All language subtitles for American Experience Freedom Summer

Tonight...

N:
We were trying to organize
these communities

to take possession
of their own lives.

MAN:
Voter registration,
freedom schools.

We must be strong enough
to crush the enemy!

WOMAN:
Everybody was in grave danger.

NEWSCASTER (on TV):
The three civil rights workers

who disappeared in Mississippi
last Sunday night

still have not been heard from.

"Freedom Summer,"
on American Experience.

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Lift-off, the clock is runng.

PILOT:
We have mass casualties up here.

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Schmeling is down!

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WOMAN:
¶ Hear that freedom train
a-comin' ¶

¶ Hear that freedom
train a-comin' ¶

¶ Well, hear that freedom train
a-comin'... ¶

KARIN KUNSTLER:
Spending a summer in Mississippi

taught me a lot
about this country.

My high school
social studies teacher

taught me that
we all have rights.

Mississippi summer taught me
that we didn't all have rights.

WOMAN:
¶ They'll be comin'
by the thousands ¶

¶ They'll be comin'
by the thousands... ¶

JULIAN BOND:
When we began to go
to Mississippi,

the black people we met there

were not interested
in lunch counters.

They weren't interested in
sitting in the front of the bus.

There were no lunch counters.

There were no buses.

They wanted to vote.

WOMAN:
¶ It'll be carryin'
registered voters ¶

¶ It'll be carryin'
registered voters... ¶

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
I just made up my mind

that I was going to be
a registered voter.

I never wanted to be
a politician.

I just wanted the right to vote.

¶ Get on aboard... ¶

EUGENE "BULL" CONNOR:
I don't want the niggra

as I have known him
and contacted him

during my lifetime,

to control the making of the law
that controls me,

to control the government
in which I live.

¶ It'll be rollin'
through Mississippi... ¶

CHARLIE COBB:
I don't think people understand

how violent Mississippi was.

Terrorism led black people
to the obvious conclusion:

if they try and vote,

they're messing
with white folks' business

and they can get hurt or killed.

BOB MOSES:
We hope to send into Mississippi
this summer

upwards of 1,000 students
from all around the country

who will engage
in what we're calling

freedom schools,
community center programs,

voter registration activity,

and, in general,

a program designed to open up
Mississippi to the country.

REPORTER:
The burned out station wagon

in which the three civil rights
workers were last seen

has been processed by FBI
laboratory investigators...

DOROTHY ZELLNER:
I knew it was going to be bad.

I didn't dream for a minute
that people would be killed.

But it was always
in the back of everybody's mind

that something...

that things, bad things,
were going to happen.

So it was terrifying.

But if you cared
about this country

and you cared about democracy,
then you had to go down there.

MAN:
¶ I'm goin' down
to Mississippi ¶

¶ Oh, I'm goin' down
a southern road ¶

¶ And if you never
see me again ¶

¶ Remember that I had to go ¶

¶ Remember that I had
to go... ¶

REPORTER:
The Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee,

a militant group in the South

with support from other major
civil rights organizations,

is readying a massive program

called the Mississippi
Summer Project,

a campaign that may have
no parallel

since the days
of Reconstruction.

GWENDOLYN SIMMONS:
I'd heard about Mississippi

all of my life growing up.

But nonetheless,

the fact that the people
in Mississippi couldn't vote

was just a shock even to me
there in Memphis.

I thought that
it was very important

to go to Mississippi
and make a statement

about the horrors that
confronted black people there.

REPORTER:
This Ivy League campus
is one of the staging bases

for an invasion of Mississippi
by college students.

The students are being recruited
all over the United States,

from Harvard to Hawaii.

They will go to live
in Mississippi this summer

to fight for the Negroes'
civil rights.

PATTI MILLER:
I first heard
about Freedom Summer

in the spring of 1964.

I saw a brochure on the bulletin
board at Drake University

where I was a student,
which is in Iowa.

And it just caught my eye
immediately.

TRACY SUGARMAN:
I had been making drawings

for corporations and colleges,

and my wife June felt very
deeply about the injustice

in the country, as did I.

So we decided that I would
take my skills as an illustrator

and go to Mississippi.

I was 20 years older
than they were,

but I was part of the group.

ZELLNER:
My job was recruiting.

Students heard about the project
either through me

or the campus newspaper.

Then they contacted us

for an interview
and for an application.

READER:
"I am a junior at
Queens College majoring

"in anthropology.

"My schooling so far has
been oriented toward history

"and I have good knowledge
of current affairs.

"Finally, I have a good deal
of experience

"with racial and religious
prejudices

in the North and South."

Andrew Goodman.

READER:
"I have just returned
from a spring project

"on a voter registration drive
in Raleigh, North Carolina,

"where I was filled
with an overwhelming desire

"to clean the rot
out of America.

"All I can say is that
its very important to me

"that I play my role
in Civil Rights for the U.S.

"and most of all for myself.

Linda Wetmore."

ZELLNER:
We were looking for people

who believed that
this was important,

who would be respectful
to the black community,

who were not nutcases,
who were not divas,

and who were not people
who were going down

to show the world
how great they were.

This was a majority black
organization

with black people telling
white people what to do.

Now so let's say
you're in Mississippi

and Bob Moses,
who's director of the project,

comes over to you
and says,

"Phil, will you spend
the next four weeks

typing index cards,"

or some other task that you
might not care for very much,

how would you
react to that?

I would certainly say yes,
but I would hope that...

I do hope that I can participate
more actively in the movement.

If this is where
he wants me to be,

of course that's what I'll do.

ZELLNER:
We turned down people.

There were many more people
who wanted to go.

But from the point of view
of safety for the whole project,

we had to have people who were
as together as you can be

when you're 19 or 20.

When we sure that Freedom Summer
would actually happen,

Jim Forman, the executive
director of SNCC,

sent a number of people
who would be paid field staff

into Mississippi
to help pave the way.

RITA SCHWERNER:
Part of the application process

to be considered
as part of the field staff

was to write a letter
of application.

And this is part of the letter
that I wrote.

"I wish to become
an active participant

"rather than a passive onlooker.

"As my husband and I
are in close agreement

"as to our philosophy
and involvement

"in the civil rights struggle,
I wish to work near him

"in whatever capacity
I may be most useful.

"My hope is to someday pass on
to the children we may have

"a world containing more respect

"for the dignity and worth
of all men

than that world
which was willed to us."

REPORTER:
For these students, it will be
a longer, hotter summer

than for almost anyone else
in this country.

But they believe their project
will be the breakthrough

in the civil rights battle.

Their motto: "Crack Mississippi
and you crack the whole South."

HOLLIS WATKINS:
From an early age on,

I was told as a young black boy,
"If you see white people

walking down the sidewalk,
especially if it's a man,

"you step off to the side

"and drop your head
until he passed by,

"because if you didn't,

"he might consider that
to be disrespectful

"and he might hit you,
he might kick you,

he might beat you."

ANTHONY HARRIS:
My grandfather,
he would take me with him

to downtown Hattiesburg
to pay bills.

And I remember my grandfather
wore a straw hat

with this colorful blue band
around the hat.

And as a white person
approached us

on the sidewalk or crosswalk,
he would tip his hat

in what I would call
an extra show of deference.

And by the time my grandfather
and I reached back to his house,

we had bowed so many times
to white people.

They taught young kids
like myself

how to play the role
of that second-class citizen.

WALLY BUTTERWORTH:
There are a lot of phonies

who will stand up
and tell you that,

"Oh, well, all are equal
in the eyes of God."

How silly can you get?

Christ himself was the greatest
teacher of segregation.

BRUCE WATSON:
Mississippi really stood like

an island of resistance.

There were only 6.7% of blacks
who were registered to vote

prior to Freedom Summer

compared to 50%, 60% or 70%
in other southern states.

Most of the rest of America
didn't seem to care,

and that's what Freedom Summer
was about.

"If we bring white students
and black students

"from all over the country,

"then everyone will pay
attention to Mississippi.

"We'll bring America
to Mississippi

because America is not paying
attention to Mississippi."

WILLIAM WINTER:
In the '50s and '60s,

particularly in the old
plantation agricultural areas

of the state,

African Americans made up
at least half,

and in some cases
70% or 80% of the population.

And, in some counties,
of course,

there was a realistic
understanding

that if black people voted,

they probably would be electing
black officials.

A lot of white people
thought that African Americans

in the South
would literally take over

and white people
would have to move,

they would have to get
out of the state.

WILLIAM SIMMONS:
I was born in Mississippi

and I am the product of the
society in which I was raised,

and I have a vested interest
in that society,

and I, along with a million
other white Mississippians,

will do everything in our power
to protect that vested interest.

WILLIAM SCARBOROUGH:
There was no Ku Klux Klan
in Mississippi

during this early period.

