the gestures,
the rhythm of the language.

The conscious decision
to put the audience there

means a clear breakthrough
of the proscenium.

Yes, but it's not an audience
it's those people,

whom I've known for years,
who are milling about there.

It's not an audience

but those specific faces.

Yeah, yeah. I know them all.

You mean the artistic director
sitting on the right.

Of course I mean him too.

Dreadful!

But that's no reason to...
- Perfectly normal audience.

Apart from opening night, it's...
- I sat there once too

when they took me there.

I couldn't stand it.

I fled from that shit.

But if there's audience there
then it's clear...

That's the difference.

Back then, we staged on the apron.

Now they're building upward.
You're hanging over the scene.

If you mask the boXes
on the left and right,

or make them part of the set,

then you move the proscenium
five meters downstage.

We've moved the stage
into the audience area.

That means we have to stage
theater in the audience area.

I can't do it from back there.

In the boXes there will be props,

there will be actors in there.

That's the only way.

What use are the actors to me
up front there?

They'll have to go around the back.
- Fritz, I already...

Yes. Yes and no.

I saw during rehearsals,
when the actors were sitting there,

that it bothered you.
- Yes. A lot.

But wait. Basically, I don't think
it should bother you for this play.

For this play,
it shouldn't bother us

because we can't get into
the contradiction where we say

we're taking the stage
into the audience

and the stage manager
tells me he can't see

and you say it bothers you,

and the actors
have to work like dogs.

Nobody knows what it involves...

except us.
Except us here.

We can't handle
that contradiction.

And on top of that, the meaning.

The result will be
nebulous black holes.

For some, it will be black holes
for others, empty boxes.

Or whatever it is.
Graves or whatever.

A black hole is a black hole.
It's that simple.

But that silence
or whatever you meant,

it might come at moments.

It has to be that way. I agree.

But that doesn't mean
that's part of the set here.

Really, by its nature,
it's part of the audience area.

We've pushed into it.

And if we extend our set into it

like Matthias said

then we've moved
the proscenium forward.

But then we have no way out.

In a real theater
you'd have space behind t'he scenes.

Here, you've got no chance.

And we've extended the set
right up to here.

And that weakens the intention.

Trust me. I won't try to
convince you, or whatever.

But I've had this experience
with this house over and over.

And I think this architecture
works to our enormous advantage.

I mean, if you just look at it.

It's great.
So why get rid of it?

Maybe people will see it
with new eyes. That's what I think.

Because it is a house of the dead
it couldn't be more apt.

No?

Yeah, right.

With a stiff collar

and cuffs
that are highly starched.

Of course, we have
to remember the era.

Let's not talk about the era

because that's actually dangerous.

We might stick
too closely to history.

Let's think of...

... a suit that doesn't fit.

This isn't it and this isn't it.

That makes me think of
a shirt that's so starched

it pushes up against the neck, and
cuffs that keep creeping forward.

Fritz.

Come in.

Hello!

He went to get a hat.

Hello Fritz!
Are you over your illness?

Sort of...

Almost sick again.

Hello.

I just want to point out that this
is the tenor of events with me.

That's clear to me
completely clear.

It just shows

what kind of
apparatus we work in.

I don't mean that
in a negative way.

But the unusual
needs to be organized, too.

Because the apparatus doesn't
respond to the unusual

in an unusual way,
but in a usual one.

So it's very important
that we get some kind of idea.

I'm not even talking about details.

But it's important to know

whether we're starting with
the ''Nibelungen'' scene on Monday.

Because we have to book the extras
tomorrow for Monday evening.

So do we want to
see them on stage?

On Monday, we need to...

After our last meeting
about ''Nibelungen'',

we need to...

Otherwise I can't
make any decisions about it.

That's what's missing
at the moment.

When did you say?
When do you need it?

We need to know tomorrow.

Why do you have to know tomorrow
what you're doing Monday?

Because Friday is a holiday,

and Thursday, they set the
rehearsal schedule through Monday.

Either it goes forward
in some decent way,

or it falls by the wayside,
in a way that...

that I, at least
won't be in a position

to stage it, I know that.

This just is
that kind of undertaking.

I can't change that.

So the mistake was even imagining

that we could do it
under these conditions.

But, Fritz
then we don't need a' Il this shit.

If we're going to work
from one day to the next.

If you tell me on Saturday
that you need extras for Monday,

you won't have any.

I mean, a certain...

never mind the apparatus.

You have to accept the apparatus.

The apparatus also has to accept

that extraordinary undertakings...

If it doesn't accept that,

if one undertaking
is just like another...

if some director off the street
like Mr. Marquardt is doing it,

then it's not important anyway.

Then the whole thing is pointless.

That's not really right,
is it, Fritz?

Well, some of what I said is right.

It doesn't all have to be right.

I don't know what to say.

What's the point?

If I can't agree with Karl,
I have nothing to say!

And I can't say when
we might succeed.

It's a nightmare, this shit...

... with ''Stalin 1''.

You can only
approach it bit by bit,

or we might as well give up.

What we should do is go
use the model to work on the scene.

We have some suggestions.

I think...

But look, Karl. Right now,
the ''F�hrer Bunker'' is up.

I'm working my ass off, eh.
But really. I really am.

I just don't want the pressure.
I'm supposed to decide

whether we can rehearse Monday.
But I can't right now.

But I mean, it makes sense.

Somehow it makes a lot of sense.

There's plenty of time
before Monday.

We could come up with
a great concept by then.

That's my opinion.

Maybe. We'll see.

But don't blame me if we don't!

That's just my personal opinion.

I didn't say that.

I didn't say
I'd blame you, I just said,

that you and I together...
I can give an honest answer.

At the moment, I can't do it.
- Let's work. Book the people and...

We have until tomorrow.
No problem.

Quiet! Once again.

Once again.

Stefan, again.
- Sing again?

Waldeslust

Waldeslust

It can sound like you're randy.

If you go up here.

Waldeslust

You're looking for some...

A roaring stag.

But without...

Hang on.
I've got to write that down.

Waldeslust

Waldeslust

Hey, cutie.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

Before his king !
- Before his king !

I thought he no longer fit a chair.

I will show you where God lives.

Lights change.

I will show you...
-... where God lives.

Will... no. Say it again.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

No! Before his king.
- Before his king.

I thought he no longer fit a chair.

I will show you...
-... where God lives.

I will show you where God lives.

Fritz is right. It always bothered
me, but I forgot to mention it.

Don't go up on the ''king''.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

I thought he...

Before his king.
- Before his king.

No. Before his king.
- Before his king.

