Original subtitles

As usual every May, we went to see my father's family.

Near Dodge City,

my uncle now managed aluminum exploitation for the Alcoa company.

We stayed some way out of town,

on an estate he had bought from the bank manager.

The house was in a park, surrounded by a white fence.

It wasn't big, but was so diverse I never finished exploring it.

We dined every night at eight.

On Friday, my uncle didn't return home - we waited all night.

It was Saturday lunch when we heard the miners had locked him in his office.

Strike.

Strike.

Strike.

Listen, madam, you're jumping to conclusions.

Think it over. Things don't happen by themselves.

There was already general discontent about the bad working conditions.

The union delegate.

My father wouldn't let us go out anymore.

The workers were very restless and anything could have happened.

One night in the library, I overheard a conversation between Dad and Uncle Sam.

My father said that times had changed,

that the workers worked much less and earned much more,

and that since the formation of unions, the real exploited one was the employer.

Father said the workers even "suffered" from eating chicken every Sunday.

They were used to the hard work and uncomfortable homes,

they didn't suffer from it as much as we would.

Anyway, father continued, shrugging his shoulders, nobody died of hunger.

And if the workers hate the bourgeoisie, it must mean they are jealous.

And jealousy, Dad said, is a mean feeling.

Uncle Sam agreed in theory but not in practice:

he reckoned the trade union was useful,

that you had to negotiate,

but with the right people.

The union delegate.

The real workers were against any kind of unrest.

We want to explain in public the illegitimacy of...

Revisionism.

We do not support violence.

We will not break the rules of democracy.

We believe, on the contrary,

that it is possible to change society peacefully.

Yes, but listen, in spite of everything...

incredible things are happening.

I know you have no part in them.

Who poisoned the horses?

Who set fire to the printing works?

Who looted the Nixon Hotel, because the proprietor denounced them?

Then there's a teacher who's said to be open to new ideas. She lives by them.

Want to know what I think? She's a whore.

But madam, if things had not been so serious,

the talk and activities of these pseudo- revolutionaries would seem ludicrous.

But you're right really.

We shouldn't underestimate the effect of their shameful activities,

which create unrest, doubt and scepticism

among a lot of the workers, especially the younger ones.

In fact, their activities are part

of a series of lies

uttered without the consent of the true representatives of the people's interests.

Yes, but listen, as I said,

there are still strange things happening, which were unthinkable 3 months ago.

- The active minorities. - The people are afraid.

It's difficult to tell

whether or not the revolution is going to spread.

Like all reasonable people, I'm very puzzled by all this.

My servant said to me this morning:

"Stop, we've had enough violence. "

General assembly.

In what we've heard, there are two voices which lie and two which stammer.

The stammering voices talk about striking, social democracy and revisionism,

active minorities and general assemblies.

The lying voices talk about the desperate state of affairs,

general dissatisfaction, good people who are frightened, and honest workers.

Quite right. But where will all this stupid violence get us?

They've destroyed the printing works. Result: no more objective news.

They've set fire to the Nixon Hotel.

Result: the businessmen are frightened

and have formed armed groups, supported with money from the banks.

In fact, it's all the leftists' fault

that the monopolists have gained control of everything.

Stop these provocateurs, they're the reactionaries' best agents.

Repression.

We condemn the brutal repression

of the workers.

We demand the immediate cessation

of this repression,

the liberation of prisoners...

Repeat this phrase.

... the disarmament...

the disarmament of armed bands,

and the reopening of discussions

about the future... about the future of the city.

In response to the shooting

on Saturday night,

we have decided to open...

to open the fight against authority

by calling...

by calling a general strike

of two hours.

And organizing demonstrations

in which the whole population

will not fail

to participate massively.

Stop the repression.

Freedom.

Freedom. Democracy.

Active strike.

But what's going on? What?

You block work, in front of the factory, without telling your comrades?

You are behaving like children!

If you go on like this, you'll end up worse off,

if not dead!

Is this what you want? Civil war?

Stop fooling around. Trust those responsible for you. That's why we're here.

Active strike.

I told you things were going from bad to worse.