There wasn't any need for one.

The Citizens' Council
was doing everything

that the Ku Klux Klan
would have done.

There were a lot of prominent
people who were members--

businessmen, bankers,
lawyers, politicians.

I joined it because I believed
in what they were doing

and I believed in trying
to preserve the society

in which we lived.

(fanfare playing)

ANNOUNCER:
This is the Citizens'
Council Forum,

the American viewpoint
with a Southern accent.

JOHN DITTMER:
The Citizens' Council

was really running
the state of Mississippi.

It was part
of the whole apparatus

of a white supremacist society

that you had the local police,
you had the registrar,

you had everyone involved
in the Citizens' Council.

They succeeded in preventing

almost all blacks
who attempted to register

from registering to vote.

CHARLIE COBB:
Political participation
was something

reserved for whites.

And if blacks sought it,

they could get hurt
in lots of different ways,

ranging from economic reprisals,
loss of jobs,

or if you had a business,

restrictions are being placed
on your business,

or if you had a loan,
your loan being called in.

JULIAN BOND:
The common theory
about Mississippi was

that you could not attack
Mississippi from the inside.

It had to be attacked
from the outside.

You had to stand away and say,

"This is an awful place
and it ought to fix itself."

But Bob Moses

and the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee said,

"No, that's not true;
we can do it ourselves."

WATSON:
Bob Moses was a high school
teacher in New York City.

He went south in 1960,

originally just feeling he had
to go, had to get involved.

SNCC sent him to Mississippi.

He started going around
on his own in the rural areas

where people simply didn't go
and challenge the status quo.

ELEANOR NORTON:
What made him stand out

was not only his sheer courage,
but his calm courage.

I can't tell you that
Bob Moses was afraid,

'cause he never showed it.

He just went about his work

and there was this calm sense
of mission.

IVANHOE DONALDSON:
Bob went over there by himself
in 1961,

and by the end of '61,

maybe there were five or six
SNCC people in the state.

In '62, maybe there were 18, 19.

And in '63,
maybe there were 23, 24.

And we'd have a staff meeting,

we all could fit
in one little room.

BOB MOSES:
Young people working

with the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee,

or SNCC as we call it,

are characterized
by restless energy.

They seek radical change in race
relations in the United States.

Their world is upset,

and they feel that if they are
ever going to get it straight,

they must upset it more.

NORTON:
I don't want anybody to think

that we were a bunch
of really brave Negroes

running around Mississippi.

That's not what we were.

The reason that SNCC,
as it were, opened up the Delta

is we were young and foolish.

We didn't have the very
complete understanding

of what that risk was.

But what impressed me was that
there were black Mississippians

who did know
how dangerous it was.

BOND:
We met this cadre of older
people who had been fighting.

They were eager for our help
and glad we were there.

MOSES:
They knew that the key
to unlocking Mississippi

revolved around the vote.

And the access for black people
to power at that time

has got to be through the vote.

What was useful was that

I was open
and accustomed to listening.

COBB:
What we were trying to do
was to organize

these communities to take
possession of their own lives.

For the last hundred years,
the ability of black people

to control their own destiny
had been taken away from them.

Hi.

Hey, how are you?

All right.

I'm Idel Crest
and I'm working

for the board
of registration...

WATKINS:
When I got hooked up
with Bob Moses,

it was very simple:
go out through the community,

you knock on doors,
talk to people.

The only way
to better your life

and better the lives
of your children

is to go down
and register to vote.

If you're not
a registered voter,

you're not a first-class
citizen.

CHARLES McLAURIN:
We would tell them
that if they registered

and voted, they could
elect the sheriff,

and that the intimidation

on the part of the sheriff's
office and his deputies,

they could change that.

One of the things
that I always tell them

is that we could stop
Mr. Charlie from lynching us.

COBB:
You're sitting on front porches

or you're walking out
into a cotton field,

or maybe you're at the juke
joint having a beer.

What we were doing was embedding
ourselves in these communities.

You have your
certificate

showing that you are
a registered voter?

They haven't given it
to me yet.

Well, you aren't
a registered voter, mister.

We want you to come down
to the courthouse tomorrow.

COBB:
Immediately what you found out

you were dealing with was fear.

WOMAN:
So why not go tomorrow?

We will furnish
your transportation,

so that's no excuse.

COBB:
They would say,
"You're right, boy.

"We should be registered
to vote.

But I ain't going down there
to mess with them white people."

Would you like to go
to both of these polling places?

No.

COBB:
We did not get
a large number of people

to try and register to vote.

And then within that
small group of people

who did try
and register to vote,

very few of them actually
got registered to vote.

Other people are standing
in the courthouse.

We can't see why we have
to stand out here in the rain

in order to register to vote.

It's a denial of our
constitutional right.

CLERK:
Your section
of the constitution

that I choose for you
is number 48.

DITTMER:
The registrar had total control

over who was accepted
and who wasn't.

The voting form
was one of the most complicated

you would ever, ever have.

And as part of that, each
person would have to interpr

a section of the state
constitution.

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
We had people who taught
in colleges.

We had people with the Ph.D.s,
master's degrees,

and they couldn't pass it.

You had to be white.

CLERK:
No, Jennings,
you didn't pass it.

You see there?

You didn't fill out the...

you just filled out
that part

and look, you didn't
write anything in there.

You didn't pass it.

ED KING:
Sometimes, the sheriff would
walk into the room

while they were taking
the voting test and say,

"Annie Mae, don't you work
for my mother-in-law?

"My mother-in-law would be
horrified

"if she knew you were
taking this test.

"Now, Annie Mae,
I'll tell you,

"if you'll just
put that paper down,

I'll tear it up and I won't tell
my mother-in-law."

DITTMER:
In some counties,
when people went in to register,

why, their names would appear
in the newspaper the next day.

That could have recriminations
for all members of their family.

It could mean
they would lose their job.

There were real consequences
to taking this risk.

It wasn't simply that you would
go down and get turned away.

McLAURIN:
On August 31, 1962,
we had 18 people to register.

Everybody went
into the registrar's office,

took the literacy test,
came out,

and as we were leaving the city,

the bus was stopped
by the police

and the driver was arrested.

Everybody on the bus was afraid.

And then after a while,

there was a little smooth song,
you know,

¶ Paul and Silas bound in jail ¶

¶ Had no money for
to go their bail. ¶

And somebody said,
"That's Fannie Lou Hamer."

FANNIE LOU HAMER:
I went down the 31st of August

to try to register.

And after I had
gotten back home,

Mr. Marlo told me that
I would have to go down

and withdraw my registration
or leave,

because they wasn't ready
for that in Mississippi.

And I said, "Mr. Marlo,

I'm trying to register
for myself."

So I had to leave
that same night.

MOSES:
She has this confrontation,

then leaves the plantation
and comes into Ruleville

and eventually becomes someone
who is a SNCC field secretary.

One of the important things

about recruiting
Fannie Lou Hamer

was her ability
to move people.

Fannie Lou Hamer brought
a new kind of spirit

into the movement.

And I think she...

it kind of rejuvenated
all of us.

FANNIE LOU HAMER:
I've been tired a long time

in the state of Mississippi.

Living in the county with
James O. Eastland, the Senator,

Senator Stennis
to go to Washington

and tell the people that
the people of Mississippi,

the Negroes, are getting along
good and we're satisfied.

But I want him to know this,
both of them:

we're not satisfied

and we haven't been satisfied
a long time.

HARRIS:
We'd been accustomed to men

standing up
and challenging the movement,

but here is a woman,
a black woman.

And her message to us was,
"Don't give up.

"Freedom is not free.

"Keep fighting,
keep fighting,

keep fighting."

DONALDSON:
As SNCC became more active
in the Delta,

the Mississippi Delta
where Greenwood is,

in the heart of Leflore County,

we started to create visibility
around voter registration

and people started
going to the courthouse.

If people tried to vote, they
would push them off the land

so they had no place to live.

They took away their homes.

African American people there
who had small businesses,

the banks called their notes.

COBB:
Even though there were
very few people

being brought down
to try and register to vote,

the white power engaged
in an act of reprisal

directed at the entire
black community.

What they did was shut down
the commodities program.

What it was
was government surplus food

that was sent
to poor rural areas.

The county said, "Well, no,
we're not gonna have that,"

which is essentially
put black people and poor people

in a position where they could
starve during the winter.

And this was
an especially bad winter.

AMZIE MOORE:
I just keep wondering
how they're going

to eat and what they're going to
wear because they have no money,

they have no food,
and they have no clothing.

They have no way
to buy food and clothing.

We've appealed to people
all over the United States

to send food and clothing in.

COBB:
What would happen next
would eventually reshape

the direction of the movement
in Mississippi.

