All language subtitles for Global.Eye.S2026E16.1080p.WEB-DL.H264-7VFr33104D_track3_[eng]

Hello and welcome to Global Eye
from the BBC World Service.

Every week we bring you
the best of the World Service's

investigative journalism,

as well as unmissable reporting
from BBC teams all around the world.

I'm Stephanie Hegarty,
and this week we're in Hungary.

In the aftermath
of a political earthquake,

I've come here to find out how the
EU's longest-serving Prime Minister,

Viktor Orban, lost power,
and whether his downfall

could be a warning sign
for populist leaders everywhere.

Also on the programme, we expose
the extremist Russian vigilantes

using fear and intimidation
to target members of the public

who they say are enemies of Russia.

Who is funding them,

and are they operating
with the Kremlin's approval?

And Ukraine's surrogacy industry

has brought billions of dollars
into the country.

But now politicians there
are considering a ban

on allowing foreign couples
to pay Ukrainian women

to bear children for them.

We'll explore why.

This is Kossuth Square in Budapest,

right in front of Hungary's
national parliament.

And it was here on the 9th of May

that thousands of people gathered
to celebrate a political upset

rarely seen in modern Europe.

Viktor Orban was the EU's
longest-serving Prime Minister,

and for 16 years he built
a political system around himself,

rewiring democracy
to maintain control.

And that's why the results
of April's elections,

along with the overwhelming
turnout of 80%,

took many people by surprise.

The man now in charge, Peter Magyar,

has said he will dismantle
the system that Orban built,

and he's promised there'll be
a rebirth of democracy.

So how did Peter Magyar
pull off such a stunning victory?

And what does the defeat
of Viktor Orban,

a close partner of Donald Trump
and Vladimir Putin

and a thorn in the side
of the EU and Ukraine,

mean for Europe and the world?

I spoke to Agnes Fernengel,
a civil society expert,

to find out how Viktor Orban
and his Fidesz party

managed to maintain such a powerful
grip on Hungarian institutions.

For the past five years,
since the Covid pandemic,

they had this state of danger

in place, which meant that
they could suspend laws

and they could also accept laws
without any parliamentary decisions.

The other part of sustaining power
was the great propaganda machine

that Fidesz built.

So there was this kind
of alternate reality built

through propaganda that was...

Around 70% of media was owned
by Fidesz-related people.

Viktor Orban also used
his spending powers

to cement his control
around the country.

The state funds and the EU funds
were distributed to local towns

based on their support of Fidesz.

So those mayors got funding
for developing their local towns.

Even locally, these mayors
only included people

in the Public Works Scheme
programmes

if they voted for Fidesz,
for example.

Orban's populism resonated
with ordinary Hungarians.

So it's really important to keep
in mind that Orban's government

was a really popular government
in the beginning,

so that they actually, like,
increased employment a lot.

And they, like, talked in a way
that really resonated with people,

in this, like,
nationalistic language.

He became a beacon
for leaders around the world

who wanted to recreate his brand
of conservative populism.

We love Viktor.

Viktor, I call him, you know,

I put the little... the little
accent on it.

You are fantastic, all right?

I know a lot of people
don't agree with me,

but I'm the only one that matters
when it comes... You are fantastic.

He's a great leader.

Many made pilgrimages to Budapest
to learn from the man

who had pushed the democratic system
close to its breaking point

and held on to power.

But discontent was growing,

and a new political coalition
was building.

This is the headquarters
of Partizan,

one of Hungary's most influential
political YouTube channels,

and - once a rare thing - a media
platform outside of Orban's control.

In 2024, Partizan published
an interview that went viral.

It was with a political insider
who broke ranks with Orban's party,

citing his concerns
about corruption.

And that politician
was Peter Magyar.

Magyar was an overnight sensation,

and within two years
he had toppled Viktor Orban.

I asked Partizan's political editor

how Peter Magyar and his party Tisza
managed it.

The interesting takeaway from

the Tisza victory
is not about mobilising

one or the other social group,

but about forming a broader
coalition than anyone

could have ever imagined.

I think the number of towns

he visited on the campaign trail
is in the hundreds,

including small towns where people
were really unused to politicians

displaying an attention to them.

And number two, his messaging

was around culturally
very uncontroversial issues.

He managed to find the policy areas

where he would be the person
with the position

that is a vast majority position
in Hungary,

a culturally
somewhat conservative country.

But after the euphoria
comes reality, and the challenge

of trying to dismantle a system that
was built to hold power in place.