It's still too high.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

Will he not stand up,
the fellow, before his king.

Today is November 4, 1989.

Today is November 4...

Can you add something to a quote
if it's just for explanation?

I don't know that yet.

We're in the middle
of incredibly intense work.

We all have to...

Should we take that
as a German specialty?

That it is done
in an orderly way...

... instead of using something?

I don't know.

I think it's simply an admission.

What did you say?
Something special? - A text...

Could I read through it quickly?

We can't wait until they arrive.

I didn't write it.

Perhaps I could even take it?
No, you need it.

You need to ask the people
who did it. I can't decide that.

They're sitting over there.
- Can I just read it through?

You're actors?

What are your names?
- I'm Michael Kind.

You're Michael Kind. - The famous
notorious Michael Kind.

And who are you?
Are you an actor too?

This is Thomas Heise.
- I'm Thomas Heise.

Thomas is filming. He can't speak.
He has the lens in his mouth.

This is a chance for us
to get to know each other.

MY FATHER.
ERICH SCHULZ.

ARRESTED 1937.

DEATH. STALIN. LAGER.

There has been bitter talk here.

It is directed at us, and at me.

Only those who hear
and understand the warning

are capable of a new beginning.

We all want a
German Democratic Republic

of which each of us can say:

This is our country.

Yes! With you gone!

We have once again received

depressing news
and pictures from Prague.

It will take...

It will take much effort

to win back the trust
that has been squandered.

And yet,

don't we
we who stand here

don't we the people,

in the end
agree on the goal of Perestroika?

Even though we may have
differing points of departure?

Even between people
with differing opinions,

the hurdles do not
have to be insurmountable.

Off! Off!

The Unity Socialist Party
of Germany...

... commits to a re-organization.

It came late

but it is irrevocable.

Stop it!

We are determined...

Free elections!

... and we will be
indefatigable in learning

to live with contradictions
with pepper and salt.

STOP THE EMPTY RHETORIC.
BERLIN WON'T GIVE IN.

And we will use
the productivity of contradiction.

I would...

I would ask...

I would ask those gathered :

Listen first and then react.

Listen!

November 8, 1989.

3:40 pm and thereafter.

I have not heard everything
that has been said here.

We are still in discussions.

Comrade Krenz
is still giving his paper.

But if I may refer
to the man who spoke before me,

for whom I wish to express respect.

He is a worker with SECURA and
Comrades and no party functionary.

But what he has demanded here

is what the Party needs
in these times.

This morning,

the general secretary
opened the session

with the announcement

that the Politburo

the existing Politburo,

given that it carries
overall responsibility

for the developments
that pain us so much

and keep us from sleeping,

that the Politburo is resigning.

But given the situation, comrades,

we cannot allow ourselves
a long period of waiting.

So comrade Krenz has made use
of his rights and duties

and recommended
to the Central Committee...

which is the real
great leadership org' an

between party congresses,

... recommended a new Politburo
or suggestions for a new Politburo'.

I'll be quick:

157 members
of the Central Committee

who attended voted
after thorough discussions.

It was not just calling out names
and then raising hands.

In many cases
there was discussion.

In some cases, they felt
that no discussion was necessary.

So let me begin:
Comrade Hans Joachim B�hme.

He is first secretary
of the Halle regional unit.

After thorough discussions,

during which a number of
serious reservations were raised

he was elected
with 66 opposing votes.

Werner Eberlein

Werner Eberlein

Magdeburg.

Unanimously elected,

including as chairman of the
Central Party Control Commission.

Wolfgang Herger,

elected unanimously.

Werner Jarowinski

3 votes against.

Heinz Kessler

2 votes against.

Siegfried Lorenz, unanimous.

Hans Modrow

one vote against.

Dear comrades, I am standing here,

although I really should be inside,

listening and debating.

I am here to hear your position.

Of course, I will report
to the Central Committee

how these elections were received.

I will report,

and I can only go by
the posters and banners I see here,

that you, comrades,

share the same goal.

That you are in
full agreement with us,

as well as with
this Central Committee

which of course
must prove its legitimacy.

That you are in agreement with it

on a renewal

of our society and the party.

That there is no turning back

but only one way - forward!

Keep going! Keep going! Keep going!

Keep going! Keep going! Keep going!

My dear comrades,

I would ask you

to calm down.

Dear comrades

our power rests in our discipline.

But our conscience
is even more powerful!

Comrades!
Everyone who is standing here,

whether up here or down there...

What do you mean 'up there'?

We all bear a certain
responsibility for this situation.

I think it's important
for women to step up.

I'm also happy that the organizers
from the Science Academy are here,

because, as we know
they were late with a declaration.

But the basic Party units
are working hard.

We have discussed everything
very thoroughly and carefully,

and concluded as follows:

Party members at the
Institute of Physical Chemistry

are very concerned over the
political situation in our country.

More slowly.

The time is racing.

Comrades! As the undersecretary
in the organizational unit

of our ward party organization,
I am also responsible

for covering things up.
I admit that.

Down with cover-ups!

Together, we must
do away with that wrongdoing.

It is an issue
that we must deal with

with all our heart and
deep commitment. I endorse it!

Our appeal

that we are a party of workers,
bore fruit immediately.

Now, comrade J�rg Kretzschmar

from the cable works
in Adlershof will address us.

I'd like to say that
I'm not a great speaker.

I may be lacking the
basic knowledge

to make great predictions
that might help us move forward.

I'd like to talk about my concerns
in the last few weeks

and how things should go from here.
I'm a comrade, working three shifts

and currently attending
Party school.

What bothered me most

was being in the factory

or in Party school

and all I could do
was watch, powerless,

when a new travel law was passed.

And I wondered if it was
really written by lawyers

or anybody with a clue.

I have to ask myself
how I, as a worker

in the time to come, as part of
the factory Party organization,

can make sure things like that
never happen again,

that we can have a direct influence
on all the elected organs.

At least they have to
listen to us.

What bothered me the most
is that we know nothing

about all the things
that have happened recently

in our Politburo
in our Central Comm'ittee

in our elected organs,
and with our comrades in the Party.

We don't know if somebody

was cut off at the knees
or left voluntarily.

We don't know whether he's sick.

We don't know...

And I want to know.

The only real issue for m,e is:
If we don't start now

to process everything
in an honest and orderly way,

then we won't process it
properly in the future.

Comrades!

The situation is serious.

Socialism and the Party,

in our opinion, are in danger.

Who are you, comrade?

I am the party secretary
for the organizational unit

for the law school
at Humboldt University.

We believe
honest words are necessary.

