All language subtitles for Brexit A Very British Civil War S01E02 Out of Control 1080p iP WEB-DL AAC2 0 H 264-RAWR[EZTVx.to]

President Obama has arrived in the UK
for a three -day visit, during which

make the case for the UK staying in the
European Union.

Leave campaigners have said he should
butt out of the debate.

We were in a very tough fight, and a
tough fight in which we felt the

economy was the most important issue.

Obama was very keen Britain should stay
in the EU. He thought it made us

stronger, safer and better off, to coin
a phrase. He said, you know, well, what

can I do to help?

He'd noticed that a lot of the arguments
for Brexit were just crazy. I mean,

false. I mean, they were lies.

I said, well, one argument they're
making is that there's going to be this

trade deal with the United States if we
tear up our trade deals with Europe.

He says, well, that's obviously
nonsense.

Obama said, you know, you guys would
be...

you know, at the back of the queue, and,
you know, kind of as a joke in a way,

and everybody kind of chuckled.

He said, do you think it would be
helpful if I said that?

And I said, yeah, I think it will be
helpful, because it's going to puncture

this Brexit myth.

Some of the folks on the other side have
been ascribing to the United States

certain actions we'll take if the UK
does leave the EU.

And we were all in the campaign gathered
around the television set, dozens of us

all, you know, in silent anticipation.

I figured you might want to hear from
the President of the United States what

think the United States is going to do.

And UK is going to be in the back of the
queue.

Huge cheer went up when Obama said this.
And we thought, wow, we've done it.

He's clinched it. He's made the argument
in one fell swoop.

I was in the back of a black cab.

And I was following on Twitter what was
the reaction to Obama's comments.

And then the cab driver pulled his
window back and he was listening to the

story on the radio.

Are you hearing this, Governor? Back of
the queue? That's not very friendly, is

it? I bet you won't be the back of the
queue when they need another ally for

next bloody war.

British people hate being told what to
do by people who don't have any skin in

the game.

It was a reminder of how the Westminster
bubble was just talking to itself.

Ten years ago. Oh, right.

Both seems unimaginably distant and like
yesterday.

The vote to leave the European Union
changed the course of British history.

Ten years on, this is the story of how
it happened, told by those inside the

campaign.

I love that bus. I love that bus. It was
a bus of truth, by the way. We had sort

of entered the post -truth age of
political campaigns.

Johnson, you're a liar.

From about two weeks before, I said, I
think this thing's going to go down.

Let's make June the 23rd, 2016,

Independence Day. Let's do it.

With just four months to go until the
referendum, the British media had one

obsession. Would Boris Johnson campaign
to stay in or leave the EU?

I was at our house in Colbert Row, and
as the day went by, more

and more press were gathering outside.

So what starts as a sort of low hum
becomes...

Much, much louder.

I arrived back at our house in Islington
to find the whole place absolutely

swarming with representatives of TV,
journalists, everybody was there.

I remember it being incredibly
stressful, just not being able to

control this press.

I felt under huge pressure, emotional,
psychological pressure, to

come up with a decision.

He walked over to me, stared me in the
face and he said, what do you think I

should do?

And I looked at him and I said, what do
you think, what do I think you should

do? I said, you've got to be effing
joking.

I said, you know, I'm just the guy that
smokes fags outside and does your

briefing, right? The decision is yours
to make.

No one else is.

And there was a bit of harrumphing and
he looked at me and he just went, you're

right, let's do it. In order to psych
myself up for the ordeal of talking to

media, which I don't want to do, but
they're all outside the house and they

won't go away, I do some press -ups in
the hope of getting some, you know,

endorphins or something so that I can
kind of, you know... We were heading to

the door and I said, hang on, have you
let Dave know...

And he was like, oh, Christ, Cameron,
let me text him, let me text him.

Text Dave, a slightly emollient text,
you know, trying to sort of cheer him

He's saying, I'm sure we'll lose anyway,
but there you go.

This is what I have to do.

It was such a Boris phrase, saying, I
know that Brexit will be crushed like

toad under the harrow, but I feel I have
to support it.

The last thing I wanted was to go
against David Cameron or the government.

But after a great deal of heartache, I
don't think there's anything else I can

do. I will be advocating vote leave or
whatever the team is called.

I thought it was a brave thing to do and
rather idealistic in a way.

None of us knew what was going to happen
and it was a leap in the dark.

Anyone would think he'd like your
attention, love him or loathe him. You

ignore him. Boris Johnson has just taken
a huge political jump that could change

this campaign.

Look, it was a big blow.

He had a high favourability rating. He
was listened to on this issue. It was

going to make a massive difference in
the campaign.

The next day, Cameron prepared to launch
the referendum campaign in Parliament.

Knowing his most dangerous opponent was
now on his own backbenches.

I don't think at that point he really
believed in it. He believed it was going

to lose.

But he thought he was on a sort of bet
to nothing by supporting Leave,

because he would be, you know, a sort of
patriotic hero.

I remember thinking it was nothing to do
with...