On whether an old elite
will survive,

I really think we can see
signs of a fundamental change.

The media that Mr Orban has built

is being dismantled
at a pace we hadn't expected.

So on that front, I do think
there is fundamental change.

And with that
comes a deeper question -

whether Hungary,
once a standard-bearer

for a rising tide
of conservative populism,

might now be where that tide
begins to turn.

Now to Russia, where a new
nationwide vigilante movement

has emerged,
accelerating the drive

towards nationalism and control.

They call themselves
Russkaya Obshina,

and they're accused of using fear
and intimidation

against so-called enemies of Russia.

Their members say
that they're defending public order

and supporting the war effort,

but critics warn they're acting
as self-appointed enforcers

and that some of them are linked
to extremism.

BBC Eye has been following
their rise.

MUSIC THUMPS

For her 30th birthday,
Katya hosted a themed party.

SHOUTING AND CHEERING

Alongside police, masked men

wearing patches reading
"Russkaya Obshina" burst in.

As President Putin launched his
full-scale invasion of Ukraine,

claiming he wanted to denazify
the country,

changes that had already been
happening in Russia

began to accelerate.

Patriotic education,
a military economy...

...and suppression of dissent
all became part of daily life.

President Putin
increasingly embraced

a vision of the country rooted
in its past,

calling for a return
to traditional values.

Across the country,
nationalist movements

stepped forward
and followed his lead.

PRAYING

CHANTING

Their activists say
they help maintain public order,

support the war effort
and revive Russian identity.

Their critics say some groups act

as fronts for extremism
and intimidation.

Russkaya Obshina, or "the Russian
community", is by far the largest.

CHANTING

It now has nearly 150 branches
across the country

and the occupied territories.

Members are recruited
through their expansive network

of social media channels.

Their channels celebrate
Russian identity,

support for the war effort,
and their intimidation

of those they believe
undermine their values.

Dmitri - not his real name -

joined Russkaya Obshina
over three years ago.

He agreed to talk
if we protected his identity.

The group mostly targets migrants,
but also abortion clinics...

...and cultural events.

Russkaya Obshina mobilises their
thousands of followers on Telegram,

urging them to take action
in their neighbourhoods.

These interventions are initiated
by followers

who report suspicious activity
in group chats.

Then, either with law enforcement
or alone,

Russkaya Obshina members will
turn up to confront their targets.

Others are pre-planned, such as
raids against building sites,

hostels, shops and nightclubs.

Members share videos of the actions,
to encourage others.

Some posts viewed hundreds
of thousands of times.

To understand the scale,
BBC Eye analysed over 21,000 posts

on Telegram
from its main public channels,

and verified that more than 900
raids

were carried out by its activists.

Of these, over 300 were conducted
with law enforcement.

These figures are likely
an underestimate.

A month after her party was raided,
Katya was charged with blasphemy,

a criminal offence carrying
up to a three-year prison sentence.

BBC Eye reviewed court documents
from the case.

Witnesses claimed she had insulted

the feelings of Orthodox believers.

A friend recorded her final words
in court.

At its annual celebration
of Russian tradition,

figures of power, influence and
notoriety are front and centre,

including the Orthodox
Church's powerful anti-migrant

hardliner, Archbishop
Savva Tutunov.

After his show of public support,
the Orthodox Church was to order

all bishops in Russia to work

alongside the group's
local branches,

bringing Russkaya Obshina further
into the fold.

Russkaya Obshina claims to be a
grassroots movement.

Yet financial documents seen
by BBC Eye reveal they

receive funding
from obscure charitable foundations.

One belongs to Sergei Mikheyev.

Widely known
for his provocative TV statements,

he is reported to work closely with

the Kremlin and on assignments
for Russian intelligence abroad.

Another regular donor is

a foundation controlled by
Igor Khudokormov,

a reclusive billionaire businessman

and one of
Russia's largest landowners.

BBC Eye spoke to numerous supporters
of Russkaya Obshina,

who describe how groups are
mobilised alongside the authorities.

But also critics,
who say their online

content inflates
what they actually do.

We also heard from many victims,
too scared to speak on camera,

who describe the climate
of hostility gripping everyday life.

How long the movement
lasts depends on the system.

Its ideas, however,
continue to spread.

You can watch the
full-length version of

Pray Raid Repeat on BBC iPlayer

and on the BBC World Service YouTube
channel.

Here's some more impactful content
from the World Service this week.

Staying in Hungary,
the BBC recently launched a new

Hungarian language digital
news offer called BBC Magyarul.