Dick Gregory was then
a big-time comedian,

flies into Greenwood,
Mississippi,

in his own chartered airplane
full of food to meet the need

as a result of this cut-off
of commodities.

REPORTER:
Dick, how much food did you
bring with you on this trip?

We brought something like
14,000 pounds on this trip here.

Canned food, milk,
baby food, cereal,

wheat, flour, sugar, potatoes...

DITTMER:
You had the news media
coming in,

and soon these pictures were
going out all over the world

of what was happening
in Greenwood, Mississippi,

where several months before

it had been very much
of a small operation

with little visibility at all.

REPORTER:
City officials deny
the winter long cut-off

of food allotments

was retaliation
for the Negro voting drive.

But the sharecropper
who tries to register to vote

often faces the threat
of losing his job

and being
put off the plantation.

Bob Clark, ABC,
Greenwood, Mississippi.

COBB:
It shows us that it's possible

to make the country
pay attention to Mississippi.

Gregory's action indicates
to Mississippians

that they didn't have
to be alone.

DONALDSON:
The American people only see
what's on television

at night on the evening news.

So where Dick Gregory
created a lot of drama

and the cameras were there
and then it went away,

we wanted to figure out how
to do that for the entire summer

to invite the children
of America into Mississippi

so that they'd pay attention

to wt was going on
in Mississippi.

And from that, Mississippi
Summer Project evolved.

COBB:
Most of the organizers
in Mississippi

were opposed to the idea of the
Mississippi Summer Project,

which meant essentially
bringing down...

I think the number
we were talking about

was roughly 1,000 students.

I was one the people who was
opposed to Freedom Summer.

KING:
People in the movement were
willing to die,

but we didn't want
to die in obscurity.

So if we brought in students,

their colleges, their parents
would focus on Mississippi.

I supported bringing
the volunteers in.

COBB:
The experience of people
like Mrs. Hamer

was that people coming from
the outside was a good thing.

Mrs. Hamer backed me up
into a corner and said,

"Well, Charlie,
I'm glad you came.

"What's the problem with having
more people come?

How can you be opposed?"

And eventually we decided to go
ahead with Freedom Summer.

Once the decision was made
to have a summer project,

there's a series of meetings
and discussions going on then

about what the summer project
is going to do.

REPORTER:
The Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee,

a militant group in the South...

Well, there were three
components of Freedom Summer.

One was voter registration,

which would be going
door-to-door,

knocking on doors
and asking people

if they were willing
to go down to the courthouse

to register to vote.

The second and very important
component of Freedom Summer

were the freedom schools.

They would teach things
that were not taught

in black schools in Mississippi.

Black schools in Mississippi

couldn't teach
about black history.

They couldn't teach
about black literature.

So freedom schools were set up
to do exactly that.

And finally there was

the Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party.

It was a parallel political
party which basically said that,

"We will send our own delegates

to the Democratic National
Convention in Atlantic City

"at the end of August,
and we will challenge

"the all-white delegation
to see who would represent

the state of Mississippi
at the convention."

White Mississippians
believed that

what was going to happen
in the summer of '64

was something that
not only they had to be

psychologically prepared for,

they had to be militarily
prepared for it as well.

It shows you the hysteria
that was evident

in much of white Mississippi.

REPORTER:
In Jackson, Mississippi,

a city of 100,000 whites,
50,000 Negroes,

the mayor has prepared
for this summer's activity

by increasing the police forces,

by passing new ordinances
against demonstrations,

and by purchasing
a steel-plated vehicle,

a riot control car known
locally as Thompson's Tank,

named for Mayor Allen Thompson.

We are prepared to take care
of any law violations

to keep down violence.

REPORTER:
In addition to Thompson's Tank,

armor plated and equipped
with nine machine gun positions,

the arsenal includes cage trucks

for transporting masses
of arrested violators,

search light trucks,

each of which can light
three city blocks

in case of night riots...

(gunfire)

The Citizens' Council
had convinced people

that the Klan wasn't necessary,
that it was bad publicity,

and that they could keep schools
from being desegregated,

they could keep lunch counters
from being integrated.

But by 1964, when they see the
volunteers for Freedom Summer,

it was clear that they couldn't,

and that's when the Klan
starts to ride.

WATSON:
The Klan rose up as one
in Mississippi.

One night in April of 1964,

crosses were burned
all over Mississippi.

They claimed that
they had 90,000 members,

and they were going to resist
what the Klan called

the "Nigger-Communist Invasion
of Mississippi."

So Mississippi,
on the eve of Freedom Summer,

was on a hair trigger.

SCHWERNER:
There was very much
a recognition

and a debate about,

is it responsible to bring
all those kids into the state,

most of whom are probably
far too naive

to understand what they
were getting into

in terms of the violent nature
of the place?

Are you doing this
to use people as fodder?

The thought was,
"Well, you know,

"we'll do this orientation
at Oxford, Ohio,

"and we'll try and tell these
kids what they're getting into

and ke it clear that they
really don't have to go."

But you know,
I don't know that

that really could begin
to prepare people.

SIMMONS:
My grandmother said,

"We've heard that you're
planning on doing something

"really crazy--

"going to Mississippi
with those SNCC folk--

and I'm never gonna permit it."

LINDA WETMORE HALPERN:
We went to Oxford.

A group of us from Massachusetts
met in Boston.

We drove across, sharing driving
for different hours.

We drove straight through,
people sleeping.

I know I drove very fast.

Several of us drove up to Oxford

in the blue station wagon
that we used in Meridian.

SIMMONS:
With my grandmother,
my mom and dad pleading,

threatening, I just said,
"I'm leaving."

A girlfriend drove me
to the bus station,

and my grandmother's
parting words were,

"If you leave,
don't ever come back."

SUSAN BROWNMILLER:
I remember one young woman
saying,

"We're gonna settle this problem
and then it's on to the Indians

and we're gonna
settle that, too."

I mean, there was that
kind of unbelievable idealism.

SIMMONS:
I can remember people saying,

"Well, how bad can it be?"

You know,
because they had no idea.

And even I didn't think that
they might be beaten or killed.

And, in fact,
that was one of the ways

that I sort of calmed my fears.

I thought that their presence
would be a mediating factor.

MOSES:
The SNCC field secretaries
arrive in Ohio

and, in some senses,
it's oil and water.

So it erupts, you know,
one-on-one

in different kinds
of interactions

between the students
and the field secretaries.

COBB:
The need for the volunteers

and the presence
for the volunteers

represented our inability,
after three years,

to make significant inroads
into changing Mississippi.

So we had to reach out
to this larger group,

which was predominantly white.

And many of us were still not
entirely comfortable with it.

CHRIS WILLIAMS:
The tension between
the volunteers

and the SNCC staff,

who was almost entirely black,
became evident right away.

They were like,

"We're going to take these
greenhorns back to Mississippi

and be the tip of the spear
of the civil rights movement,"

and these people are likely
to get us killed

because they don't know
where they're about to do.

And they're saying,

"These people look like
they're just about beyond hope."

SNCC WORKER:
The police are going
to harass you.

They're going to pick you up
on the road,

they're gonna put
trumped-up charges on you

and you're gonna
wind up in jail.

I suggest we be a little more
serious about this thing.

SIMMONS:
One of the things that was done
at the orientation

was to instruct
the white students particularly

that you're going
into a situation

where you will have to follow
the directions of black people.

You will be living
in black homes.

You will have to live
according to the way they live.

Your life will depend upon you
following directions,

and, of course,
these white students

had never been
in a situation like this.

(fanfare playing)

BOND:
In order to orientate
the Freedom Summer workers,

we showed them this movie.

It featured Theron Lynd,

who is the registrar
in Hattiesburg, Mississippi.

REPORTER:
Theron C. Lynd,

circuit clerk
and voting registrar

of Forest County, Mississippi,

is one of the most powerful men
in America.

He and the 81 other county
registrars in Mississippi

have the power
under state law

to decide who can
and who cannot vote.

Theron Lynd is your
stereotypical racist bad guy--

a big, burly, cigar-chomping,
tobacco-chewing,

aggressively racist white man.

THERON LYND:
That's right, that's a section

of the constitution of the state
of Mississippi.

Then when you get over here
and answer the question 19...

COBB:
And the summer volunteers
see him and start to laugh.

People coming up
from Mississippi

were tired, exhausted,

suspicious of the summer
project.

So the reaction to that laughter
was hostile.

"You're not taking
Mississippi seriously.

"You think this is
something funny,

"something to be laughed at.

No, what you're looking at
has cost people their lives."

SUGARMAN:
When the lights came up,
the young SNCC leaders said,

"We have to know you,
we have to love you,

but we don't understand you."

They really were furious,

and went on
at great length to say,

"You're coming out
of a different place.

I don't know if you should be
going with us."

These white kids
were unsteady vessels.