You'll be completely overpowered, too.

If it comes to that, there's only the army left.

It can't last.

The two voices have continued to lie,

the two others have continued to stammer.

Which one is ours? How can we find out? What to do?

The two voices have continued to lie, the two others have continued to stammer.

Which one is ours? How can we find out? What to do?

Today, the question "What to do?"

poses itself forcefully to the militant filmmaker.

He no longer agitates for people to choose a course,

he agitates for them to determine

to determine what must be done practically, practically.

on a road the history of revolutionary struggle teaches them to understand.

On a road which history teaches them to understand.

Yes, what to do? Make a film, for example.

That means asking oneself, "Where are we?"

And what does it mean to ask the question "Where are we?" for a militant filmmaker?

And what does it mean to ask the question "Where are we?" for a militant filmmaker?

It means first of all opening a parenthesis

and devoting yourself to the history of revolutionary cinema.

Of revolutionary cinema.

Victory of revolutionary cinema, July 19, 1920.

After the speech by Comrade Lenin at the 2nd Congress of the 3rd Internationale,

on the main stage of the International Communist

Comrade Dziga Vertov declares to the tribune:

"We bolshevist filmmakers know it is impossible for a film to exist

"outside the context of the class system.

"We know film production is a secondary task, and our program is very simple:

"to see and show the world in the name of the people's world revolution.

"The people make history.

"The films of the Western hemisphere

"only portray elegant ladies and gentlemen.

"The requirement is always imposed on the actors,

"under the pretext they must accent feelings and instincts,

"to manifest only ideas accepted by the bourgeoisie,

"to unscrupulously represent

"the degenerate bourgeois way of life, under the cover of their makeup. "

Defeat for revolutionary cinema, November 18, 1924.

A few days after the death of Lenin,

Sergei Eisenstein was deeply moved by a performance of Intolerance,

a film by the American imperialist Griffith.

Result: in 1925,

mistaking primary duty for secondary duty,

Eisenstein made a film about the sailors of the battleship Potemkin,

instead of glorifying the people's struggle of the moment.

Result: in 1929,

in The General Line, on the subject of agrarian reform,

while Eisenstein uses new terms to describe the Tsarist oppression,

he still uses old expressions to talk about collectivism.

In his case, the old triumphs definitively over the new.

Result: Five years later,

Hollywood pays for his journey to film the Mexican revolution,

while in Berlin, Dr. Goebbels urges the directors of UFA

to produce a Nazi Potemkin.

"The Future of the French Communist Party"

The dialectic of history is such that the theoretical triumph of Marxism

forces its enemies to pose as Marxists.

To pose as Marxists. To pose as Marxists.

To pose as Marxists. To pose as Marxists.

Defeat of revolutionary cinema, November 17, 1935.

Speech by Comrade Stalin at the 1st Conference of Russian Stakhanoviks:

confused by the obscurity of this speech,

Comrade Dziga Vertov forgets that politics commands the economy.

His film The Eleventh Year

became a hymn to economic progress, not the 11-year-old dictatorship of the proletariat.

The dictatorship of the proletariat.

It was then that revisionism finally found its way into the Soviet cinema.

The revolution advances in disguise.

False victory of revolutionary cinema, August 29, 1962.

Renouncing all initiative,

the progressive states of Africa elect to rely on the West for their films,

thus giving white Christians the right to talk about Negroes and Arabs.

Algiers - Pontecorvo, Klein; Konakry - Société Comaçico.

While civil wars and popular movements bring the imperialists down,

the imperialists creep back via the camera,

thus endangering the revolution.

The ideas of the ruling class always dominate the rest of the population.

In other words, the class which is the dominant material power in society

is also the dominant cultural power.

The class controlling the material means of production controls at the same time

the intellectual means of production.

Thus the ideas of those people

who are deprived of the intellectual means of production

can be said to be repressed by the ruling class.

Victory of revolutionary cinema, February 2, 1966.

Editorial in Red Flag.

Comrade Tian-Tsin denounces the theory that the truth must be written,

denounces the great road of realism, denounces the theory of "average" characters,

denounces the theory of opposition to the decisive role of the subject.