The EU, Britain's place in the world,
the single market. It was Game of

That's what Boris Johnson was playing,
and you could see the Iron Throne right

there, about to be vacated.

Order.

Statement. The Prime Minister.

Thank you, Mr Speaker.

We are a great country.

And whatever choice we make, we will
still be great. But I believe the choice

between being an even greater Britain
inside a reformed EU or a great leap

the unknown.

So in the statement, there were some
very, very clear barbs there which were

designed to put the idea about that
Boris Johnson, maybe he's just

himself so that he can get the keys to
number 10 when it's all done.

And Mr Speaker, let me end by saying
this.

I'm not standing for re -election.

I have no other agenda.

I have no other agenda than what is best
for our country. It was clear that the

attack on our campaign was going to be
personal and that the way they were

to try to defeat the arguments for leave
was by playing the man, not the ball.

It wasn't just the Conservatives who
were divided.

Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was
preparing to give his first speech of

campaign.

Jeremy wanted to use that speech to set
out his own personal

development on the issue of the EU
because he was constantly

being attacked for being a closet
Eurosceptic.

I was under a lot of questions all the
time about it, and so I thought it's

important that we actually stop this
question of sort of corridor

the whole time with everybody.

We sent the draft to him that was very
clear. That's why I want Britain to

remain in the European Union.

And it would come back amended to that's
why Labour wants Britain to remain in

the European Union.

Changed it around quite a bit, actually.

Well, they're very keen on I.

I'm not.

There's no I in Corbyn.

We. I was trying to present we as the
campaign, we as the party, we as the

movement.

Now a crucial democratic opportunity for
people to have their say on our

country's future and the future of our
continent as a whole.

As Alan explained, the Labour Party is
overwhelmingly for staying in.

I thought, well, at the end of the day,
this guy is never going to give his

whole hide support here. A lot of people
saw the referendum as a cipher for

their own anger at their life in our
society.

Going around and telling them to vote
for the EU, which is trying to bring in

more free market economics, isn't going
to work and isn't going to cut it.

With two months to go, Cameron sent out
his troops to launch the government's

campaign.

So the four of us walked out into this
big manufacturing hall with podiums

up, one after the other, the riflemen at
the front of the battle.

It was a big moment for us because it
was us launching the number that we

then put on billboards and put in the
adverts and put in the leaflets that

go around the country.

The Treasury has run the numbers.

Liz Truss wasn't Liz Truss then.

She was one of the team on Remain. If
productivity falls, we will see

lower wages in Britain, consumption will
fall, and people will

be permanently poorer.

It was very clear in the EU referendum
that...

People emotionally were quite attached
to the idea of independence and standing

up for Britain and being against Europe.

But the thing that concerned them, those
people, was the economic cost, the

risk. The central estimate is that in
the long run, GDP would be over 6 %

smaller and Britain would be worth off
by £4 ,300 per household.

It was all over the focus groups and it
went down like a bucket of...

cold sick. Why isn't 4 ,250 or 4 ,150?

They said, how could you possibly know?
Which, by the way, is a good question.

This equation that's in the 200 -page
Treasury document, which comes to the

conclusion that if Britain votes to
leave the European Union, it will cost

and every household £4 ,300.

You can't sit down with them and say,
well, let us explain our economic

modelling to you. Do you have Excel on
your computer? I mean, you know, you

can't do that.

Try and say that out loud, because I'm
not sure I could do that.

Oh, my God. Get your glasses on. Really?
Yes.

I -N brackets, I -F -D -I, close
brackets, equals A to the power of I -J,

-1, I -N brackets, Y -I -T, close
brackets, plus... I went back to the

I said, it's very simple, guys.

We are never using the words £4 ,300
ever again.

The Treasury got a real bashing, and I
got a real bashing.

But this is how we'd won the last
general election. This is how Tony Blair

Margaret Thatcher won elections in the
decades before us. If we vote to leave

the 23rd of June, we will be voting for
higher prices.

Vote Leave had produced their own
figure.

The point of using that really was...

to try and drive the Remain campaign and
people running it crazy.

Probably one of the happiest moments of
the campaign was when it was all agreed

and just knowing how certain people were
going to react when we used the £350

million figure.

Essentially, you have a powerful
government that's won the election and

very powerful ability to control how the
media reported the campaign.

Vote Leave now had their messenger.

Can we do it?

And to attract non -Tory voters,
Labour's most prominent Brexiteer,

Gisela Stewart, was sent around the
country with him.

Vote Leave! Vote Leave!

I had the first experience of what it's
like to campaign with someone like Boris

Johnson.

People would be in upstairs windows,
opening their windows, waving at him and

shouting at him.

You almost got the sense that Boris's

presence gave people permission to be
enthusiastic about something which they

were told by everybody else they should
not be enthusiastic about.

Thank you very much.

Cameras were there. We were given ice
cream.

At that moment, I start to panic because
ice cream has a habit of dripping.

A woman in the crowd just stepped out
and said, Mr Johnson, can I eat your ice

cream? Go on, you have the whole thing.

There you go.

It's a delicious ice cream.