They weren't at all sure

that these were the allies
they wanted.

WATSON:
They stayed in the auditorium
for a few hours

talking and arguing,
and they really went at it,

but I think it really
broke the tension.

It brought out these
underlying resentments.

It brought out the differences
between the two

and it highlighted them.

And, above all,
it brought out the fact that

they were all in this together.

And from then on,
a lot of the tension was broken

and they realized that
they were really one in this

and that they were going to go
down and do this together.

SCHWERNER:
At the end of the first week,

we got a call in Oxford.

People at the Mount Zion Church
had been beaten up badly

and the church was burned.

My husband Mickey and James
Chaney decided

that they needed to go
right away

to see how people were

and to provide whatever support
they could.

Andy Goodman was going to be one
of the volunteers

working
out of the Meridian office,

so they decided that all three
of them would go.

We were in the dorm room
that we had been assigned

and Mickey kissed me goodbye

and said, "I'll see you at
the end of the week," and left.

And they drove down
in the blue station wagon.

READER:
"Dear Mom and Dad,

"I have arrived safely
in Meridian, Mississippi.

"This is a wonderful town
and the weather is fine.

"I wish you were here.

"The people in the city
are wonderful,

"and our reception was
very good.

All my love, Andy."

It was close
to around 6:00 or 7:00,

around 6:00 or 7:00
in the evening.

And a call came in from the
Meridian people wanting...

They had not heard from Mickey
and James Chaney.

I just knew that something
had to be wrong.

SCHWERNER:
It was early Monday morning

around 1:00 or 2:00
in the morning

when someone came to the dorm
room that I was using

and woke me to say that the men
had not returned,

and that was how
I first heard of it.

SIMMONS:
Everybody was to come into
the auditorium for this session.

They had this extremely solemn
look on their faces.

And then they told us that
three workers

who had been at the orientation
and had left early,

they had disappeared.

SCHWERNER:
I urged people
to contact their families

and have their families contact
their congressional people

to indicate that we believed

that there certainly was
a possibility,

given the fact that so many
hours had gone by and...

that they couldn't be located,

that they might
have been killed.

NEWSCASTER (on TV):
The three civil rights workers

who disappeared in Mississippi
last Sunday night

still have not been heard from.

A search has thus far produced
only one clue,

the burned-out station wagon
in which the three

were last seen riding.

Andrew Goodman,
a 20-year-old college student

from New York...

SIMMONS:
Learning that three
of our members,

two of whom were white,
had disappeared,

really blew away all my ideas

that possibly we would have
protection from the fact

that the majority of the summer
volunteers were white.

I knew now
that that was not the case,

that everybody was
in grave danger

and that these Mississippians
would kill all of us,

white and black.

WETMORE:
Bob said that,
"There is no guarantee

"that you will get out of this
summer alive, so just know that.

It's up to you if you want
to continue on."

So he left us all to the phones,
and we all went.

We were told to call home.

REPORTER:
Did you talk this over
with your parents

before you made the decision?

Yes, I discussed it with them.

They felt, of course,
what I feel,

and that is fear of what might
happen there.

My mother and father did not ask
me to come home.

They asked me to do
what I thought was right.

So I boarded the buses.

WOMAN:
¶ I'm goin' down
to Mississippi ¶

¶ I'm goin' down
a Southern road ¶

¶ And if you never
see me again ¶

¶ Remember that I had to go ¶

¶ Remember that I had
to go ¶

¶ It's a long road
down the Mississippi ¶

¶ It's a short road
back the other way ¶

¶ If the cops pull you over... ¶

WILLIAMS:
We came down the interstate

from Memphis into Mississippi.

It must have been about 4:00
in the morning.

There was a billboard right
at the state line that said,

"Welcome to Mississippi,
the Magnolia State."

And of course there was a little
bit of dread in seeing that,

but what was more significant

was that there were two
Mississippi highway patrol cars

parked under the sign,

and as the buses came by they
pulled out and followed us.

So at some level they knew
exactly when we were coming.

WOMAN:
¶ For an out-of-state car ¶

¶ And he thinks he's fightin'
for his land... ¶

MOSES:
What really is important
is that they get down

and kind of just melt away
into the black population.

If we could just get everybody
through the entry point

and into the community,

the black community will house
them and also harbor them.

BOND:
The genius of the Freedom Summer
is that these volunteers

were spread all over the state.

The Freedom Summer workers
are everywhere.

They are in almost every little
big town.

Almost every place where you can
go, they are there.

REPORTER:
Yesterday the first 200 civil
rights workers

arrived in Mississippi and
fanned out over the state.

Another 800 will follow.

The students were assigned
living quarters in Negro homes

from a central office.

When Charles and Doug came by
the house and told us

that they need some homes

for the civil rights workers
to live,

I said, "Well, I don't have
much room,

but yeah, we'll be happy
to do it, you know,"

and then I told my husband
about it.

He said,
"Yeah, they can stay here."

I felt the time had come to help
make a change.

I had three sons and I didn't
want them to go through

what I had gone through
and what I had seen.

So I was determined
to help make a change.

Say, "Well, they'll have to take
the twin beds

and the boys have to double up."

They were happy to know that
somebody was coming from...

All we have to do is say,
"from the North."

(laughs)

HARRIS:
We were now going to have
a white person

living in our house.

So it was a special time,
it was an exciting time.

We weren't sure what they were
going to be like

because even though we had seen
white people on television

and in person,

but to actually have someone
living in our home,

to spend time with us,
to share meals together,

that was a much different type
of relationship

than what we had been
accustomed to.

ROSCOE JONES:
They became a part
of the black community.

I don't know of any place
that they could run

into a white neighborhood
and be accepted

because they were outsiders.

They became the closest thing
to being a part

of the black community
as anybody can be

because they had no choice.

REPORTER:
Walt Kaufman,
you're from California.

What's it like to come into a
situation such as exists here

in Neshoba County,

and as a white man come to work
for the project?

Well, what I'm most impressed
with is the response

of the people here who have been
intimidated and terrorized

for years and who know that our
presence here probably poses

some danger for them

and yet they've shown
tremendous courage

and amazing hospitality to us.

They've helped to feed us,
they've encouraged us,

they've warmed us with their...
just friendship and smiles.

And it's an extremely impressive
experience to me.

SUGARMAN:
Everybody knew that we were
going home

at the end of the summer.

The people that took us in
were going to stay.

So they were there for the
reprisals, for the anger

that the white community had
all the power

to bring to bear on them.

And they did it because
they really believed

that we were there to help,

and they'd never seen white
people who had come to help

in their whole lives.

SIMMONS:
One of the most wonderful things

about 1964 Mississippi Summer
were the freedom schools.

COBB:
The state of Mississippi
deliberately and systematically

kept black people uneducated
and ignorant,

and then turned around and made
education a requirement

in order to participate
in the political process.

We were able to do the freedom
schools in the summer of 1964

because we had almost 1,000
students coming

to the state of Mississippi,
thus the human resources

to actually, you know,
conduct classes.

MALE VOLUNTEER:
We hope to find and develop

and mold local leadership
among the young people.

We also hope to promote
a better self-image

among the local Negroes.

JONES:
We would send out mass flyers
and everything

to the churches,

telling people
about the freedom school,

what the freedom school was
going to entail,

the courses, the activities.

We got the preachers involved,
we got the kids involved.

McLAURIN:
Black people couldn't go
to the library.

It was for whites only,

and so here they are,
got their own library now.

They would come excited
to be exposed

to the teaching
and to browse the books.

HARRIS:
In the public schools
where I was in school,

I had never heard of Dr. Seuss.

It was at freedom school where
we actually not only read

the story of The Cat in the Hat,
but we acted it out.

Having our lives enriched
by these activities

really made a huge difference
in my life.

SIMMONS:
We taught African-American
history, civics,

African culture, African dance.

They were learning black history

that they were reading books
that had been written by blacks

that they'd never heard of.

How were slaves first introduced
in America?

MALE VOLUNTEER:
As we saw back on this world map
over here,

America started picking up
slaves along here

and then bringing them back.

CHRIS HEXTER:
What we were trying to do
that summer

is get people to talk
about their own lives,

talk about good and bad,
and talk about ways

in which you could bring about
change.

I think that was very much
the drive of the program.

FEMALE VOLUNTEER:
They had a sense of being needed

by something much bigger
than themselves

and a sense of being able
to handle the problems

that they were needed for.

They did it by asking questions

and by being encouraged to feel
free to ask questions.

HEXTER:
They were rarin' to go.

We were just kind of like
the catalyst.

We were agents of information
and agents of a different world,

so I mean just the very fact
that we were talking

about a world
that they didn't know,

or didn't have
much experience with

was exciting to them
and also to us.