February 2, 1966: birth of the materialist feature film.

We are never completely the contemporaries of our own times.

History advances in disguise.

It fills the screen with the mask of the preceding sequence,

and we no longer recognize anything about the film.

The fault is not with history, but our vision, cluttered with images and sounds.

We see and hear the past superimposed on the present,

even though the present is a revolution.

Wind from the East

Today the question "What to do?" poses itself forcefully to the militant.

He no longer agitates for people to choose a course,

he agitates for them to determine, to determine

what must be done practically, practically

on a road the history of revolutionary struggle teaches them to understand.

On a road which history teaches them to understand.

This road - strikes, social democracy,

general meetings, repression. This road -

what have we achieved?

Daring to recognize it, thinking, means knowing what to do.

1 - The Strike

Tuesday, June 3, 14:00 hours.

On several workers' initiative, and after a good deal of discussion among the workers,

a general strike has been decided,

whose aims have been explained in a leaflet.

Water.

For most workers,

the overtime allowance varies from 0 to 20 hours in two weeks.

Some of us

worked in pretty rough conditions to get...

Water.

... between 0 and 10 hours allowance,

which comes to about 350 francs for two weeks.

From the beginning,

the strike was supported by 80% of the workers on the night shift,

13:00 - 22:00 hours.

Water.

On Wednesday at 4:30 in the morning,

the workers demanded that

the second-shift workers, who had not taken part in the discussions,

should join the movement.

A bit later, it was reported that a meeting of the second-shift workers

had also decided to strike, supported by 90% of the workers.

On Thursday the 5th, at 5 in the morning,

the strike committee decided to go on with the strike.

Leaflets were distributed.

"Appeal to the workers:

"We will carry on the strike until we win.

"They are trying to divide the two shifts.

"Let's take our decisions together.

"Our grievances are the same. "

What do you want?

What does he want?

He wants better working conditions.

And more pay.

You see, he is a poor Indian.

His wife is sick, his sons are sick.

In my opinion, we can even come to an agreement.

I can look into it, but...

once we get to the camp...

As you like. You are responsible for that.

As long as he is taken to the concentration camp.

There are rumors of a strike.

The rumors say that their claims will be met.

Who started these rumors? The union delegate.

They say that 80% of the workers have gone back to work,

that only a few are carrying on with the strike.

Who started this rumor? The union delegate.

They talk about "agitators" - the bosses' word for the workers starting the struggle.

Who uses this word? The union delegate.

The delegate translates the working class struggle into the language of the bosses.

When the union delegate translates, he betrays.

This cannot be explained as pure chance, or as the fault of some individual or group,

or as the result of circumstances or national traditions.

There are definite reasons inherent in the economic regime

in the development of all capitalist countries

which make this treachery possible.

The union delegate's failure is the failure of socialistic opportunism,

the failure of social democracy: this is revisionism.

This is a product of the so-called peaceful phase

in the development of the workers' movement.

During this period, the working class acquires weapons for the struggle:

recourse to the process of parliament and legal possibilities,

creation of economic and political mass organizations,

as well as the availability of a large workers' press.

On the other hand, this period risks the tendency to deny class struggle

and to advance the social peace.

Translation - treason.

Certain groups within the working classes -

the bureaucrats and aristocrats of the workers movement

who benefitted from the fruits of the Third World's exploitation

and the advantageous position of their own country in the world markets -

certain groups within the working classes,

and their petit-bourgeois associates from the heart of the Communist Party,

form the main social support for this tendency.

And they have become the bearers of bourgeois influence on the proletariat.

2 - The Delegate Not only have military and repressive forces

in no way disbanded,

but the mass of people are opposed to continued revolutionary exploits.

Many of their grievances have been satisfied.

Today, to prepare work is a victory.

Translation - treason.

When the union delegate speaks, he lies.

Example:

"The task of the new political power of the working class

"and its allies is the creation of a new economy and a new way of life,

"that is, a socialist way of life.

"The realization of this grand and gigantic task

"requires the broadest and most active participation of the masses

"in the management of public affairs.