So these were the days when people were
still so loving and trusting as to take

an ice cream from my hands.

and um and eat it so it was it was
wonderful

boris had sort of chuckled nervously
over the fact that 350

million we we send the 350 million a
week was plastered on the side of the

and i think he was like how are we going
to defend this let's deal with your

arguments one of them is on the side of
this bus we send 350 million to europe

We don't. No, we don't. No, we don't.
Yes, it is. No, it's not. Yes, it is.

it's not like someone's a comedy caper
on the bus.

Admit that that figure is grotesquely
misleading.

No, I won't. I won't. I won't.

Dominic's view when we raised it with
him was simply, just let them keep

the issue.

You're wandering around the country with
a dirty great lie on the side of your

bus. No, because that gross figure is
the right figure.

Because if they say, it's not 350
million, it's 170 million, anyone at

just going to be looking and thinking,
£170 million a week. That's a fuck of a

lot of money.

This bus has a lot of miles to travel in
the coming weeks. There's a lot of

debate to be had on both sides.

I remember having a conversation with
the BBC and saying, every single

you do, every single piece of film that
you use has got this in it.

It's full throttle for the Leave
campaign.

You are allowing them to put their
campaign message across that is not true

and over and over again.

And I remember the person at the BBC
just sort of like shrugging their

and saying, what do you expect me to do
about it?

You can see Boris Johnson attempting to
angle grind it in oblivion.

Nigel Farage was determined not to let
Boris Johnson steal the show.

He was running a separate leave campaign
and took his own bus and message on

tour around the country.

Boris comes out and says, yeah, you
know, I'm going to embrace leave. And I

said, well, thank goodness for that.
He'll help get us over the line.

But never for one moment did I think I
could step back.

I'd already been on this journey for
well over 20 years.

So we did it with a bit of noise.

We did it with a bit of colour.

Do you like the theme tune, The Great
Escape?

Because that's what we've got to do,
isn't it? We've got to escape.

Who do you think came up with the idea?

Nigel. He's a pantomime vaudeville act.

Are you voting for Brexit, sir?

Tell me what it is.

50 -50.

It's going to be really close.

This bus was shit.

To get it repainted was more expensive
than the actual bus. It was falling to

bits. It was a mess inside. No toilets,
no seats downstairs.

And a driver who should never be allowed
to drive, ever.

We knew that borders, mass migration
were huge, huge issues.

And we knew that we had to prosecute
that argument because a softer vote

campaign, particularly with Johnson on
board, were unlikely.

to make it we piled into immigration and
the engagement was extraordinary

the places we had chosen these were all
labor heartlands we

realized that it was in the labor
heartlands the working men and women

left behind and disconnected from the
political discourse

Boris and I did speak on the phone very
regularly through the campaign.

Compared notes, talked about who was
doing what, who was visiting where, so

did talk. I do remember talking once, at
least once, probably at most once, to

Nigel about the way the campaign was
going and what we could do together.

I said to Boris one Sunday morning, what
about we all merge in, I don't know,

Andover, anywhere you like.

Oh, yes, he said, it would be like the
Russians and the Americans meeting on

Elba in 1945.

I said, well, I hadn't quite thought of
it that way, but I mean, fine, you know.

And he was very enthused by it.

And then he said to me, let me ask my
people.

I said, sorry, what do you mean?

Dominic Cummings' view was... That Nigel
Farage had ardent support but there was

a ceiling to it. And that you would
never win a campaign that Nigel Farage

if you needed more than 50 % of the
public to support it.

There was a sense that there was a
possibility that Farage could somehow

the campaign and engagement with him was
not a good look. I was really clear,

Don was really clear, everyone in the
campaign was clear.

Absolutely not.

Cummings may not have wanted to join
forces with Farage.

But he wasn't above stealing his message
on immigration.

We are giving two billion pounds to
Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Montenegro

Turkey to join the EU.

David Cameron now claims Turkey won't
join the EU, but that's not what he said

before.

This is something I feel very strongly,
very passionately about.

Together... I want us to pave the road
from Ankara to Brussels.

I was at my in -laws in Wiltshire and I
got a call from Boris. And I went

outside to the front gate to take it.

And when I pressed the button, I went to
put it up to my... It was like that. I

hated it.

And I was very angry.

I thought this wasn't agreed, this
wasn't what we wanted.

And, you know, I hit the roof.

Have you seen the effing poster? Have
you seen the effing advert from Dominic?

You know, I've got Turkish ancestors
myself, very proud of it. I thought

start casting it purely in terms of
being hostile to immigrants, which is

partly, by the way, sorry, the problem
with, you know, the other chap we've

been talking about.

Because he was all, their campaign was
all about being hostile to immigrants.

And that wasn't where I was. I put the
phone on the gate.

and stepped back a few feet, and I could
still hear him.

And I went back to get the phone, and I
urged him to calm down.

Everybody who knows anybody about
somebody knows there was not a cat's

Hades of Turkey joining the EU.

That wasn't going to happen.

He said to me, I'm getting in the car,
I'm driving back to London, I'm going to

have it out with him, I'm going to have
it out with him. And I thought, Christ,

he's going to go round to Dominic's and
whack him.