And I want to use honest words
to state the following :

Firstly,

the Politburo
that existed until today

had to be led to the great changes

like an unwilling horse to water.

The crystal clear words

of the Party's rank and file
were ignored.

Socialism in the German
Democratic Republic and our Party

were made vulnerable
by ignorance

and put in grave danger.

Neither the comrades nor the people

could trust that party leadership.

So the Politburo
in its entirety had to resign.

We agree with that.

But it did not have to resign

just to be reincarnated
with a virtually identical line-up.

Which is why our response
to this new Politburo is NO!

Another wrong decision.

More time lost.

More time lost

that our Party
can no longer afford !

Comrades. Please forgive
the emotion in this letter.

I have been in the Party
for 19 years

and went along with decisions
that were a riddle to me too.

I have also endured
a feeling of impotence.

There was no reaction
to criticism or questions

apart from disciplinary action.

We all feel the boos and hisses

all of us who gave extra time,
and had many discussions

in order to fulfill
their daily duties

as part of the collective wisdom
of the Party leadership.

I must say honestly,
I stand with a painful heart

before the shattered remains
of my Party work.

Especially since my Party
simply refuses to move forward.

We are starting off wrong again!

Claiming that we
set the great changes in motion.

With that claim, leading comrades
are evading responsibility.

While their individual positions
still are not clear.

They say, 'Let's not
discuss our mistakes

but concentrate
on the future,' they say.

Yes, but godammit,

if we don't finally do away
with Stalinism in our Party,

if the laws
don't apply to everyone,

how do you expect us
to win back trust?

In the Potsdam regional party office,
word is circulating

that an order to deploy the
National People's Army to Leipzig

has already been signed
by Erich Honecker and others,

and a state of emergency
already declared.

Apart from the personal courage
of comrade Egon Krenz,

what would have happened
if he weren't there? Civil war?

A Stalinist regime of terror?
Or something worse?

We hear from general directors
and other economics experts

about dirigist and partisan
methods in our national economy.

Who authorized that?
Who was it?

If it's true
I expect a full explanation

and consequences, including
possible expulsion from the party,

from a special Party conference.

If it's all true

then a Politburo can
never again possess such power.

My Party must become
a political party.

My Party must become
a strong party,

where every comrade
can hold his head held high.

No more whispers
behind people's backs.

We might never have
this opportunity again.

If we want a real democracy,

we need to eXamine
our security policies.

I consider the oath I swore
no longer fully valid.

Some of the people,
to whom I swore it

have released themselves from it.

Klaus Kahn, party secretary of
the fire station in Berlin Mitte.

I have five children.
They are all married.

They all have work and bread.
They all have apartments.

Does all that, which we were
able to do count for nothing?

Certainly,
the newly elected Politburo

is not yet what we dreamed of.

But I think we have to
give it a chance.

What we are doing right now
is not - I stress, NOT

about more and better Socialism.

What we are doing

is about legitimizing it
before the rest of the world.

Giving it a chance to
survive at all

the right to exist.

Dear comrades! I am not prepared.

But I was compelled to come
to this rally and speak to you,

because...
- Egon! Egon!

Egon! Egon! Egon!

Egon is coming.

Dear comrades and friends

I must admit

that this form of Central Committee
meeting is new even for me.

But I understand

dear comrades, dear friends

that you completely support
our party's course of Perestroika.

Comrades, dear friends!

In the last few days,

I have received hundreds
thousands of letters.

I have taken the time...
- Be precise!

to read them
as carefully as possible.

I can tell you
that your thoughts and suggestions

are known to the Politburo
to me and the Central Committee.

We discussed much
of what was in those letters

at the Central Committee meeting.

But I ask for one thing,
dear comrades.

The Central Committee
has not yet begun its debate.

And if we are talking
about Democracy,

then I ask you to understand

that I can't act prematurely on the
Central Committee's resolutions.

I promise you that this issue
will be discussed in detail.

But you must understand
that one individual

cannot make decisions
about the fate of an entire party.

This is about the whole party.

It's about you. It's about the
Iocal and regional leadership.

It is about all of us, together.

So.

One more thing,
dear comrades and friends!

Above all, I want to say

a heartfelt thank you.

Because the path of Perestroika
can only be followed

with hard and solid work
which you are doing everywhere.

We want a new Politburo

not an old new one!

Comrades!

Party congress!

Party congress!

Party congress!

Comrades!

Dear Friends!

I ask for your understanding.

At this moment, we are all
whether it be comrade Schabowski

or the other members
or candidates for the Politburo

and the Central Committee

we are all
extraordinarily moved.

But we will turn that movement
into concrete action.

Tomorrow evening,
or the day after tomorrow,

we will announce
the Central Committee resolutions.

Comrades! I have been asked
about my own stance.

I implore you not to put me
in the awkward position

of having to make random promises
in one or two sentences.

Tomorrow, read my speech
and then make your judgment.

Dear comrades and friends
what is it that we want?

We want Socialism

that is economically effective,

politically democratic,

morally honest, and devoted
in every way to the people.

So, dear friends

please understand that the Central
Committee meeting will continue.

We must debate and work together.
I wish you all the best!

The question of a party conference
has not been dismissed.

Comrades
at the beginning w'e agreed

that we would rally until 6 pm.

Without asking comrade Krenz
to give the final speech

I think that it is
no longer worthwhile

to continue this rally.

NO SAVIOR
FROM ON HIGH DELIVERS

NO FAITH HAVE WE
IN PRINCE OR PEER

TO DELIVER US FROM OUR MISERY

OUR OWN RIGHT HAND
THE CHAINS MUST SHIVER.

ON OUR FLESH HAS FOR TOO LONG
FED THE RRAVEN

WE'VE TOO LONG BEEN
THE VULTURES PREY.

BUT NOW FAREWELL
TO SPIRIT CRAVEN

THE DAWN BRINGS IN
A BRIGHTER DAY.

You can think of history as linear.
But really, it's a heap.

Below the balcony,
the lime trees are turning color.

The leaves have spots like eyes.

They fall to the street
and turn to mush.

A damp, mild autumn
to lie down in this soft fog.

November 10, 1989.

In the cafeteria
with Fritz, Karl and Math's.

Without stagehands and actors,
the rehearsal was cancelled.

We walked along the Spree River.
Towards the Brandenburg Gate.

From the Wilhelmstrasse we looked
over the death strip, to the West.

There was a gap
in the construction fence.

To the right of Brandenburg Gate,
people stood on the wall.

Some of them were dancing.

Fritz saw the scene and mumbled
'the tanks will come any minute'.

He kicked the metal fence.

No tanks came.

We walked back to the theater.