McLAURIN:
We set them up
for the little children to come,

and every day we'd have
classrooms of adults,

people 50, 60 and 70
years of age.

The adults came to the freedom
school to learn

just like the little children.

HARRIS:
Being in freedom school planted
a seed in my mind

that things are going to change,

things are going
to be different.

And Freedom Summer helped
to give us that courage,

it helped to give us that hope,
it helped to give us

the reason to believe that it
was going to be different.

REPORTER:
This is backwoods Mississippi

and its 2.5 million acres
of swamp.

Damp and clammy country,

as hostile as the attitude
of its white people

to civil rights.

The green slime that sprawls
for miles may hide forever

what's happened to Chaney,
Goodman and Schwerner.

As the search for the men
intensifies in the swamps,

there are those in Mississippi
who do not seem disposed

to see this
as a personal tragedy.

One of them is Mississippi's
former governor Ross Barnett.

We will treat anyone with great
respect here in Mississippi,

anyone who comes here, as long
as they do not disobey our laws,

but we will treat the people who
come here, these children,

like any other backward
children.

MAN:
¶ Go, Mississippi ¶

¶ Keep rolling along ¶

¶ Go, Mississippi ¶

¶ You cannot be wrong... ¶

WILLIAM SCARBOROUGH:
They're outsiders
coming down here

trying to change the world and
there's natural resentment.

I mean, that's common sense.

MAN:
¶ M-I-S-S-I-S... ¶

¶ S-I-P... ¶

SCARBOROUGH:
We didn't think
those people understood

what kind of society
we had here.

You know, these college students
would sit up there at Oberlin

and there'd be a articulate,
well-groomed black person

sitting next to them,

and they assumed all blacks were
like that and they weren't.

They're coming for the purpose
of registering blacks to vote.

And since this state had the
highest percentage of blacks

of any state
in the United States,

that poses a real threat
politically.

There was a siege mentality,
us against them,

and I hated them.

MAN:
¶ M-I-S-S-I-S... ¶

¶ S-I-P-P-I ¶

(song ends)

WILLIAM WINTER:
Let me state as clearly as I can

what the mindset of the state
of Mississippi was,

encouraged and emboldened by the
utterances of its politicians.

If the white people
of Mississippi

will just stay together,
will just stick together,

there is no force
in this country

that will cause segregation
to be ended.

That was the mindset.

BARNETT:
We face absolute extinction

of all we hold dear,
unless we are victorious!

We can win, my friends,
if we are organized

in every community
in Mississippi

and all over this nation
of ours!

We must be stronger
than the enemy!

We must be strong enough
to crush the enemy!

(applause)

MOSES:
They're caught in a circle

which, if there are people
who want to break out,

they don't know how.

They don't have a chance.

They just... white people are
probably more oppressed or...

in terms of their ability
to speak than Negroes.

BARBARA JAN NAVE:
In the South, you were expected
to live a certain way.

You just didn't step
outside the bubble.

In August of 1963, I was crowned
Miss Mississippi

and would spend the next year
representing Mississippi

all over.

WATSON:
Red Heffner and his wife were
loyal Mississippians.

Their daughter was
Miss Mississippi,

and they really believed
that if they just invited

a couple of white volunteers
over to their house

in McComb, just for dinner,

just to find out
what was going on,

nothing, nothing would happen,
nobody would object,

but they miscalculated badly.

NAVE:
The whole purpose was just
to keep the peace,

to try not to have any more
bombings,

try not to have any more
killings.

They came over just to have tea
or whatever, or coffee.

MRS. HEFFNER:
Then shortly after that,
a man called,

a neighbor, that we didn't know
very well,

and he lives a good distance
from us,

and said that the neighbors were
upset about this car

that was in front of our house
and who did it belong to.

About ten minutes later, Red
Heffner opened his front door

and there were all these
headlights glaring at him,

like something out of
a bad movie,

and people started shouting
things,

and they just barely got
the people out of there,

and from then on,

the Heffners' life
in Mississippi was pure hell.

I went downtown one day,

and friends that I had known
for ten years would turn

and walk away from me,
or hang their heads.

Some would speak and walk on

as if I had leprosy
or something.

NAVE:
My father was asked
to move out of his office.

So he lost his business.

Our, you know, our little dog
was killed.

I came home to visit

because I was still traveling
as Miss Mississippi

and the FBI wouldn't
let me go home.

I had to stay in the Holiday Inn

because they had heard that the
house was going to be bombed.

It's just gotten too low.

To the point that we couldn't
take it any longer.

WINTER:
It's a mark of the obsession

that so many white people had in
this state at that time

with maintaining segregation

that made them turn on their
neighbors, on their friends.

The Heffners were ostracized
socially

and finally had to leave
the state.

NAVE:
They left everything
they'd ever had behind.

When all your roots are in one
place, it breaks your heart.

WETMORE:
I saw in Mississippi

a white population

that I had never
even imagined existed.

The vile, the absolute hatred
that was in their eyes

when they saw us coming,

was... it-it scared me.

FEMALE READER:
"It's night, it's hot.

"Violence hangs overhead
like dead air.

It hangs there, and maybe it
will fall, and maybe it won't."

FEMALE READER:
"Although I was extremely tired,

"every shadow, every noise,
the bark of a dog,

"the sound of a car, in my fear
and exhaustion

I turned into a terrorist
approach, and I believe..."

MALE READER:
"I wake up in the morning
sighing with relief

"that I was not bombed

"because I know that they know
where I live, and I think,

"'Well, I got through
that night,

'and I have to get through this
day,' and it goes on and on."

There were always moments
when I just wondered

if I could make it through that
day to the next one,

and then to the next one.

Just always questioning,
always wondering.

Every time I walked out
on the street

I, in my mind, I expected
a bullet to hit me.

FEMALE VOLUNTEER:
They threw a stick of dynamite
where, now?

Now, what damage did it do?

DITTMER:
Freedom Summer was one
of the most violent periods

in Mississippi history since
the end of Reconstruction.

There were over
a thousand arrests made.

REPORTER:
The explosive, nobody knows

what kind or how much,
was apparently placed

up against the house or rolled
up against the house.

DITTMER:
65 buildings were either bombed
or burned,

including 35 churches.

There were a hundred or so
beatings.

I mean, this was going on
all over the state.

SIMMONS:
And then there was
the whole issue

of white women
living in black homes.

I mean,
that just infuriated them.

Take these, uh, white women
that've been imported in here.

They call 'em white women,

I could call 'em
a light colored rat.

They stay and sleep in the same
damn house

that the niggras do.

And then tellin', tellin' me
that they,

that they're not sexual
relations at.

Why, that is, that is,
for the... for the birds.

Even walking down the street
in an interracial group

was kind of a no-no.

I remember being arrested and
being asked a lot of questions.

And the sheriff wanted me
to describe

the size of black men's penises.

They were obsessed with sex.

I don't think we were obsessed
with sex.

But it was a clear message

that that's all they thought
we were doing.

BOND:
If you got in any kind
of trouble at all

or anybody was threatening
to you,

there was nobody you could go to
and say, "Help me."

You couldn't go to the police,
you couldn't go to the sheriff,

you couldn't go
to the state officials.

All of these people are hostile

and probably the people who are
threatening you themselves.

So there is nobody
you can appeal to.

WETMORE:
I was walking along a road.

We were told never to leave
the place we were staying

by ourselves.

They jumped out of the car.

They started calling me,
"Hey, nigger lover!

"We got you,
we finally got you.

"We ain't killed ourselves
a white girl yet.

You're gonna be the first."

They get this lynch rope.

It really was a noose
like you see,

like I had seen in the pictures
of the hangings, right.

They put this noose
over my head.

And it's attached
to a long rope.

They jump back into the car,

and I just saw myself being
dragged to death.

I'm walking like this.

And they're laughing and calling
me all kinds of names.

And then they moved along,
slowly,

a little bit faster.

I'm walking faster.

And it was like,
okay, this is it.

And then they dropped the rope.

And I just stood there.

Of course we had to wear skirts.

We weren't allowed to wear pants
in those days,

so we all had our little shifts
on and everything.

I peed all over myself.

Just stood on the...
and just peed.

RUBIN:
"The day-to-day work
was canvassing.

"The work itself is as simple
as it is tedious.

"We walk down these dusty red
country roads

"in the Negro sections,

"go from tumbledown house
to tumbledown house,

"and if they come out
to the porch or let us in,

"we talk to the people.

"That's it.

"That's what we do.

That's what the segregationists
are trying to stop."

SUGARMAN:
My motivation for drawing

was I wanted to make sure that I
was capturing

the flavor a moment,
the intensity of a moment.

And you are in that situation,

everything becomes memorable.

The intensity of those
situations become indelible.

That happened to me twice
in my life.

One was on D-Day,

and the other time was
in Mississippi.