I wish I had. God, this is going to save
me a lot of trouble.

Brilliant idea.

God, I wish I'd done that. What a
fantastic thing to have done.

I think I thought about resigning, but
in the end I just defaceted myself from

that.

There were moments in the campaign where
you just couldn't believe what you were

seeing. A sort of nativist, farragist...

a bunch of claims about immigration that
simply aren't true. And the idea that

Turkey was going to join the EU any time
soon was nonsense.

I constantly said to David Cameron, we
need to be clear on this. We have to

clear that we have a veto and that we
would use it in any suggestion that

was going to join the EU.

It was very difficult because I was...

a campaigner, but I was also the prime
minister.

And there were, you know, important
relationships, whether with Turkey or

European countries that, you know,
you're trying to think, I have to think

these relationships as well as about the
campaign.

This idea that there was going to be a
sort of, you know, reasoned debate,

just... disappeared out the window. And
I mean, it was a political campaign and

it was a very hard fought, sometimes
quite grubby campaign.

Good morning.

It's 13 minutes to eight. The Sun in its
lead says claims have been swirling

around Westminster and online that
Marina Wheeler was the QC caught in a

clinch with another lawyer at Waterloo
Station last summer.

I got wind of the fact that there was a
rumour around about me.

I don't remember the details, but it
definitely involved some knickers

somewhere. Anyway, first I didn't think
very much about it, and I thought, well,

it will be obvious it wasn't me because
I wasn't in the country at that time.

But then I did start to think people
were avoiding me.

I was very, very wound up.

by the personal attacks.

Not just playing the man, not the woman,
playing the man's wife.

And, you know, what kind of politics is
it where they go for people's wives?

Dominic Cummings saw an opportunity.

We convene in Dom's office and Dom says,
this is Osborne, this has to be

Osborne. And we immediately just explain
it to Boris.

An additional kilo tonne of iron entered
his soul at that point.

I probably thought, well, sod it, you
know.

Don't get mad, get even. And I thought,
well, we've just got to win this thing.

And it was from that moment that he
said, I am prepared to go on TV tomorrow

talk about immigration.

George Osborne says it's utterly untrue
he was the source of the article.

Nonetheless, Cummings' claim worked.

Boris Johnson took the gloves off at a
crucial moment, the day the annual

immigration figures were announced.

We went to 4 Milbank where we do all the
interviews for the various

broadcasters.

And I remember walking up the stairs as
the numbers arrived and they pinged into

my inbox on my phone and I remember
looking at it and thinking, crikey.

He went and articulated and bossed an
argument that was

all the more compelling.

because he was a pro -immigration mayor
of London.

These figures have just come out. What
do you make of them in the broad sense?

I think that they show the scandal of
the...

Promise made by politicians repeatedly
that they could cut immigration to the

tens of thousands.

We've now got a city the size of Oxford
from the EU alone, and 333 ,000 net from

all around the world. The situation is
completely out of control. The only way

to sort it out is vote Leave on June
23rd and take back control.

I was very concerned about this because,
to be frank about it, when we were

talking about the economy, we were
winning.

When we were talking about immigration,
we were losing.

The team running the Remain campaign
wanted the Prime Minister to challenge

Leave's immigration offensive.

We've really got to make a blockbuster
speech and confront them over this issue

of immigration.

I think I was very clear, I think Peter
Mandelson was clear, that it wasn't

enough simply to go on the economy.

Our economic message was critical. It
was necessary for us to win the

It was not sufficient.

I said this to number 10. They said,
nope, no, no, no, no, no. We've got to

stick to economics.

The moment we start talking about
immigration, we'll start playing their

The decision was taken that we shouldn't
go out there and add more fuel to the

fire, that we actually needed to double
down on the economy and wrecking the

economy.

being the centre of our campaign.

Now, a referendum campaign broadcast by
the Stronger in Europe campaign.

This is Sam.

He's 14 months old.

How you vote in the European referendum
will shape his future and the future of

everyone in our country.

If we remain in Europe, there'll be more
opportunities for our children to

follow their dreams and make the most
out of life.

Because being in Europe helps our
businesses grow.

We had to keep doubling down on the
economy, because that was the one issue

might switch people who otherwise were
going to vote Leave.

Despite refusing to confront immigration
head -on, Cameron chose to share a

platform with Nigel Farage, hoping to
expose the leader of a party he'd once

described as a bunch of fruitcakes,
loonies and closet racists.

So we arrived for the debate with Nigel
Farage in the Prime Minister's official

convoy, only to see this purple open
-top bus with Nigel Farage arriving at

same time.

He was coming into the green room and I
was wandering out with a cigarette,

actually, to be honest with you. So I
said, Nigel, let's go, go, go, see them

walking. And so Nigel said, we've
literally...

We're running to get to this door,
knowing that this collision would be

He sort of asked how I was, and we
exchanged pleasantries. I looked at him

thought, well, I'll tell you what, if I
feel nervous, you look really nervous.

You know, the concept of doing something
with Farage was different.