It's Saturday.

This week was a lie.

I'm surprised I'm not freezing.

First:

it is with alarm
and consternation

that we have seen
in the last few days and hours

people taking the law
into their own hands

and using violence throughout
the German Democratic Republic.

We hereby call on all detainees
of the German Democratic Republic

including prisoners
in our penal institutions,

to remain calm and steady

and to renounce all use
of violence against persons

or property.

We hope that this will
set an additional eXample

for all the public
of non-violent solutions

to problems in the
German Democratic Republic

We, as employees
of the penal system

do not want violence.

So.

My name is Krenz.

I would like say up front that I
have nothing to do with Egon Krenz.

I am not related to him
even distantly, as far as I k'now.

First, I'd like to say
that I am grateful

that I have the chance,today,
for the first time

as an employee of the penal system,

to even speak to the public.

For years, or decades,

we were a chapter in our country
that was shrouded in mystery.

Just like the crimes themselves

we existed at the edges
of our society.

We disappeared into anonymity.

I should add

that maybe the public
is starting to question our wages,

which are higher
than the average worker's.

It was the only chance we had

to get people to do the work.

And I don't think

the current situation will help us

to get more personnel here

so that we can get
a better handle on things

and create a better penal system.

Instead I think that people

who have served until now

might even leave us,
making the work even harder.

It's even sadder that

what's happening right now

means that the mud bath

that's being slung

at all the safety and
security organs of our republic

will now reach us as well.

On the one hand
we're finally in the public eye.

On the other hand
at the moment there is great danger

that all that will now
flood over us too.

And that has resulted

in hostility
right here in the district.

It has resulted in people,

especially women,

no longer daring
to come to work in uniform.

Comrades are subjected
to hostility from the public.

And it's no longer

just former prisoners

who abuse us
or are hostile in public.

We always had to live with that.

At the moment
it's the reaction of citizens.

My name is Eisermann.

I work here in the prison
as an educator.

I would like to state that
educator is perhaps the wrong word.

It might be better to say
a caretaker.

You can't educate an adult.

An adult is already set
in certain ways.

The most you can do

is to break down
or modify certain behaviors.

If I look at my work,

I've been an educator here
since 198O

I've had about 100 to 150 prisoners

to take care of every day.

And in my opinion,
there is no way

to educate them
the way the law says we should.

Added to that

many prisoners relapse.

They are frustrated

because they weren't
reintegrated into society.

There too, I never had the chance

to personally influence

their reintegration into society.

I was expected to write reports,
and to make suggestions.

But in the end

when a prisoner was released,

he usually had no place to live

and no job.

Instead he was told : Report to
the Department of Internal Affairs.

My name is Schuh.
I am the director's deputy.

I have been an employee of the
armed organs for 38 years.

I served for 25 years
in the People's Police Force

and have served 13 years
in penal institutions.

I have experienced
all the highs and lows

of serving in the armed organs.

My family and I have moved 8 times,
to wherever I was needed.

And I must say:
As People's Police officers,

as traffic police officers,
as constabulary,

we were acknowledged.
Sometimes with flowers.

We helped many members
of the public.

With our white caps.

It was 'our People's Police'.

But even in the interior ministry,
as it used to be called

the penal system took a back seat.
They said, the People's Police,

and the organs of the fire
department and the penal system.

So it was always last.

Then, 13 years ago,
I was transferred here.

And I saw how hard...

Let's say that where, before,

I maybe looked down on it a little.

I experienced how hard the work is.

I saw how comrades dealt daily with
prisoners, with serious criminals.

How they had to deal
with them for years,

like 12 hours or more
behind bars themselves, really.

How they spent years
trying to reeducate

the worst criminals.

In the People's Police,
you arrested somebody

and then, an hour later
you were through with them.

You just went back to work.

But here you spend years
with the same faces.

It is a disgrace
that these people,

who sacrificed their whole life
to do this work

are now abused and
treated with hostility.

We must not allow that!

I demand that
we say so publicly

Those working in the penal system

must be accorded
appropriate respect by society.

I am first lieutenant Gedecke
director of penal department 1',

with ca. 750 prisoners

and 12 educators.

In the prison,
about 3 comrades cover a shift

and take care of
the prisoners' comings and goings.

That means those 3 comrades

move 750 prisoners for 12 hours.

Simply put, that means we have
a security mandate to carry out.

The fact is

that causes serious problems
for the comrades

and that is often overlooked.

When we pointed that out,
it was ignored.

It is often not possible

to guarantee the safety
of the comrades here.

After the 1987 amnesty,

the make-up of prisoners
changed totally.

On the one hand
we still held those'

who were excluded from amnesty.

And then we had prisoners

who should have had amnesty

under the law
reported in the newspapers.

But they were eXcluded

from the 1987 amnesty.

Nobody from
the attorney general's office

came to explain to the prisoners

why they were excluded.

That became our task.

It was a completely
thankless task.

Because the prisoners believed
we were the villains

who had excluded them
from the amnesty.

The educator is the one

who has to constantly
solve these problems.

Or dealing with supplies,

clothing or food.

What about that?

The educator counsels the prisoners

and points out deficiencies.

And the prisoner constantly

has to point out our deficiencies.

Like why we don't provide

adequate clothing or meals.

Even though that's not our fault
and everybody knows it.

So you must realize that,
often, we wanted to do something,

but we were
not in a position to do so.

That was not a phenomenon
just of our prisons,

but, unfortunately,
of our society.

And if we look at everything
that is now being brought up,

and how there is trouble
in every corner of society,

and what conditions are like.

I'd say those are not
good conditions for the prisoners.

We've done a lot.

But things are still much worse
in many parts of our society.

We must get used to the idea
that things flow

not only from above to below,
but also from below to above.

And that everybody
should be consulted.

Good. Thank you.

Brandenburg, December 7, 1989.

Statement regarding
the current situation

in the prison.

On Wednesday, December 6, 1989,

in Brandenburg prison,

between 7 and 10 pm,

severe disruptions
of order erupted.

In one of the four cell blocks

there were violent escape attempts.

The disturbances were triggered

by a radio broadcast

on the content of the resolution

passed by the state council of the
German Democratic Republic

regarding the amnesty offer.

I'm Bernd Detlef H�hne.

I am the elected representative
for the Brandenburg prison.

I would like to
set a few things straight.

And also answer questions
the public might have.

First, we want
to disassociate ourselves

from the acts of violence here

and ask you not
to take them too seriously.

The amnesty resolution

gave rise to deep disappointment.

Many prisoners in this country,
including here in Brandenburg,

expected a totally
different resolution.