KUNSTLER:
The work was frustrating.

There was a very small return

for the number of doors
we knocked on.

You could see in people's faces

the struggle they were
going through.

Many really wanted to register
but were fearful.

"I'm not going to register
to vote because I work

for a white family and I think
they might fire me."

Or "I've heard that houses get
burned down

when people go to register
to vote."

Or "I'm worried about my kids."

We were doing something
very positive

but also in the backs
of our minds was the negative

that could ball someone
we were talking to.

Because the danger was real.

It was absolutely real.

REPORTER:
Late this afternoon,

the search for Chaney, Goodman
and Schwerner shifted

to the Pearl River near
Philadelphia, Mississippi.

Boats carrying game wardens
and FBI agents

are now dragging the river.

REPORTER:
Have you seen the spot
down here, sir?

MAN:
That's right.

REPORTER:
What do you think of this?

I believe them jokers planned it

and sitting off up there
in New York,

laughing at us Mississippi folk.

REPORTER:
Can you tell me what you think
of this whole thing?

WOMAN:
Well, I believe

it's a big publicity hoax,

but if they're dead I feel like
they asked for it.

KUNSTLER:
It was always on our minds,

and we were constantly aware
that they had not been found.

There was a pall over the whole
project because of that.

REPORTER:
In Meridian,

the wife of missing Mickey
Schwerner, Rita Schwerner,

flew from Oxford.

BOND:
Rita Schwerner plays
an important role here.

This is her husband, after all,

who is the leader
of the three missing men.

And she puts a face on them
and she plays an enormous role

in making this seem like
these are real people

and we need to pay attention
to these real people

who something terrible has
happened to.

RITA SCHWERNER:
They're being held somewhere,

or something happened, and I am
going to find the answer.

If this means driving every
back road, every dirt road,

every alley in the county
of Neshoba, I will do it.

DOROTHY ZELLNER:
The press swarmed all over her,

and I think they wanted her
to cry,

and they wanted her to be
a new widow,

that they would catch her
at the moment of her widowhood,

and she wouldn't play.

I personally suspect
that if Mr. Chaney,

who is a native
Mississippian Negro,

had been along at the time
of the disappearance,

that this case, like so many
others that have come before,

would have gone completely
unnoticed.

SCHWERNER:
I did have some sense

that if the story was allowed
to deteriorate into,

"Oh, this poor
little white girl,"

that, um...

it would, um...

it would be offensive
to everyone concerned.

WATSON:
Rita went on to the White House

and she met Lyndon Johnson,

and he welcomed her
to the White House

and she said very bluntly,
she said,

"Mr. President, this is not
a social call.

I've come to find out
where my husband is."

And she got chewed out by the
press secretary, who said,

"You don't talk to the president
of the United States like that."

Rita simply said, "We do."

REPORTER:
On Thursday, President
Johnson ordered sailors

from Meridian Naval Air Station

to augment state
and federal law officers

who were conducting the search.

There have been reports that
they were seen in other states.

None of these reports
proved out,

and so far neither
has the search.

JONES:
On August 4, 1964,

at the Mt. Olive Missionary
Baptist Church

in Meridian, Mississippi,

Pete Seeger gave a concert.

You know, we were all into
James Brown and all that

and here, you know, we got a guy
who's a folk legend

that comes to Meridian
and we were told

that he's going to do
this concert.

PETE SEEGER:
It was a small church,

so there were
about 200 people there,

and I had been singing
to them, I guess,

on a slight raised platform,
probably near the pulpit.

And I had gotten them
singing with me.

JONES:
And, all of a sudden,

in the middle of a song
that he was singing,

someone came over
and whispered into his ear.

He stopped and he got up
and made an announcement.

SEEGER:
"The bodies of Schwerner,
Goodman and Chaney

"have just been discovered.

They were buried deep
in the earth."

There wasn't any shouting.

There's just silence.

I saw lips moving
as though they were in prayer.

He asked us to join hands
and sing,

¶ We shall overcome, my Lord ¶

¶ We shall overcome someday ¶

¶ We shall overcome
someday... ¶

(crowd singing
"We Shall Overcome")

¶ Deep in my heart ¶

¶ Know that I do believe ¶

¶ Oh, we shall overcome
someday. ¶

SCHWERNER:
I got a call
late in the evening.

At least this...

this nightmare of unknowing,

or at least not officially
knowing, was over.

WATSON:
The bodies of Andrew Goodman
and Michael Schwerner

were flown to New York.

They had a separate funeral
there.

Fannie Lee Chaney flew to New
York to be at that funeral.

The families by then were
so together,

even though they had never
met before.

The mothers locked arms

and walked out of the church
together.

CROWD:
¶ Oh, we shall overcome
someday. ¶

WATSON:
In Mississippi,
a memorial service was held

for James Chaney.

DENNIS:
The decision had been made

by family members and
local leaders and others

that they wanted to keep
this very quiet

and then low key, rather.

I did their eulogy.

DENNIS:
I want to talk about

is really
what I really grieve about.

I don't grieve for Chaney
because of the fact

I feel that he lived
a fuller life

than many of us will ever live.

I feel that he's got his freedom
and we're still fighting for it.

WATSON:
Dave Dennis's speech was
a turning point in the summer

because everybody wanted him
to say the usual things

that you would say
at a funeral.

And Dave Dennis
just couldn't do it.

He challenged the people
at the memorial

and he challenged
the whole movement.

You see, wall tired.

You see, I know what's gonna
happen.

I feel it deep in my heart

when they find the people
who killed those guys

in Neshoba County...

All the different emotions

of things we'd been
going through

leading up
to this particular moment

began to come out, boil up
in me, you might call this.

And then looking out there
and seeing Ben Chaney,

James Chaney's little brother,
I lost it.

I totally just lost it.

Don't bow down anymore!

Hold your heads up!

We want our freedom now!

(voice breaking):
I don't want to have to go
to another memorial.

I'm tired of funerals.

Tired of it!

We've got to stand up!

CROWD:
¶ Oh, oh, oh, deep in my heart ¶

WATSON:
I think a lot of people
in Mississippi,

white people, thought,

"If we could just repel them
with the violence,

they'll go away."

But the beauty of Freedom Summer
was the tenacity

shown by the local people
and the volunteers

by staying on and on despite
the violence,

despite the threats,
despite the three bodies.

That created a momentum that,
as it went on into August,

you did begin to see more people
showing up at mass meetings,

more people showing up
at church.

WOMAN:
¶ This little light of mine... ¶

CROWD:
¶ I'm gonna let it shine. ¶

WATSON:
Churches that had originally
had maybe

ten or 12 people
for an evening meeting,

and there were evening meetings
almost every night,

now you got 20, 30, 40, 50
people showing up.

The churches are filled
in the evening.

Just being there in Mississippi
is making a difference.

CROWD: ¶ Let it shine, let it
shine, let it shine... ¶

WOMAN:
¶ Tell Governor Wallace... ¶

HARRIS:
The mass meeting was called
by the community.

That was the purpose
of the mass meeting,

to bring people up to date,
don't have any fear.

Try to stick to your grounds
and you are eligible

to become a registered voter.

Don't have any fear.

It made us stronger.

As the time grew, then the
crowds started getting larger.

(crowd singing)

HARRIS:
My friends and I, my brothers,

we would sit on the front pew
at a meeting.

And our role as young people was

to stand up in front
of the congregation

and begin singing freedom songs,

all a cappella,
clapping our hands.

And the congregation would be
on its feet

and they're swaying
from side to side,

and we're singing
these songs like

"Ain't Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me
'Round, Oh Freedom."

JONES:
They would break out and sing,

¶ This little light of mine ¶

¶ I'm gonna let it shine... ¶

CROWD:
¶ I'm gonna let it shine... ¶

WATKINS:
On my project, the volunteers,
all of them,

had to go to the mass meetings.

CROWD:
¶ I'm gonna let it shine,
let it shine, let it shine... ¶

SIMMONS:
It played for them, I think,

the same role that it played
for black people.

Because it was infectious.

It galvanized you.

It fortified you.

It enabled you to go on.

(crowd singing enthusiastically)

MILLER:
When you're in a situation
with that much fear

and every day not knowing
what's going to happen,

when you're in a mass meeting

you feel... there's a feeling
of safety,

there's a feeling of strength.

Everyone was there
to change things.

And so when you're
in those mass meetings,

you really believe you can.

(crowd continues singing)

GRAY:
We've organized

into the Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party.

We're holding a Freedom
Registration drive

throughout the state,

encouraging every Negro
and white

who wants a stake
in his political future

to prove it by getting his name
on a Freedom Registration book.

CHRIS WILLIAMS:
The word came down from
the office in Jackson that,

"All right, this has gotta be
the priority."