"Socialism does not only mean

"the liberation of the worker from capitalist exploitation:

"it represents, and must create,

"a democracy superior to all bourgeois democracy. "

"Encouraged by the results achieved so far

"and knowing the road which is still left to travel,

"we shall put all our energy into the fight...

"and bring to a victorious end...

"the work of the united vital forces in the nation. "

3 - The Active Minorities He talks, he talks, he talks.

Escapades, provocation, it's always the same.

We were forced to do something

because the person claiming to represent us never did anything.

All he did was talk to the bosses.

What to do?

We need a different sort of strike.

All you need is to write a pamphlet for the workers.

Tomorrow, we'll distribute it at the factory gates.

Then the students will see that the workers get up early.

Then at least the students will see that the workers get up early.

Then at least the workers will see that the students get up early.

What to do? Think left.

Read Lenin's text,

generally used by the revisionists to denounce those of the Left as agitators.

Note that Lenin does not confuse a primary danger with a secondary one.

Agree with Lenin that the primary danger

lies in social-democratic treason

and the secondary danger in leftism,

the childish, infantile illness of Communism.

Note that Lenin spoke of workers' leftism and not student leftism.

Starting from this, attack, whenever and wherever it occurs,

leftism in Leninist positions.

For the good of all, we we must learn from past faults.

There are always people who struggle against the innovations

of a mass revolution,

believing always and above all

that none of them will succeed.

One always stands in the way of a new revolutionary order...

... by looking for help and guidance in conventional standards

and established customs.

The Active Minorities

This woman is called Suzanne Monet, wife of the famous painter Claude Monet.

In 1903 she publishes in the Figaro

an open letter to the President of the Republic,

protesting against the striking railwaymen who kept her husband

from entering the Gare St. Lazare to finish his painting.

In 1925, this woman is called

Scarlett Faulkner from Louisville, Alabama.

A known nymphomaniac, she accuses farmhand Eldridge Cleaver

of having raped her several times.

The local chapter of the Ku Klux Klan

carries out the immediate execution of the horrible criminal.

In 1936, this woman is called Ines Mussolini.

married to the Spanish representative of the Schneider-Krupp group.

She welcomes Franco's troops into Barcelona

after liberating Catalonia from the Anarchists and the workers' councils.

In 1969, she is called Rachel Darnev,

graduated in chemical analysis from the Vise-Farben University in Nuremberg.

She specializes in the napalming

of Palestinian farmers in the Naplouse and Gaza area,

who refuse to leave their land.

This man's name is René Andrieu. He is editor-in-chief of l'Humanité.

In 1871 he proposes to the Central Committee of the Paris Commune

that the red flag and the tricolor should be united.

In response, a worker called Varland proposes that he be shot.

Disappointed, René Andrieu escapes to Versailles.

In 1933, this man's name is Luigi Dubcek.

As a member of the Politburo of the KPD,

the German Communist Party,

he appeals to his Jewish comrades to react peacefully and sensibly

to the demonstration organized by Nazi stormtroopers

outside the offices of the newspaper Vorwelt.

In 1945, this man is called Maurice Duclos.

He is one of three communist ministers in de Gaulle's government.

As such, he appeals to all partisans to lay down their arms.

A year later these weapons are used by the employers to put down

a strike by European miners.

In 1969, this man's name is Vladimir Brezhnev.

As commander of the battleship Potemkin, he offers

his ship to Admiral Foster Dulles

to help locate the remains of American spy planes shot down over North Korean territory.

The Active Minorities

4 - The General Assembly

During a General Assembly the camera is at everyone's disposal.

For repression, the proposal is... a newspaper image...

You are agreeing with me. It's a form of Soviet realism that you propose.

Well then, let's get to the bottom of this...

I say that I'm going even further. So we've got to find the right approach...

Given that the problem - Stalin's picture - is already in the film...

Don't just say the first thing that comes into your head.

But the question of Stalin's portrayal does arise.

He is in the film.

Do you feel repressed by this image?

What do we hear? What do we see?