But on the other hand, I was persuaded,
well, actually, having a moment where

you can see what lies behind.

the campaign, i .e. Farage, and what the
Prime Minister is saying, that's a good

contrast.

Good evening. There are now just 16 days
to go before the UK makes a momentous

decision to stay in or to leave the
European Union. First up this evening is

Nigel Farage. Hi, Nigel.

I know a lot of people, I have access to
a predominantly black British audience,

and a lot of the concerns that they have
raised is that you are going to

increase the fear and discrimination of
black British people through your anti

-immigration rhetoric.

Are you encouraging racism?

I don't think you could be more wrong,
and here's why. I take a very strongly

pro -Commonwealth view.

I think it was very bad and wrong of us
to turn our backs on the Commonwealth in

favour of a European political project.

You're still anti -immigration, so I
don't see... I'm sorry, I won't have

You are anti -immigration. You use
scaremongering and inflammatory comments

your campaign that have gone against
people that look non -white. How are non

-white British people going to stop
making discrimination about their

and nationality in this country? That is
what I really want to know.

I'm sorry, I'm sorry. It was quite
difficult.

with a very, very engaged, quite noisy
studio audience to get through.

If you want to think that, and you don't
want me... I don't think that. That's

the majority of people that look black,
British or non -white... Well, lots of

them... I can't do a lot, unless I'm
allowed to talk.

Now, look, I'm explaining to you, our
current open border policy is damaging

of our communities, and here's our
chance, maybe our one and only chance as

nation, to get a grip on this issue.
Thank you.

Next, it was Cameron's turn.

But the immigration issue didn't go
away.

I voted for you in the last election
because one of the things on your

was to get immigration down.

You haven't been able to do that because
you're not allowed to do that.

That's the bottom line. I don't agree
with that. I think the biggest risk we

take is to pull out of the EU.

pull out of the single market, damage
our businesses, damage jobs, and

be fewer opportunities for our children
and grandchildren. And I say again, I

hope that when people go to vote on June
the 23rd, they vote to say, we don't

want little England of Nigel Farage. We
want to be Great Britain. And we're

great if we stay in these organizations
and fight for the sort of values we

believe in.

With a fortnight to go, the Remain
campaign sought to demonstrate another

of leaving the EU.

Two retirees on a morning stroll.

Except John Major and Tony Blair were in
Northern Ireland on business, walking

the famous peace bridge for a purpose.

The two former prime ministers argued a
vote to leave would put at risk the

peace they had painfully constructed.

So throw away the membership of Europe,
and don't be surprised if, in the end,

as a consequence, we accidentally throw
away our union as well.

We say to the Leave campaign, very
directly, you have fundamental questions

answer about Northern Ireland, about the
common travel area, about the effect of

leaving the EU on the future makeup of
the United Kingdom.

Remain drove the point home.

We've had two former prime ministers in
Ireland today pointing out the issue

there where one small vote leave have no
plan for what the border would look

like. We don't know. There is danger to
the union as well from this proposal to

leave. There's a successful union and
it's in the United Kingdom.

There's an unsuccessful union and it's
called the European Union.

What really, really mattered was
repetition of take back control.

Boris Johnson.

On June the 23rd, we all face a historic
choice.

To remain locked in a European Union, or
to take back control.

Take back control.

Take back control.

Take back control. It was destabilising
to have them constantly saying, take

back control, at us the whole time. Take
back control. To take back control.

Take back control of huge sums of money.
Being repeated and repeated and

repeated. Take back control of our
borders. Take back control of our

policy, our tax.

our trade and take back control of our
democracy.

It was a simple answer to a complicated
question and it sort of implied to

people that they had some sort of
control as well.

As

door

-to -door campaigning ramped up in the
final two weeks, Leave's message was

clearly resonating with traditional
Labour voters.

People realise now, nothing changes,
that's why they're looking for an

alternative. And all of the 1 % and
their average powers are just laughing

tits off.

It became clear to me the Remain message
was not cutting through at all in

working -class communities in the
Midlands and the North.

Jeremy was continually campaigning
throughout. I mean, he was actually

more extensive than any other party
leader. I mean, he did rallies in every

of Britain.

I went to Aberdeen because I was told
this is going to be great.

People in Scotland are totally going to
vote yes, you'll get a great reception

there and they'll understand your
message. OK.

Those who want to tear up regulations
are those that want to tear up workers'

rights. We know which side we, the
Labour Party, are on. It ends up

with a whole lot of people from the
fishing industry turn up.

They've seen cuts.

They've seen austerity, their kids are
in debt, their kids can't get council

housing, and you expect us to stay in
the European Union.

Fearing the worst, Cameron wanted Corbyn
to campaign at more high -profile media

events in the final stretch.

There was a speech at De Montfort
University where I stood aside and gave

platform to the leader of the
opposition, to the leader of the Labour

they didn't step up. I only actually
heard about this sort of second hand,

basically, because it was people said to
me, Cameron wants you to speak in De

Montfort University.

I thought, whatever Cameron wants is not
my business.