Bob Moses said, "We gotta really
concentrate on this,

"we've got to sign people up

for the Mississippi Freedom
Democratic Party."

We were going to go
to Atlantic City

with a delegation
of black Mississippians

to challenge
the white delegation

at the Democratic
National Convention.

ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON:
Our case was pure
and unadulterated exclusion

and discrimination.

We regarded the delegation sent
from Mississippi,

an all-white delegation,

as illegitimate under the rules
of the Democratic Party,

and we argued that
our integrated delegation

from all of the counties
in the state

should be seated instead.

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
Those students helped us
get people registered.

We registered thousands of them.

I guess people were just fed up.

People were hunting you
to register to vote.

You didn't have to just go
to their house.

They wanted to put
their name on.

WILLIAMS:
Any place people congregated,
we're there with our forms.

It wasn't complicated

like the official
voter registration form,

and it was confidential.

It wasn't going to pass
through the hands

of the white people
down at the courthouse.

We have scheduled precinct
meetings and district caucuses,

and on August 6 here in Jackson,

we will hold our
state convention.

At that time, we will elect
a slate of delegates

to the national convention
in Atlantic City.

(lively jazz playing)

ED KING:
The delegates came
from all over the state.

Most of the delegates
had never taken part

in anything like this
in their lifetime.

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
I was happy really, really,

because I did not think
I would be a delegate.

I didn't.

And I was one of the first ones
that they selected.

(cheering)

SIMMONS:
It was a wonderful experience
to see these people

who had been oppressed
and killed

for trying to register to vote

taking over
their own destiny.

For the first time,
doing something that I think

they'd never imagined
being able to do.

(banging gavel)

Will the delegates
please be seated.

The state convention
for the Freedom Democratic Party

is now in session.

KING:
Out of 68 people in the
delegation, four were white.

The regular delegation
was all white, had no blacks.

So we are integrated
at that point and they are not.

BRUCE WATSON:
Joseph Rauh agrees
to be the chief counsel

for the Mississippi
Freedom Democratic Party.

Rauh is a Washington insider
from way back in the '40s

and he had worked
with all sorts of liberal causes

and politicians.

He was a lawyer for United Auto
Workers and very powerful,

and that's a great person
to have on your side.

REPORTER:
Mr. Rauh, what is your dispute

with the regular Mississippi
Democratic delegion?

Very simple.

They are disloyal
to the national party.

They exclude Negroes

who would help the national
party from their roles.

They have engaged

in the terroristic activities
in Mississippi...

JOHN DITTMER:
The people in Mississippi didn't
know how national politics work.

They didn't know
how conventions work.

Rauh did, and he was the one
who said that,

"I think we can do this."

SHERWIN MARKMAN:
I can't overstate how seriously
Johnson took this whole thing.

He believed that Bobby Kennedy,
who was then attorney general,

was going to use any disruption
at the convention

as a vehicle to displace him
as the nominee.

The second thing
he was concerned about is

he wanted to keep the regular
Southern wing of the party

in the party,

that that the whole battle would
cause a split within the party,

which would drive out
the regular Southern states.

And he believed that
without the South's support,

he would lose the election.

So I was designated to go
to the convention as a delegate

to make sure
that did not happen.

CHARLES McLAURIN:
We had Democratic congressmen
from Illinois

and from other states.

The Democratic Party was the
party of Adam Clayton Powell,

so we felt we had
an inroad there.

If they let us state our case,

we would be seated.

¶ Get on board! ¶

¶ Children, children,
get on board ¶

¶ Children, children,
let's fight for human rights ¶

¶ I hear those mobs a-howling
and coming 'round the square ¶

¶ Trying to catch
those freedom fighters ¶

¶ But we're gonna
meet you there ¶

¶ Get on board,
children, children ¶

¶ Get on board, children,
children ¶

¶ Get on board,
children, children ¶

¶ Let's fight
for human rights... ¶

McLAURIN:
I think that trip must have
taken... I guess, 20 hours.

I'm not sure;
it was a long trip.

But the mood on the bus
was upbeat.

Here we are
going to Atlantic City

to unseat the people who had
denied us the right to vote.

So it was really
a jubilant time to me.

We stepped out into a new world.

(band playing marching tune)

REPORTER:
On Monday, the 1964
Democratic National Convention

will open here in Atlantic City,

a resort 100 miles south
of New York.

The job will be to nominate
President Lyndon B. Johnson

as the man to take on
Senator Barry Goldwater

in the presidential election
battle in November.

Known as Convention City

and home of the Miss America
contest,

Atlantic City can now
claim the honor

of a national
political convention.

WILLIAMS:
These people were beauticians
and farmers and mechanics

and they had kind of baggy,
worn suits

and funny looking dresses
in some cases.

They weren't slick like
the rest of the delegates were,

so people weren't quite sure
what to make of these people.

FANNIE LOU HAMER:
We believe that we will
be seated in this convention

because it is right.

When you tell the truth, you
don't have anything to hide.

KING:
Outside the convention hall,

we had a vigil,
went on 24 hours

every day that the convention
was in session.

KARIN KUNSTLER:
It was, you know, great for us

who had spent time
in Mississippi to see

not only people
from Mississippi there

and not only volunteers there,

but larger groups of people
who came from all over

to support the Mississippi
Freedom Democratic Party.

I know the Boardwalk
was covered with people.

I think it was hard
to walk down the Boardwalk

because there was so many of us.

¶ Go tell it on the mountain,
over the hills and everywhere ¶

¶ Go tell it on the mountain
to let my people go... ¶

RITA SCHWERNER:
The whole notion

of the demonstration
out on the Boardwalk

and the MFDP challenge

was all by way
of trying to use the attention

that would be focused
on the convention

to say to the country,
"Look at Mississippi.

"Look at what is going on there.

You cannot allow this
to continue."

¶ Go tell it on the mountain
to let my people go. ¶

NORTON:
We had to go to the delegations
from the various states

to make a case that had
never been made before:

that an official delegation

that came from a state
should not be recognized,

and an entire
challenge delegation

should be recognized
in its place.

MARKMAN:
They were very confident
coming to the convention.

They had every reason
to be confident.

The Mississippi Freedom Party
had morality on their side,

which is a powerful force
in politics.

So this was a revolution
that they were starting

within the Democratic Party.

REPORTER:
Mr. Rauh, when will
the fight come, and how?

Well, the fight comes this way.

On Saturday afternoon,
there will be a hearing

before the credentials
committee,

and we will present our case.

DITTMER:
This was before the convention
actually formally met.

These 108 people would listen
to the Freedom Democrats,

then if 11, only 11 members
of that committee

would file a minority report,

that would mean that it would go
to the convention floor.

In front of a national
television audience,

why, the Freedom
Democrats would win

because their case,
of course, was so strong.

REPORTER:
Are you hoping that
President Johnson

will come out on the side
of your party?

RAUH:
No, I think that'd be a mistake.

I think it would be a mistake
for the president to take sides,

even our side.

All we ask for
is benevolent neutrality,

by which I mean real,
honest-to-goodness neutrality.

TAYLOR BRANCH:
Lyndon Johnson literally
was so fearful

that the convention
was going to blow up

that he essentially went to bed
for two or three days

and had what amounted
to a nervous breakdown.

He told his closest advisors
and his closest friends

that he was going to quit, that
he couldn't take the pressure.

DITTMER:
The testimony before
the credentials committee,

the FDP had a lineup
of very different people.

They had Rita Schwerner,
the widow of Mickey,

who had been killed
in Neshoba County.

They had Martin Luther King.

Everybody knew King.

The seating of the delegation

from the Mississippi
Freedom Democratic Party

has political
and moral significance

far beyond the borders
of Mississippi,

of the halls
of this convention.

DITTMER:
But the highlight
of the testimony

was that of Fannie Lou Hamer,

the sharecropper who had been
evicted from her plantation

and had come to symbolize
the Mississippi movement.

HAMER:
Mr. Chairman, and to
the credentials committee.

It was the 31st
of August in 1962

that 18 of us traveled 26 miles

to the county courthouse
in Indianola

to try to register to become
first-class citizens.

We was met in Indianola
by policemen....

BOB MOSES:
The president, Lyndon Johnson,

he's not afraid of Martin
Luther King's testimony.

He's afraid of Fannie
Lou Hamer's testimony.

And so he decides
that the country

should not see her testify live.

BRANCH:
Johnson is in the White House

and he convened an impromptu
press conference.

We will return to this scene
in Atlantic City,

but now we switch to the White
House and NBC's Robert Goralski.

Now, ladies and gentleman, the
president of the United States.

On this day nine months ago...

BRANCH:
He did it knowing that
they would break away,

thinking he might announce

who his choice of vice president
was going to be.

Instead he gets up there
and he announces--

get this-- he announces that
it's nine months to the day

since Governor Connally,
who was there, was shot

along with President Kennedy.