Images of people arguing, confused sounds,

parts of a poster of Stalin and Mao.

Why these images? Why these sounds?

Why this ever-changing relationship between images and sounds?

The intention was to talk about what we experienced in May '68.

In factories, in universities,

in offices, comrades held meetings and formed organizations.

In spite of confusion during discussions, they still made progress.

How can we account for this?

How can we discover truth in this confusion?

How can we get to the truth correctly?

A number of comrades quickly turned to film production.

In relation to the rest of the group, they became an active minority.

When, after the strike,

social democracy, etc. became a matter of discussing the general assembly,

the comrades immediately came up with a solution.

To call a general assembly, because that was the best way to discuss it -

to call one, where the main subject would be the continuation of the film.

This meant a discussion of the making of the images and sounds,

which in the film would depict the same scenes of the general assembly.

In May and June '68 in France,

today in France, Italy, Spain, Mexico, etc...

the established powers respond to these revolutionary groups with repression.

The filming of the general assembly was therefore the filming of a general assembly

which debated the following sequence,

in which the making of images and sounds of this repression is discussed.

The editing of the corresponding analyses of this discussion

would make it possible to understand the working of the general assembly.

Which image of repression did the comrades immediately propose?

A poster of Stalin and Mao, wanted for murder by the capitalists.

Why Stalin?

Because for these comrades, what is usually called the Stalin problem,

like it or not, is part of the revolutionary movement.

How do you explain that?

I'm not saying that he is Stalin, but that others accept him as Stalin.

One rejects Stalin, but one finds oneself in a Stalinist situation.

Stalinist, precisely because...

They've excluded all the characters who were to have been seen in the film.

But we know that.

Consequently, this is a film which collaborates with Papadopoulos.

Thus we take as our image, we take as our image...

we take as our image, we take as our image...

"Wanted for Murder, " posted up by Gian Maria Volonte.

And here we should have...

an image which has...

not been used before, give the discussion you have just witnessed.

Party secretary, there, for instance,

at that place in the film, is something that goes back to Stalin,

and which we're up to the neck in -

that is "realism" which...

What is it called now? Socialist realism.

China. The poor farmers of the Kiung-Tsing production brigade

meet to denounce the revisionist

counter-revolutionary course being taken in the medical and sanitary fields.

Egypt. The workers of the armament factory at Elouan are uniting

to demand punishment for the bureaucrat who collaborated with the Israeli imperialists.

France. Workers unite at the C. S. F. in Issyles-Moulineaux

to denounce the behavior of a permanent representative of the C. G. T.

who threatens to attack the Marxist- Leninists by name in a pamphlet,

thus exposing them to repressive measures by the employer.

To see the general assembly only as a debating society

is to see it as an abstraction.

Because who is speaking and against whom?

Each general assembly is specific.

It reflects the country's conflicts and is militant. Who speaks and against whom?

In China: the masses against a handful of leaders attached to capitalism.

In Egypt: the masses against the military bureaucracy,

who exploit the people and are supported by Soviet revisionists.

In France: the masses against the French revisionists

who are in league with the capitalist exploiters.

All general assemblies resemble one another,

because in each country,

in a qualitatively different manner, the same enemies are confronted.

Each country is a country of our era -

the era of the crisis of imerialism and modern revisionism,

the era of the collaboration of imperialism and modern revisionism,

the era of their common opposition against revolutionary movements.

Every general assembly asks today the question of our era -

the question of the history of imperialism, the question of the history of revisionism,

and to pose the question of the real history of revisionism

is to pose seriously what is usually referred to as the Stalin question.

That is, to no longer focus on the image of Stalin,

but to try to analyze the classes of Soviet society,

from the beginning of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The most disgusting aspect of cinema

is that the bourgeoisie and Stalin have the same attitude.

This leads to images and sounds of a particular sort being made.

This can be seen in our own practice and right here

where nobody feels like having any fun.

Jean-Luc says that within the party this problem hasn't been resolved. It's not true.

Yes, it is true. A badly expressed problem, a wrong solution.

To really put problems forward.