I came in at the last minute. I wasn't
really supposed to be doing that speech.

Maybe I was the fifth, sixth or seventh
choice, I don't know, but I ended up

there and we had a good meeting.

45 % of our exports go to the European
Union.

3 .2 million jobs related to these
exports to Europe.

And if we lost these jobs, it would be a
huge disaster for industrial

communities who depend on them.

If we didn't have all labour figures
working together, doing the same things

saying roughly the same things at the
same time, it wasn't going to have the

difference it should have made.

From our point of view, a kind of
approach which was favoured by the kind

traditional labour establishment was
really having no impact at all and was,

if anything, turning people off more.

remain worried their warnings had not
got through.

Standing alongside his Labour
predecessor, the Chancellor threatened

the UK left the EU, he would introduce
an immediate emergency budget.

There'll be a hole in the public
finances. You've got chancellors from

different political parties saying that
taxes will have to go up, spending will

have to be cut. That is the reality of
quitting the EU. I was utterly committed

to trying to win this campaign because I
was...

utterly convinced that it was a disaster
for Britain. Sorts of tax rises we

could see include a 2p rise in the basic
rate of income tax, a 3p rise in the

higher rate, 5 % increases in duties on
alcohol and on fuel, a 5 % increase in

the basic rate of inheritance tax.

Suddenly all these Tories came out, many
of whom have been my friends in the

past, and said, George Osborne has
crossed the line, this is outrageous, we

won't support this budget.

It was plainly untrue that these things
would come to pass, which it promised.

It was plainly not what would ever
happen. We recognise that this is just a

scary story, a campaign tactic. We don't
expect it ever to be brought forward.

It would be a repudiation of many of our
manifesto promises, and that's why we

won't stand for it.

Within hours, Steve Baker had got more
than 50 Tory MPs to sign a statement

threatening to bring down their own
government if Osborne proceeded with his

budget. It was a great campaigning
moment to take the wheels off George

Osborne's nonsense.

And actually, it gives me some pleasure
to have done it, given the contempt

which actually I feel for that kind of
campaigning tactic, to have destroyed

That's definitely the moment when, you
know, Second Lieutenant George Osborne

got out of the trenches and got shot by
the machine guns on the other side. And,

you know, my own kind of ambitions to be
leader of the Tory party probably died

that day.

With civil war breaking out inside
Parliament, outside, Nigel Farage was

there with an armada of angry fishermen
who believed the EU was destroying their

livelihoods.

We had little boats that had come from
Bradwell and Essex. We had a huge

vessel that had come down from the north
of Scotland.

But some ardent Remainers were
determined to drown out Farage's

Blown me down.

On board is Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson's
sister.

Many of the great were good from
Kensington and Chelsea.

Bob Geldof called and said, would I like
to be involved in some crazed stunt

that he was organising? So I said no.

And I said, why not?

And she said... She said, because I
don't want to just publicly go against

brother. I said, it's got nothing to do
with Boris, it's about stopping Nigel.

And they were trying to cut us up, and
so our boat was going like this, with

these little trawlers, you know, like
wacky races.

At which point, the husband of an MP,
Joe Cox...

came swarming out from amongst all these
barges, Brendan Cox, with his two kids,

with their inn flags.

Then pipes this huge, great big
loudspeaker. You are no fisherman's

You were on the European Parliament
Fishing Committee and you attended one

of 43 meetings. You're a fraud, Nigel.
You're a fraud, Nigel. You're a fraud.

Go back down the river because you're up
one without a canoe.

We're a broad society that wants rock
and roll, you know.

I'm in with the in crowd.

I've got Woodstock, I've got Live Aid,
I've got Glastonbury on my boat.

And the harbourmaster keeps coming up to
our boat and telling us to...

Turn the music down.

Bob Geldof says, well, there's only one
thing to do at this point. And I was

like, what's that?

He said, well, I'm going to ring the
Prime Minister.

He said, Bob, I'm really busy.

I just sort of talked to him and said,
look, I've got to get on with Prime

Minister's questions. And I said, Farage
is coming up the river to park outside

Parliament with a load of fishermen.

and disrupting PMQs. He says, who told
you that?

I said, what do you mean, who told me
that? We're there now.

I wasn't quite sure what I was meant to
do, so I think it was a relatively brief

conversation. I couldn't suddenly call
the Coast Guard.

The volume was absolutely extraordinary,
and the level of personal invective and

abuse that was used against me was huge.

Sometimes things can be reduced to a
gesture, you know. You can go like that,

you can go like that.

I go with the latter.

They were these wonderful fishing boats,
you know, adorned with these kind of

salty dog tights. And there we were,
these metropolitan wankers.

And suddenly the fishermen, they're
surrounding me now and going

apoplectic.

Really, I've never seen... People so
dangerously angry.

And that's when it turned to Geldof
against the fishermen as opposed to

against me. There was one guy screaming
at me, really alongside

our boat.

And I just said, well, come on board.

You're all wrong.

And I will stand on this boat and I'll
say, you are wrong and you are wrong and

you are wrong. Not one of you, Lord,
look.