So he announced
a nine-month anniversary.

Everybody's scratching
their heads.

Thank you very much.

BRANCH:
And then he leaves.

By that time, Fannie Lou Hamer's
testimony was over.

(applause)

However, it backfired on Johnson
because it became a story

that she had been
taken off television.

And in the news that night
and for days afterwards,

they replayed her testimony.

HAMER:
I was carried to the county jail
and put in the booking room.

They left some of the people
in the booking room

and began to place us in cells.

MOSES:
She had Mississippi
in her bones.

Martin Luther King
or the SNCC field secretaries,

they couldn't do
what Fannie Lou Hamer did.

They couldn't be a sharecropper

and express
what it meant, right?

And that's what
Fannie Lou Hamer did.

HAMER:
And it wasn't too long before
three white men came to my cell.

One of these men was
a state highway patrolman.

He said, "We going to make you
wish you was dead."

I was carried out...

LARRY RUBIN:
I was in Mississippi

watching it on television
with local people.

This was a transformative moment
for the folks in that room.

This was the first time

that they ever had seen
one of their own,

a black Mississippian
who they all knew,

first of all, on television,

secondly, standing up
for their rights.

I began to scream,
and one white man got up

and began to beat me in my head
and tell me to hush.

CHARLIE COBB:
You listen to Mrs. Hamer
and you're absolutely convinced

that there's absolutely
no justification

for seating this
all-white delegation.

HAMER:
And if the Freedom
Democratic Party

is not seated now,
I question America.

Is this America?

The land of the free
and the home of the brave?

Where we have to sleep with our
telephones off of the hook

because our lives
be threatened daily.

Because we want to live as
decent human beings in America.

Thank you.

(applause)

REPORTER:
That testimony, offered
in public session last Saturday,

we are told had
the greatest impact

on the women members
of the credentials committee

and it is from among them

that a sufficient number
has been found

to make a minority report
possible.

EDITH GREEN:
The Freedom Democratic Party

has done everything
in its power,

as I listen to the testimony,

to abide by the laws and rules
of Mississippi.

I think they ought to be seated
in this convention.

I think they represent

about 50% of the population
of Mississippi,

all the Negroes in Mississippi

who are excluded from voting
and participation

in the regular Democratic Party.

And I think certainly, they're
entitled to representation.

COBB:
There was a lot of sympathy

for seating this Mississippi
Freedom Democratic Party.

But once you see
that Lyndon Johnson

has shut down Mrs. Hamer
during her live testimony,

you can't help but wonder,
"What else is he going to do?

"And how are these delegates
going to respond

when there's real pressure
placed on them?"

DITTMER:
People who were
on the credentials committee

who were listed
as being supportive

of the challenge found that...

In one case, a woman said,

"Well, your husband isn't
going to get that judgeship."

There was other pressure
applied throughout.

So what had appeared
to be a certainty

became less and less certain.

WATSON:
Johnson was using everything
he possibly could

to keep this challenge at bay.

Hubert Humphrey,

he was slated to be
the vice-presidential nominee

and yet Johnson told him,

"You will not be
the vice-presidential nominee

if you can't fix
this Mississippi problem."

He called Walter Reuther,

his old friend with the United
Auto Workers,

and Joe Rauh, his old friend,

sent him to Atlantic City
on a red-eye flight to work,

and they began to manipulate
and pull strings.

WATSON:
Walter Reuther was the chairman
of the United Auto Workers,

at that time certainly

one of the most powerful unions
in America.

He was Joe Rauh's boss,

and Joe Rauh was the counsel
for the United Auto Workers.

MARKMAN:
Reuther came to Rauh
and made this threat:

"You either buy this compromise

or you're no longer
counsel of the UAW."

And it worked.

REPORTER:
Late this afternoon,
a compromise offer came

or the compromise
announcement came

in a special meeting
of the credentials committee

here in the auditorium.

Walter Mondale, who's chairman
of the subcommittee

that drew it up,
gave the details.

We recommend that the convention

instruct the Democratic
National Committee...

MARKMAN:
The compromise that was
ultimately reached was

we would give them two seats

and the official
Mississippi delegation

would keep its 68 seats.

Someone came in and said,

"They have offered us
a compromise."

And at that point,
some of us that was there

jumped up and said,
"Oh, hell no."

McLAURIN:
We didn't come all the way here
to Atlantic City for two seats.

We came to unseat them,
to come back to Mississippi

representing
the Democratic Party.

REPORTER:
Last night,
Congressman Adam Clayton Powell

of New York City
came by our CBS News studios,

and I talked with him.

You would recommend that
they accept that compromise?

Oh yes, very definitely.

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
Adam Clayton Powell,
he came and telling us that,

"You all got to do this.

"This is politics.

You give and you take
and you compromise."

The black establishment
just couldn't comprehend

that this group of people--

these sharecroppers, these
maids, these small farmers,

these people from Mississippi
backcountry--

would walk away from what these
generous white people offered.

They couldn't understand that.

PEGGY JEAN CONNOR:
Adam Clayton Powell
didn't know Fannie Lou.

And he walked up to her
and he said,

"You don't know
who I am, do you?"

And she just reared back
in her seat and said,

"Yeah, I know who you are.

You are Adam Clayton Powell."

She said, "But how many bales
of cotton have you picked?

How many beatings
have you taken?"

He couldn't say nothing.

Well, here's a piece of tape
made a minute or two ago

at the Union Baptist Temple
in Atlantic City,

a meeting of the Freedom
Democrat Party

to consider this compromise.

AARON HENRY:
The delegates of the Mississippi
Freedom Democratic Party

has just voted unanimously
to reject the proposal

that has been offered
by the credentials committee.

DENNIS:
We missed a golden opportunity,
this country did,

to come out and show the world

what a democracy
really should look like

and how this country would
stand for and protect people

who were fighting
for the Constitution

of the United States of America.

They walked us right up
to the doorsteps

and then slammed the door.

(crowd cheering)

The Honorable Lyndon B. Johnson
is nominated by acclimation

as our candidate

for the office of president
of the United States.

(cheering)

The convention went
as Johnson wanted.

He appeared in the great cheers
and hurrahs

and standing ovations,

and he was a happy president
of the United States.

Hubert Humphrey got rewarded,

he was selected as vice
president, and that was that.

McLAURIN:
I felt bad that
we had not unseated

the Mississippi delegation.

But Fannie Lou and I came home

with the feeling that our
mission had not ended.

We were coming home to continue
to fight for the right to vote.

We were charged because
we had stuff back here to do.

Under this act, if any county
anywhere in this nation

does not want
federal intervention,

it need only open its polling
places to all of its people.

WATSON:
The Voting Rights Act of 1965

actually got its birth
during Freedom Summer.

It was signed in August of 1965,

and one of the most
important things it did

was it abolished literacy tests,

and it put voting
in seven Southern states

under federal supervision.

And that above all else,
the legacy of Freedom Summer

really, really changed
American politics.

By the end of 1965,

60% of blacks in Mississippi
were registered to vote.

JULIAN BOND:
There's this great pressure
within the movement,

people saying,
"Well, we did our best.

"We did the right thing
and it didn't work out.

"You know, when we were
organizers, that was okay.

"But when we tried
to have power,

the power rose up
and knocked us down."

After the convention,
the movement changes.

There's this movement
toward Black Nationalism

which grows in SNNC.

There is just an idea

of thinking about
what we've been doing

and doing something else,
something different.

We want black power!

CROWD:
Black power!

We want black power!

CROWD:
Black power!

We want black power!

CROWD:
Black power!

We want black power!

CROWD:
Black power!

We want black power!

MILLER:
When I was leaving Mississippi,
I did not want to go.

You know, you fall in love
with the people.

You fall in love
with that community,

that wholeness that you have
when you're working

as a part of something
that's meaningful.

To know that you're
just going back

to... a pretty staid life

was very, very hard.

WILLIAMS:
I hope, sincerely hope

that I made some
small difference

in moving the movement forward
in rural Mississippi,

of lifting the oppression

off the necks of people
who lived there.

But I don't have any doubt
all these years later

that the person
who benefited the most

from my being in Mississippi
was me.

I have an experience that's
unique among white Americans

of an understanding of race

that is impossible to get
hardly any other way.

HARRIS:
The system, the Jim Crow system,

had told me to stay
in my place.

It had told me that,

"You have a role to play
in Jim Crow society.

Play it well."

And I had played it well,
so did many other black people,

but now Freedom Summer
was telling us,

"You don't have to play
that role anymore, folks.

"You are now on the path.

"It's going to be
a tough struggle

"for children, for adults,

"for everybody
involved in the movement,

"it's going to be tough.

But that train has left
the station, y'all."

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Captioned by
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