We don't accept it
the way it was passed.

Certain things were
not taken into consideration.

We want our demands
incorporated into the measure,

the way we formulated them.

We worked long and
hard on those demands

and no account of them was taken.

We consider that outrageous,

which is why we veto the amnesty.

For eXample, we object to the fact
that many people in the past,

who were sentenced on the basis
of article 44, paragraph 2,

and got an automatic
sentence of 3 years,

then got an additional sentence

for whatever law they broke.

With the result being a sentence
Ionger than 3 years.

And that applies to the majority

of the prisoners in jail.

So it's not just in Brandenburg.

And that's why
people are protesting.

This country
is supposedly starting fresh.

But it's not a new start
with old prisoners.

On the one side, you have
the criminals wearing tail coats.

On the other side
the petty criminals'

who take responsibility
and serve their time.

The criminals in tailcoats
are allowed to go free.

Evidence against them
is disappearing.

There's new information every day,
but no action is taken.

That is also outrageous.

I also want to say

about the brief incident here

that we got it
under control ourselves.

And will continue to guarantee
calm and discipline.

We're serious about it.
You can see our armbands here.

They say 'no violence'.

We're not wearing them
just for show.

We mean it. Thank you.

I'm Ullrich H�nnicke.
Born in 1956.

I'm the spokesman for block 1.

This is my fifth time in prison.

After my release
in the 1987 amnesty,

I was a free man for 31 days.

Now I'm sentenced to
3 years, 3 months.

I have another year
and 11 months open,

so a total of 5 years,
2 months and 3 weeks.

I've done a lot of thinking
in the last few days.

I'd like to talk about a specific
question a journalist asked me.

She asked why
we landed back in prison

after the 1987 amnesty,

and now we're asking
for amnesty again.

I'd like to make
a fundamental point.

The prisoners know

they failed personally,
in civilian life.

But it wasn't all their fault.

Some 60 - 70 percent of them
got into trouble

because of simple
ignorance and indifference.

How should I put it...

because the people might have been
able to influence our destinies

were completely spineless.

We see the pictures every day
but we can't participate.

It gets worse every day, having to
sit here and watch what's going on.

We are completely passive in here.

Only in the smallest circles,

only here in the prison,

can we really get involved
and step up.

But life is passing us by.

We desperately want to
exploit this opportunity.

There are many prisoners
in block 1

who've been in prison
more times than I have

who have said to me
completely honestly, in private,

that they would never
Ieave this country.

They would stay if they had
even the smallest prospect

of beginning a new existence.

I don't understand why they tell us
that people are afraid of us.

If I'm afraid of something,
then I try to understand it.

I ask the media to approach
people on the street.

Try and get people to understand

that we are not incorrigible,
bloodthirsty animals.

We are people
who've made many mistakes.

The last mistake was
the one that landed us in prison.

But we truly want to set it right,

actively, as part of
our free lives. Thanks.

Prisoner Wentzel, Volker.

32 years old.

I'd like to talk about amnesty.

In my opinion,
the amnesty should be expanded

to give everybody
serving here a chance.

All the 12 years,
that I've been in here

I've heard so much
about certain articles

about article
43, 44, 48 and so on.

They are articles that,

in my opinion,
which I've held for 12 years,

can only drive people back in here.

What good is to make people contact
the beat cop 3 times a week

and get permission for things?

I can't ring
a cop's doorbell at 10 pm

just to ask if I can
bring my girlfriend home.

Or them budgeting my money.
5 marks per day. What's that about?

Those are the things
that those articles cover.

As a normal, thinking person
from the age of 20 or 25,

I know who I want to bring home

or how I budget my money.
Leave it up to me.

And if I fall on my face without
those 'regulatory articles',

then it's really my own fault and
not the fault of some article.

My name is Wolfgang Ernst. I'm 48.

I was also convicted of murder.

I've been in prison almost 8 years.

And I'd like to say

that talking about the problem

is very difficult for anyone,
young or old.

But I am very happy

that this problem
is now being discussed

here in the prison

and probably also in public.

I'll make it simple.

You've committed a crime

and most people probably don't
understand why, even afterwards.

Then there's an investigation
into how and why.

It's probably different everywhere.

You feel so guilty

you no longer know what to think.

You are easily influenced.

After several months

I still believed that atonement
meant a life for a life.

Then later, in prison,
you meet others.

And here, there's the custom

that we don't talk
about our crimes to each other.

We don't even mention it.
Everybody knows. And that's good.

Because those are terrible hours

when you remember the past.

You need a lot of time
to get your equilibrium back.

It's hard for me to talk about it.

But we still have
a little bit of hope.

And we hope that the public...

... doesn't see us as so horrible.

But when I think of myself,

before I was confronted
with that crime

I can understand them.
Even just the word murder.

I don't know.

The word itself

makes a normal person uneasy.

We all understand that

if the sentences are all reviewed

some people will be successful.

How?

I can't say.

But we all understand

that a lot of us

will have to stay here.

Hang on.

My name is Michael Richter. I'm 27

and I've been in prison
for 7 years.

I was sentenced to life in prison.

But the sentence was reduced

to 15 years in 1987.

You might wonder what I want,

since my sentence
was reduced in '87.

But my situation is probably the
same as many, many people in here.

I still find the sentence too long.

The verdicts that passed,

including on me,

they were made largely
on the basis of specialist reports.

I've seen those reports
in my 7 years here.

They are like standardized forms.

They talk about things like...

... cold affect.

So the person is
seen in a very bad light.

There are a lot of people
in a courtroom.

And this man is then a murderer.
And murder, in society...

Everybody knows what it means.
I don't see myself as a murderer.

I committed my crime in the heat of
the moment, like many others.

It's just the report.

The expert witness who writes it

wasn't even there during the crime.

How can he see inside me?

How can he know
what I felt or thought at the time?

I've seen how the media said

it was today, or yesterday...

They're saying people
should feel threatened.

That if we get out,

public order and safety
can no longer be guaranteed.

What would happen

if the amnesty was structured
the way we asked for it?

How many people
would really get out?

They won't get
their full sentence waived.

That wasn't one of our demands.

We asked that everybody benefit
in some way from the amnesty.

So each person
gets part of his sentence waived.

It's not like somebody
who just went in to prison

with a 15 year sentence would
get out again. That's idiotic.

Everybody should benefit a little.

Not like in the past,

the amnesties in 1987 or 1979.

What did people who committed
serious crimes get from that?

It was a tiny portion.

Especially people
who commit serious crimes.

who are in here for long stretches.

When they get out,

they're least likely to re-offend

and get sent back here.