Between 1940 and 2005,

the BBC Hungarian service built
up a reputation

as a reliable source of radio news
for Hungarians,

even in times of adversity.

Throughout World War II and then
during Communist rule in Hungary,

the service acted as a vital
lifeline for accurate information.

And now BBC Hungarian is back,

adapting its format to the digital
world

and once again providing

an independent
and impartial voice for Hungarians.

You can find it at bbc.com/Magyarul,

and on Facebook and Instagram.

Ukraine has long been one of

the world's leading hubs
for surrogacy,

attracting would-be parents

with lower costs
and relatively relaxed laws.

Even after Russia's
full-scale invasion,

the industry has continued
to operate,

with fertility clinics adapting
to life in a war zone.

But Ukraine's role in this industry
has not been without controversy.

Now, a proposed law being debated
in Ukraine's parliament

could ban surrogacy
for foreign parents,

a move that could have repercussions
around the world.

BBC Global health reporter
Sofia Bettiza has this report.

SIREN WAILS

We just heard an air alarm,

which means that all the babies

are being taken
to the basement for safety.

In a country at war,
couples from around the world

are still coming
to have children through surrogacy.

CHEERING

But is this conflict

pressuring vulnerable women
to carry a child for someone else?

This offers Black Friday sale
in babies.

They are not hiding,

they are outright saying
what they are doing.

They are selling babies.

Now, a new law could ban surrogacy
in Ukraine for foreign parents.

It's a beautiful day.

Skies are blue. Sun is shining.

And we are very excited
to meet our baby.

Elena and Igor have just crossed
the border into Ukraine,

a country battered by four years
of war.

They drove nearly 2,000km
from Macedonia.

I was so scared to come.

Like, everything that you see on
the news and it's a war.

We want to be parents,

so we're going to do anything
to become parents.

We're going to move mountains
to be parents.

This wasn't an easy choice.

Nine years trying to have a child.

Multiple rounds of IVF
and surgeries.

Surrogacy was their last resort,

and Ukraine offered something few
countries could -

a legal, well-established and
affordable system.

Now, after nine months,

they're meeting their son
for the first time.

At some time I'm saying, "OK,
it's really happening.

"It's happened. It's ours."

It's just, you wish
for so many years,

and then it came true!

It was the best thing that happened
in our whole life.

Elena and Igor are not alone.

Every year, thousands travel to
Ukraine for surrogacy.

Even when Russia invaded Ukraine,
the war disrupted the industry

but it didn't stop it.

When Karina was 17,

a Russian attack destroyed her home
in Bakhmut, leaving her homeless.

Now she's being paid around $17,000
for the pregnancy.

Critics say stories like Karina's
raise difficult questions.

Surrogacy clinics have been pretty
open that they target poor women.

And with the war going on,
the number of poor women is growing.

The number of women
who are desperate,

who are destitute, who
lost their livelihood, their jobs.

They want to survive
and support their families.

And surrogacy clinics
offer them this opportunity

because Western couples want
to buy babies on the cheap.

Surrogacy clinics don't
see it this way.

They say they offer women a way

to earn money legally,
while helping others have a child.

But this is part of a multibillion
dollar global business.

Across websites and social media,
clinics compete for clients.

Their marketing can be direct,
even aggressive.

This offers Black Friday sale
in babies,

so they are not hiding, they are
outright saying what they are doing.

They are selling babies.

We found that in many cases,

intended parents are delayed
in travelling

to Ukraine
to collect their newborns.

Some clinics even set
up dedicated baby rooms.

SIREN WAILS

So, we just heard an air alarm,

which means that all the babies
are being taken

to the basement for safety.

It's in this tense
and high-risk environment

that intended parents
sometimes leave their newborns.

But that could be about to change.

The Ukrainian parliament is debating

a new law that could ban surrogacy
for foreign parents,

effectively shutting down one of

the world's biggest
surrogacy markets.

The goal of that bill
is to have regulations,

because we don't have them
at this point at all.

For many couples from all over
the world,

this is what made
their hard-fought dream

of becoming parents come true.

I think it's totally... Wrong!
...wrong.

It's inhuman. Like this,
we help them,

they helped us.

Without this, we will not have our
Alexander here with us now.

Many countries have already banned
or restricted surrogacy.

How long will this window
of opportunity remain open?

Thanks for joining me here
in Hungary.

We want to hear your feedback
on Global Eye.

So let us know what you think, on
social media,

using the hashtag #bbcglobaleye.

We'll be back again next week.
Goodbye.