Everything in that man's voice, you
know, everything, his anger, his rage

his future or the future of his family,
everything was wrapped up in his

loathing of me and all the people who
were trying to stop Brexit.

Referendums aren't about facts.

It's all about emotion.

And that landed.

And that was the moment we won, I think,
the biggest PR victory of the whole

campaign.

The next day, Farage staged another
event, determined immigration dominate

final days of the campaign.

The more outrageous you are, the more
attention you get. The more attention

get, the more outrageous you become.

Well, joining me is the UKIP leader,
Nigel Farage. And let me put it to you,

that is an extraordinarily incendiary
poster that suggests Britain is somehow

breaking point.

It was a very powerful image.

It's an image, by the way, that if you
used it today, you'd probably get very

little criticism.

Every one of these can get to Calais.

We know how bad our government is at
defending our borders. And within a few

years, all of these people will have EU
passports.

While the media was going crazy about
this poster, I got a phone call from

somebody in MI5 who was saying that they
thought that Jo Cox had been very, very

severely injured by somebody who
attacked her.

The Labour MP Jo Cox is in a critical
condition after being shot and stabbed

her constituency.

What alerted local people were the
sounds of screaming, mad, loud, manic

screaming, followed immediately by
people rushing out to her aid with

tea blankets and such like to try and
stem the flow of blood.

She only spoke a couple of days ago
about how excited the children had been

be involved in the flotilla on the
Thames as part of the European

campaigns. Of course, nobody could have
foreseen that this was going to happen.

I knew Jill Cox well.

She was one of the most tolerant,
outward -going people, prepared to

everybody and wanting people to come
together.

The thing that surprises me time and
time again as I travel around the

constituency is that we are far more
united and have far more in common than

that which divides us.

She represented something about
tolerance and about understanding each

about building bridges and about cutting
across divides and yet this campaign

has descended into something that really
does no justice to the kind of politics

and the kind of society that we want to
see.

This is a man accused of murdering her.

Eyewitnesses say he said, Britain first,
and this is for Britain, as he attacked

Joe Cox.

That night, there was a conversation on
the phone between myself, Giesler, Boris

and Dominic Cummings. I do, I remember
thinking, you know, my God, is this

really, is it really us who have done,
is it true that this campaign has

released these appalling feelings in
people?

I literally had people coming up to me
and telling me that I had killed Joe

And that's where it's really, really
hard.

All three of us,

Boris Gisler and me, were upset.

We were convinced, by the way, that it
was over for the campaign.

People will think this is a horrible,
nasty...

We had a phobic campaign that's bringing
out the worst in people. We all agreed

we would stop campaigning.

Do you regret your breaking point
poster?

Well, it said the EU has failed us all,
and it was designed for us to say to

people, we do not want to stay part of a
union that has failed on Tuesday.

I'm used to criticism, but that Sunday
was of a different level.

It was of a different level.

Completely unfair, unrelated, but that's
by the by.

The Remain camp are using these awful
circumstances to try to say that the

motives of one deranged, dangerous
individual were similar of half the

or perhaps more, who believe we should
leave the EU.

I said, look, I'm really sorry that, you
know, this happened at this moment.

I didn't apologize for the poster itself
or any sense of what it was trying

to convey, that Europe's making a
catastrophic mistake.

We shouldn't allow ourselves to be part
of it.

But I apologize, obviously, if anyone
thought that this was what the Leave

campaign was about, which it clearly
wasn't.

The polls were swinging towards Remain.

David Cameron wanted to resume
campaigning with a display of national

I remember ringing Gordon with this idea
that we should have, you know, the four

living prime ministers, Tony Blair,
Gordon Brown, John Major and myself,

Downing Street on lecterns, lectern
each.

explaining why we as serving and
previous prime ministers thought it was

Britain's national interest.

We would be stronger, safer, better off
if we stayed. And I said, look, that

will not work because why people are
voting against us, particularly Labour

voters, is they see it as an
establishment stitch -up. It's nothing

them. Europe is some far -off place and
it's not really benefiting their lives.

I respected his argument. He's a highly
intelligent man.

But I was a bit frustrated because I
thought, look...

It may not be the perfect idea, but it's
something about the striking image and

reality of people with radically
different opinions about life saying we

stay in. And he said, we need a shock
factor.

And I said to him, look, we've had the
shock factor.

Joe Cox was assassinated.

Instead of what I would have called an
establishment stitch -up, I wanted a

different proposal, which was all the
Labour leaders trying to get the Labour

vote out. That was the vote that was
most at risk, and they would all appear

together and speak together about the
importance of staying inside the

Union and leading Europe, not leaving
it.

The call was made to Jeremy Corbyn.

I said, absolutely no.

Listen, Blair...

started my leadership campaign by
saying, if you've got a heart to vote

Jeremy Corbyn, you need a heart
transplant.

And he was unremitting in his attacks
and abuse on me the whole time, and

remains so. It was barely a decade after
the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

A significant section of the British
public still regarded Tony Blair as a

criminal. Because the people that had
voted for me had clearly voted for me as

an alternative to Blair, the war, the
free market and all the other stuff that

Blair's so keen on.