The people who have misdemeanors,
theft or something

were usually the ones
who were back inside in a flash.

Everybody knows
the reason for that.

A lot of it had to do
with reintegration.

I was released
from prison in 1981. I got an...

I'll call it a ''dump''.

In prison they said
you'll get an apartment and a job.

I got out. I went to the mayor.

He said, your job is set.
But we have to find an apartment.

So we drove around
and looked for an apartment.

We drove to a small village.

The place used to be a school.

We went up some old,
worn-down stairs.

The door downstairs didn't open.

It fell off the hinges.
I went in upstairs.

The window sills were rotting,
and covered in old clothes.

When I tried to heat
the stove smoked up everything.

There was no sink upstairs.

So when people get out
and that's their reintegration,

who wouldn't just
resign themselves. Most people do.

To go back to the others,

who were sentenced as criminals.

Many of them,

and it's true of me too

plan to start a family

when they get out of here.

We really want to start anew.

It's not like
you serve your 15 years

and are already thinking

about your next crimes.

They've learned from their time,
even after 7, 8 or 10 years.

Not just after 15, 20 or 25.

What else can I say.
Basically, those are my concerns.

Thank you.

BASIC SUPPLIES :

GLLASS BOWL, CUP, SAUCER

COFFEE POT WITH TOP

KNIFE, FORK, SPOON, TEASPOON

BREAD PLLATE, CAN OPENER

SALT SHAKER, UTENSIL ETUI

BREAD BAG
TOILETRIES BAG ('omit),

TowEL (oLIvE), TowEL (BEIGE),

DISH TOWEL, SPONGE (omit),

2 WASHCLOTHS, BED LINENS, PILLOW

2 BLANKETS, FOOD CONTAINER

END OF PART ONE

PART TWO

If we have to listen to all this
we'll still be here tomorrow.

And the people of Hessenwinkel
will still be unhappy.

The former building supervisor.
We couldn't announce him.

We didn't even know
what was going to happen here.

Who's the artist?
- That's 40 years of experience.

Who's Mr. Werner?
- A former building supervisor.

A Mr. Werner
never worked at this place.

I'd like to act on
the previous suggestion.

I'd ask you politely to introduce
yourself. You just blow in here...

I'm an employee of BERRAG,
Just like my colleague.

A building supervisor.

You work for SCHALCK?

We're not with SCHALCK!
I'm not even a comrade.

But I deal with
construction workers every day.

You're under Schalck's Commercial
Coordination Department?

We're under BERRAG.
We have a contract with BERRAG.

And BERRAG is part of Schalk's
Commercial Coordination Dept.?

BERRAG is a registered
private company.

But it's probably one of
SCHALCK's front companies!

But of course!

Thank you for that introduction.

But listen, one more thing!

Set up a committee...

Pardon?
- Tell us who you work for.

The ones who signed the contract

saying that much hard currency
would be made available.

With name and address.

Hang on.
You'll get anything you want.

I'm just a building supervisor.

All I can tell you is...

Quiet!

Citizen Heimann
would like to speak.

She helped draft the open letter.

And I'll ask her
to bring it up with her.

I want to say two things.

I'm in favor
of ending this discussion now

and addressing the problems here

we still need to solve.

I'd say we should just try
to form a commission

from our group.
We'll appoint a few people.

Several people
have offered to work on it.

We want to try to check that,
in concrete terms.

If we don't get
any hard information,

we'll have to rely on speculation.

That means, of course

that innocent people
might be attacked.

But first of all
we must talk to the 'person

who is responsible for this.
And if we find out

the building is for the minister,
then we need to ask him.

If we don't have facts
to the contrary.

I'd say we conclude this here now,

form a group,
people will be appointed,

and at the next citizens' meeting,
we'll report. Agreed?

Yes.

Dear citizens!

People have been silenced.

But it's hard to do that to me.

My children always say

that when I die, they'll have to
kill off my big mouth separately.

But in this case that's good.

First, I'd like to thank the mayor.
I've now gotten a broad overview

of how things stand
in Berlin-K�penick.

And I'm optimistic.
- Microphone!

I'm optimistic
that in Berlin-K�penick,

and especially
here in Hessenwinkel

we'll be able to live
happily and so on.

There's proof of that
in last Saturday's concert.

I'd like to thank the
German Democratic Women's Group,

and the Workers' Club

for that concert.

The Workers' Club...

It worked 10 years ago
and it will work again!

That concert proved...

I'm an honorary member
of the Workers' Club.

And I'd like to invite you
to all future events.

You'll enjoy it.

And you'll be free
of the hectic pace of work

and of the suffering the
tumultuous great changes.

You'll be able to relax.

I'd like to...
- Forty years!

Don't be so surly, so agitated.

We can agree on these things
without getting so eXcited.

You make me lose
my train of thought.

But I want to say

that the Workers' Club
will continue its work.

And before the event

the Workers' Club committed to...

Mr. Mayor, do something !

Shut up!

Stop.

We want to maintain
a certain level of culture here.

But we also want to point out

that we should focus on the issues.

It is part of the issue.

But we're also discussing
our lives in Hessenwinkel.

And I looked forward to that.
I just want to say

that we have already
found new people.

Or, one of the old ones.
Our Mrs. Heimann

will offer readings of new books.

And Mrs. AXen, the lieder singer,

will perform for you in the spring.

Come along !

It's never been
as full as it is here tonight.

We don't want to listen
only to things like this!

We also want to chat
with each other.

Thank you for your attention.
That was 3 minutes.

So much for getting
the committee's report

So much for getting
the committee's report

implemented in a closed session.

We'll take questions.

Are you, the petitioner, aware

that if the petition
gets a majority vote,

many of the people it affects
will not have the chance

to have their issues
which could eXonerate t'hem

heard publicly?

We do not believe that.

We believe that those affected

are entitled first and foremost

to portray themselves
and their destinies in public.

And we think
a better way to do that

is if those people
try to find their own public.

I think this house he, re
in closed session

represents enough
of a public forum.

Thank you. Any more questions?

Mr. Brecht.

No, it's a question for you.

Do you want to answer
the question about to be asked?

If not, we'll have the public
shown out first.

I'm Brecht. Social Democrats.
Mr. Krause

don't you share my concern

that the names
we plan to name here

have long since reached the media

through other channels
outside of parliament?

I do share your concerns,

in so far as a newspaper
once again said today

that minister Reichenbach

was a collaborator

although I show him in category 8,

which means he is not suspect.

Mr. Reichenbach himself

went on the offensive.

He went public to prove

the suspicions were unfounded.