Example: to analyze in class terms the effect

of the speech of June 23, 1931, about

"New situations, new tasks for strengthening the economy. "

Example: '37-'38.

At the request of Comrade Stalin, Sergei Eisenstein begins shooting Bezhin Meadow,

about the struggle for rural socialization.

'37-'38. Spanish Civil War.

With anarchist militia, peasant farmers organize immediate partition of the land.

They are liquidated in the fight against anarchism

by the political commissars of the Spanish Communist Party,

who mechanically apply the directives of the Internationale.

To ask the question "why" is also to ask the question "against whom?"

Stalinist images. Just consider the problem.

In everything that's happened, positive aspect: showing an image is nothing,

that there is no image in itself,

that there is no image outside the context of the class struggle.

Having shown this with an image of Stalin.

Negative aspect: not having found the right image,

that is, necessary and sufficient.

Stalin and Mao wanted for murder by the capitalists -

that was a necessary, but inadequate image of repression.

We must find other images of repression, the only ones we can make at present.

The Humphry laboratories have refused to develop film about the dockers on strike,

shot by the strikers themselves.

Three days after the Yankee ambassador's kidnapping, Brazil restored the death penalty.

In Marrakesh, an extremist right-wing commando

machine-gunned, with full government support, a progressive students' meeting.

6 - The Active Strike

Marcel, we've been striking 4 weeks. I write this letter, not knowing if it'll reach you,

because our comrades at the post office are striking, but not for long, I think.

While the unions are overtly asking for more support for the movement,

they are exerting influence to return essential sectors to work.

And when the post and railway services go back to work,

we'll all go back little by little, whether we want to or not.

That's clear, anyway. In your situation you see the same thing.

But what can we do to make things change?

We've lasted 4 weeks and that's a victory for us.

Out of 2000, there are roughly 900 continuing the sit-in in shifts.

I say victory, though in fact I don't know how things are with you.

Anyway, 500 yards from our factory, at Mazda, Givelaud and Alasef, the situation is different.

The first day the C. G. T. delegate told the guys:

"Good, we're stopping work. Go home. When we reach an agreement, we'll let you know. "

Ten or 20 opposed the move and stayed and occupied the factory.

But they were deserted by the cowards.

At our place 900 took part in the occupation. At first this was enough.

About 800 of the guys had worked in the same factory five or ten years,

though they'd never participated before.

This made it possible to get things done and also to start discussions.

Everyone who'd taken part in strikes and occupations said something had changed.

Sure, some were more concerned with playing cards and football, and chasing the women.

That too was new - the many girls that were there.

It lasted three weeks. We discussed things seriously,

talked politics, not just about demanding workshop 45's lavatory window be replaced.

All this scared the union officials. We also met students.

For the strike leaders, though, all this was good.

They forced the C. G. T. officials to allow students into the canteen.

Sure, this often didn't mean much, because they spoke language you couldn't understand.

Some of them would talk for hours, until everybody got fed up.

That's the negative. The positive is these people fought, and said interesting things,

and that people from outside prevented the sit-in from weakening.

But now, after 4 weeks, our number has hardly increased.

Last weekend some went home, people who were there from the beginning.

Their wife, their kids... Sure, that's normal.

Despite this, last weekend there were still over 100 occupying the factory.

People's interest in the ballot was pretty low - cards were very popular.

Then I thought of something one of the students had told us.

At the C. S. F. in Brest, some workers had apparently gone back to work

to make transistors themselves, and exchanged them with farmers for vegetables and poultry.

His story sounded a bit strange,

but when we wanted to know more about it, he got all involved,

which shows it's impossible to get any information.

He called it active striking, and said it was the only way to prevent the strike weakening,

the only way to hit employers hard and pose concrete problems about power.

When I thought of the workshops and the fighting spirit of the people,

it seemed we should be able to keep the factory going ourselves, without technicians.

They didn't really know what to make of it.

Some agreed with it, while others just said I was dreaming,

but they couldn't really say why.

I thank you for your reply, and I hope to see you soon.

I better go - Monday, the managers and scabs will be round again,

shouting they want to get back in, in the name of freedom to work.