So, no.

Polling Day itself was quite a strange
day because...

23rd of June was the date that my oldest
daughter was graduating from St

Andrews. And it was a difficult day
because, obviously, Boris was there,

visible, attracting quite a lot of
notice and attention.

The atmosphere, you were cut with a
knife. I mean, my goodness.

I mean, you could not find a more
remained environment.

And, you know, they looked at me as
though, like, you know, God, there's

something the cat brought in.

Things were dragging on a bit and I
remember saying to Marina, we've got to

We were miles and miles from London,
miles and miles from the polling

It would really not be great if Boris
missed the poll, having led to the vote

leave campaign.

I don't think he would have heard the
end of that.

We eventually landed at City Airport in
London with about an hour to go or so.

Boris said, let's go on the DLR.

We rushed across to vote with sort of 15
minutes to spare.

Loads of photographers followed us back
to the house. We got through the front

door and virtually the first thing that
appears on the BBC special coverage is

news that Boris Johnson has told a man
on the underground that they're not

to win the referendum.

And I remember looking at him and just
saying, how many times have I told you,

don't speak to people on the tube?

Good evening and welcome at the end of
this...

momentous day when each one of us has
had the chance to say what kind of

we want to live in. So the evening of
the referendum campaign sort of started

quite confidently because these opinion
poll organisations were saying that they

thought that we had won.

The polling stations closed after weeks,
months, years of argument.

And we'll have the answer to the
question that's haunted British politics

long. Do we want to be in?

or out of the EU.

When 10 o 'clock came, it's like, all
the adrenaline's gone.

And I said mistakenly, well, you know
what, maybe the other side will win.

Take this with a pinch of salt, but we
have had, we've spoken to Nigel Farage.

It's been an extraordinary referendum
campaign. Nigel Farage, turnout looks to

be exceptionally high and looks like
Remain will edge it.

I sort of began to sink a little bit
because there's nothing more I can do.

tried so hard.

The total number of votes cast in favour
of Remain was 51

,930.

The total number of votes cast in favour
of Leave was 82 ,000.

I thought, wow, that's a huge, huge...
That's much bigger than they were

forecasting. So I was watching the snake
on... I was watching the Betfair.

and seeing suddenly it kinked for leave.

The total number of votes cast in favour
of leave was 67

,251.

I remember my daughter, Nancy, was sort
of sitting next to me around this table,

we were watching the TV, and she sort of
said, Dad, we're losing this, and I

could feel it.

I remember going up to my own apartment,
which was in 10 Downing Street, sort of

lying on the sofa, my family were
asleep.

It was like three in the morning, just
going, everything is in ruins.

So it wasn't just my own personal
ambitions that were being, you know,

in smoke. It was also, I felt deeply
patriotic that my country was making a

really terrible wrong turn.

The British people have spoken and the
answer is, we're out.

I've campaigned for something that
everybody told me was a waste of time. I

wasting my time. And a dream that I had
and pursued relentlessly had actually

come to pass.

Let June the 23rd go down in our history
as our Independence Day!

In the end, Leave had won by 4%, 52 to
48.

I just felt I'd have no credibility.

I felt that the country needed a new
prime minister.

Samantha agreed about that.

I remember her saying, you know, gosh, I
just don't think I can face going out

there. I love this country and I feel
honoured to have served it.

And I will do everything I can in future
to help this great country succeed.

Thank you very much.

And I remember Boris just saying, Jesus
Christ, poor Sam.

What the hell? What the hell?

And he was obsessed by her sort of
reaction.

Well, what I felt was, right,

we're going to have to do something.

It's going to have to involve me.

We'd better go down and give a press
conference and try and settle things,

and steady the ship.

It was that moment when we walked out
the door that I knew that probably the

course of the country, certainly Boris's
part in it, had changed forever.

You know, suddenly, having been used to,
you know, people being... People

heckle, people shout jocular insults,
you Tory toss -on and so on, but they

really angry, they were really upset.

We managed to get in the car with the
help of quite a few police officers and

the car left the front and sped off down
the road. And at the end of their road,

there is a traffic light and it was
green.

And just before he reached it, it went
orange and he braked and it went red and

he stopped.

And instantly we were surrounded by
protesters and really, really angry

It was then that I really felt the
strength of people's feeling about this.

underestimated how deeply it spoke to
people.

For the first time I'd ever seen him
looking, like, properly fearful.

Not necessarily just for his own safety,
but for a sense of kind of, what has

this unleashed?

Obviously we were delighted that we'd
won, but conscious.

that we were embarking on what would be
a difficult path.

I don't think any of us realised quite
how difficult it would be.

Suddenly the people are looking at you
thinking, you know, you're in charge of

defence, you're in charge of tax, you're
in charge of epilepsy, everything.

To those who may be anxious, whether at
home or abroad, this does not mean that

the United Kingdom will be in any way
less united.

nor indeed does it mean that it will be
any less European.

We didn't have a plan for what to do
next because we didn't think it was our

job to have a plan.

Out of control