We are of the opinion that we
also have a responsibility here,

for instance
vis-a-vis relatives.

We are also of the opinion
that it is not sufficient.

Even as the chair,man
of the faction

I did not get the list
until 10 am yesterday.

I had no time to speak
to the members of my faction.

The suggestion made here

that there was time
for a discussion, is false.

I had no chance.

He doesn't want to answer
any more questions.

I count on your agreement

with me giving the podium

to Mr. Stadermann

although he resigned this morning.

If it please you.

Microphone 4, please.
Or come up here, if you want.

Madame President
Iadies and gentlemen.

Yesterday evening,
I had the opportunity

to be heard by the committee.

I have known for years

that substantial files
about me exist.

Ten days ago, I was informed

that there is a file on me

regarding my categorization.

And I was urged to resign.

My request to be heard
was taken into account.

This morning, I submitted the
following letter to the president:

Dear Madame President
the temporary board of examiners

has recommended I resign
from the People's Parliament.

The board believes two criteria
for this have been fulfilled.

First

I signed a memo obligating me
to secrecy and cooperation.

Second, I wrote evaluations
that hurt other citizens.

To the first point:

I was deputy director
of research for a university

and bearer of all
research projects secrets,

from the research plan
under the aegis of Comecon

to internal university research.

It was incumbent on me

to keep all legal protection
and patents secure.

I was obligated
and sworn to uphold

patent and protection laws
of the German Democratic Republic.

These protective duties
in the German Democratic Republic

were overseen by a department
of the State Security Services.

In this function
I was obligated to protect

all issues relating to
material, space and personnel,

until the relevant research results

were protected by patent.

That last sentence is not in the
Ietter. Quote: To the second point,

after I became aware
of flagrant abuse of office

and corruption
by my institution's

party functionaries
and state directors

I submitted analyses and petitions
to the state leadership

and the Party Control Commission
of the Central Committee.

Those analyses
concerned the introduction

of thousands of tons
of virus-contaminated pork

into canned food factories
and institutional kitchens.

This led to the spread
of hoof and mouth disease here

over many years.

The misappropriation
of heating fuel;

the destruction of millions
in research materials.

and siphoning off
of wage and bonus money,

even from the
Cultural and Social Fund.

As a result of those reports,

I was banned from working in 1981.

As a dissident
until the end of 1'989

I was subject to special treatment

aimed at either breaking me
or expatriating me.

My wife, children and friends

also suffered special treatment.

The measures ranged from attempts

to forcibly commit me
to a mental hospital

to theft, property damage,
and even assassination attempts.

My family and I have seen
almost the entire spectrum

of measures used
against dissidents back then.

My attempts to defend myself

are documented
by more than 16 trials.

As a result of my petitions
and analyses,

some of the abuses were addressed

and personnel changes were made.

I still do not, however

share the categorizations
of the board of eXaminers.

The fight against
abuse of power and corruption

in the years 1976 - 198O

and my fight afterwards,
until 1989

were not denunciations

but my modest attempt
to end pathological excesses

in the leadership organs
of the German Democratic Republic.

The standards of the board of
eXaminers were set up formally.

I do not share the concept

of its methodology.

Nonetheless, I will resign
my mandate for now,

because the rules of the game
in this parliament demand it.

I also withdraw for now
my candidacy for state assembly.

I can only exercise
my passive right to vote,

without libeling my person,

when the parliamentary committee
or parliament

or a judge's verdict

in my ongoing rehabilitation trial

conforms to my interpretation
of what I said and did.

Yours faithfully.

I submitted that letter
this morning.

Here, today,
I must stress strongly for myself

that anyone who was
in a leadership position

must have seen at that point

what was going on around us.

And the condition
required to see it

was that you couldn't only see
what you wanted to see.

Secondly,

you could only acquire
that kind of information here

if you had reached
a certain leadership level.

If somebody, like me, found
themselves at the leadership level

and became guilty simply
by virtue of reaching that level,

if that is the standard

and parliament
approves such a standard,

then I bow to the judgment
of this parliamentary committee.

If the things
I began doing 14 years ago

are still characterized as crimes
and morally reprehensible,

still coloring my name,

then, even if only one person
in this parliament agrees,

I can't go along with that.

I have learned a lot in this life.
But not to give up.

Those 10 years are not over yet
for me and my family.

And the criminal acts
I've only hinted at,

are much more extensive
and I'll put and end to them.

Thank you.

Another question?

Alwin Ziel has a question.

M.P. Ziel.

Social Democrats.

Sir, you took action.

Far too late, in my opinion,
but I respect it.

But wouldn't you also
consider it fair

if other unofficial
collaborators with the Stasi

who apparently were
among us the whole time,

would stand up and say

'I worked with the Stasi

I may have made myself
guilty by doing so.

I'm sorry'.
Isn't it time for that?

That was my
personal explanation.

My explanation and my actions

have not changed for many years,
and won't change today.

And to your remark
that it was too late...

It's never too late.

And anybody working in
a similar position in the future,

who is responsible for
the security of research results,

will also have to deal with

some security organization.

It just won't be called the Stasi.
It'll have another name.

Every patent-holder here
knows how complicated it is

to protect those ideas
until a patent has been registered.

And the economists here
know the problems

of dealing with existing patents

and patent infringement.
That is simply business.

And anybody dealing with it
in the future will confront it.

And if I ever have the chance

to work in the field again,

I will also have to
protect research

until it is fully developed
and ready to be marketed.

It's currently not my problem

because my career after 1985
as a PhD in economics

was limited to cutting reeds
with a sickle. A perfect fit.

That's why I became a businessman
a little sooner than many of you.

Are you not of my opinion

that the Stasi was
an organization of injustice?

I think
I answered that question

with my explanation
and can differentiate.

I have a fundamental objection
to that generalization.

My son

is a member
of the National People's Army.

He wears the blue uniform.

He sailed for years,

and I raised him to go to sea.

My family are sailors.

He did it by going aboard
the training ship ''Wilhelm Pieck''.

He trained as a petty officer
in the People's Navy.

But because he wears glasses,
he remained stationed on land.

The coastal forces were Stasi.

In 5 days, he'll become
a member of the German military.

That's why I differentiate.

I condemn the crimes

committed against people
who revolted

against the way
this economy was exploited

and driven into the ground.

I condemn all the people

who enriched themselves
by way of criminal acts.

Believe me, I know what I'm saying.

I was a deputy on the committee
eXamining bank accounts

for the currency eXchange.

However, I still differentiate.

Hate is a bad motivator.

Anybody who acted criminally

must appear personally
before a court of this country,

or of Germany, after October 3.

Ms. Barbe has a question.

Ms. Barbe. Social Democrats.
Mr. Stadelmeyer,

never mind differentiation.

You didn't have to
accept the mandate.

You could have continued
in business and had an effect

on the economic crimes
that are becoming apparent today.

I ask you why you had to stand here
as a member of parliament

when we now know that such people
were susceptible to blackmail.

I wasn't susceptible to blackmail.
Nor will I be in the future.

When this parliament was formed,

I could have claimed,
work commitments

or said I was sick
or gone to a spa.

Unfortunately,
I never learned to do that.

And I don't consider myself
guilty of anything.

I don't know what's easier.

To wait until October 7

and get up here today
to reproach me.

Or to have started
14 years ago

using all my physical
and mental powers

to try to prevent
what was happening even then.

It was an illusion, you're right.

What I did wasn't enough.
But I couldn't do anything more.

Please.

Should we continue
in open session or not?

The cameras
broadcasting to living rooms

must also now
unfortunately, be turn'ed off.

I would ask viewers to take a
break. Hopefully not as long

as the ones we've already
asked you to endure.

I realize it's difficult
for the viewers.

Perhaps...

Anybody who is not an M.P.,
please...

It began with
the laughter of children.

And it will end with it.

A boy, 14 years old, applies to
the German People's Police.

His mother and father
work as cleaners

for the People's
Municipal Authority.

The boy sits at a Sprelacart table
in front of flowered wallpaper.

He reads aloud.

He is interested in forensics

in solving cases,
in working with people.

Then time passed.

Today is a holiday.
October 3, 1992.

There's a premiere at the cinema.

Those are the right-wingers.

Then there were the great changes,
The boy left w�th his rucksack,

He went to Berlin and
got stacks of Milka chocolate bars,

My f�rst tears came
when he came back,

All I could think was

that my son had not on)y
done without Milka chocolate

but maybe without
a different, nicer life,

So maybe it's different over there,
Better for our children,

And I always wanted
the best for my son,

You must gather
the strength you have left

and build a solid
financial basis for your son,

Of course the West was tempting,

But I went mainIy

to provide security for my son,

And I talked to him about it,

I told him
to be quiet in the apartment,

not to let anybody �n,
I told him I'd send for him later,

And then I stayed,

But whenever I had vacation

I went and took care of Konrad,

I talked to him
and helped wherever I could,

He had problems
with domestic affairs,

He has a lot to learn,

Get out!

Skinhead ! Skinhead! Skinhead!

The youth movement, you could
call it the skinhead movement ,,,

Stop this nonsense!

Absolute quiet here!

Give me the gun!

,,, we all have our
political opinions from somewhere,

wherever ,,,

,,, that's impossible
at the moment ,,,

,,, we all have our
political opinions,

however ,,,

The most important thing at the
moment is that we stick together,

That/s the whole meaning
of the youth movement,

They sprayed gas, those pigs.

,,, just the comrader�e ,,,

,,, it's a movement of boys

kids on the streets ,,,

Come on.
- We have to get out of here.

Out!

Take the bottles!
- Light on.

Bottles!

Take everything !

,,, think it's the modern version
of the old days,,

people should stick together ,,,

Lights off! Lights off!

,,, we were always
the stupid Easties ,,,

Out! Out!

Come on!
Downstairs!

Get out, man!

They're killing us in here!

,,, what can you hope to achieve
with violence?

Life is made up of violence,

I mean ,,, I'm different,

With people who
think differently, I'd ,,,

Those are the lefties!

Hooligans!

Close the doors!

Lights out!

Lights out!

There aren't many of them!

Hansel and Gretel
got lost in the woods,

It was so dark and so bitter cold,

They came to a gingerbread house,

Who lives here, they wondered,

Crunch, crunch, crunch,
Who's nibbling at our house?

Hey, it's only 40 people.
We'll punch their noses!

There're only a few!
There aren't many!

50 at most. Maybe only 40.

Stop it or I'll break it!

Get lost!
I'll break that over your head!

Henning, here is a tissue.

We're watching a film
while your people destroy stuff.

Students.
- What the hell is this?

And you accuse us
of violence and all that shit.

Go write an essay!
- Go study, man!

Then you can talk to your people!
But there's no talking to you.

Some of you are even
stupider than we are.

I got an F in biology
and a D in math.

But I got an A as a Leipzig fan.

Doves of peace.

You just talk, talk, talk.
What does that produce?

Nothing. Because you're idiots.
You're stupid.

Let's go. It stinks here.

It stinks horribly of peace.

You think your camera is that great?

Live on location
like in Bosnia and Herzegovina!

This is not right.

You're an asshole.
Give me the cassette.

You're an asshole.

What you're doing is voyeurism.

That's voyeurism.
- Really, this isn't right.

Explain yourself.
- What are we talking about?

30 men are outside
smashing the building.

You don't have to film that!
- It doesn't matter what's filmed !

Could you stop yelling so loud.
It's late, people.

Listen. Anybody with
nothing to do here can leave.

There's nothing
you need to film here.

Happy New Year!

What's up?

No more fire.

Who's responsible for the whores?

Where are they?

Healthy new year!

Happy new one, fat boy.

Mattress! Mattress!

Dream.

From the warm dark
lights are created.

They are like the stars
in your eyes

when you press both fists
against them long and hard.

I don't move

and have no desire to breathe.

The eyes don't blink,
and they are fiXed.

The lights that shoot
through the dark

are inert galaxies,
circling one another.

Between them is
hazy, murmuring space.

My body is softly pulled
into the depths

to the place where individual
lights blend into the blackness.

I sense a vibration.

First in my fingertips.

Then it gradually spreads
over my whole body.

As it does, it becomes
coarser and stronger,

until I can pick out
the individual oscillations.

They occur in a ratio

that corresponds to the gentle
approach to the absorbent black.

Whenever the strength
of the individual oscillations

eXceeds the pain threshold,

I realize

that it's my own heartbeat
and I wake up.

There is a vast darkness
before my eyes.

This is...

a...

... song
my father used to sing

at home in a high tenor.

I heard it as a child

and tried to imitate my father.

Of course, I did it wrong.

In the green forest,

where the thrush sings.

And in the bushes

where the merry
little dear springs.

Where fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge,

where I dreamt

my loveliest childhood dream.

Where fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge,

where I dreamt

my loveliest childhood dream.

The little deer drank

from the clear stream.

While the cuckoo laughed

from within the woods.

Fir and spruce

stand at the forest's edge.

Translation:
Rebecca Stuart

Subtitles:
alias Film & Sprachtransfer, Berlin