Shit, I hope there'll be enough of us to shut them up. Good-bye.

Hello, this is Jean-Pierre Peugeot. Who's speaking?

Strike committee.

Listen, young woman, I'm being polite. Who are you?

Strike committee.

I've told you who I am: Jean-Pierre Peugeot. Now who are you?

Strike committee.

I want to know who I'm talking to.

Strike committee.

Jean-Pierre Peugeot here. Are you frightened of saying who you are?

Strike committee.

Gerard, I got your letter.

As it happened, it came after we'd started work again.

We think you're mistaken. You say you want to show you can do without technicians.

You forget it's not just technical division of labor, but also social-technical division.

and by working only from your own point of view,

you are doing just what the capitalists want.

The Chinese say: "Have a revolution and organize production. "

Good. They also say:

"First make the revolution to organize production differently. "

Even if you did organize an active strike so your guys could go on working,

it'd still only be a temporary strike, though of a different kind.

OK. I read in the papers that our comrades at Pirelli did the same thing.

But it led to nothing more than the loss of 50 million

for those in power.

We must organize ourselves to fight the power of the bourgeois state,

against its cops, its army which attacks us

to keep us in order -

7 - The Police State the old order, the same old crap.

Defeat - Provocation

I robbed the First National City Bank -

$50,000.

I shot the driver of the Lightedfoot to Heroklod train.

I kidnapped the son of the director of Citroën.

I shot dead the Sheriff of West Berlin.

So we have the same enemies.

I'd like to get together with you to find out

why we have the same enemies and why we must continue the fight.

New Defeat - New Provocation

Speak!

Why do you exploit the sexuality of the proletariat?

Why do you give back in words what you've already given back in deeds?

Speak! Speak!

A week of struggle. Saturday the 17th,

the iron mines of Anderny-Chevillon.

24-hour strike against the latest dismissals.

Monday the 19th, Vendel-Sibelon Ayot.

Strike for a wage increase of 0. 80 francs an hour.

Three out of nine blast furnaces are shut down.

Tuesday the 20th,

National Institute of Astronomy and Geophysics. Strike by 150

technicians for job security.

Wednesday the 21st, Liquid Air.

The steel-workers strike against the intrigues of union officials.

Thursday the 22nd,

Maudit paper-mill in Quimper.

Provocation through disorder. Insult.

New provocation. New insult. Until their downfall.

That is the logic of the imperialists and reactionaries of the world.

They'll never change this logic.

New strike against the dismissal of militants.

Friday the 23rd,

Lycée Bergson, Paris 19.

The Lycée has been closed by the Rector of the Academy of Paris

and plain-clothes police guard the various entrances.

Struggle. Defeat. New struggle. And so to victory. Such is the people's logic.

The rashness of revolutionaries has always been the policeman's best ally.

Don't go directly to meeting-places.

Make a detour through a less busy street to make sure you're not followed.

Write as little as possible.

Train yourself to remember addresses.

In case of emergency, remember a Christian name is better than a surname,

and an initial is better than a Christian name.

Make appointments over the phone only with small talk.

Don't try to find out what you should not know.

Remember that the enemy is capable of anything.

Never be misled when they say: "We know everything. "

This is never true.

Before the police or legal authorities,

never give in to the unhealthy, idealistic bourgeois habit

of establishing or re-establishing the truth.

In this fight there is no common truth between the exploiting and exploited class.

Fight, defeat. Another fight, another defeat.

Another fight, and so to victory. Such is the people's logic -

the people's logic - and they will never go against this logic.

But how shall we recognize one another?

Not only recognize one another, but also let oneself be recognized.

Right. All we have to do is make armbands.

May 1st

Struggle: Madrid Cordoba Peking Watts

Spectacle: Moscow Paris Bucharest Algiers

Right. But that's not everything. What color?

Listen. Look.

Second part of the film.

You have shown a mechanism: the strike, the delegate, the general assembly,

repression, police state, etc.

The real movement, May '68 France,

'68-'69 Italy, you have made a film.

How did you make it?

Now critique, now struggle, now transform.

Don't forget it's difficult for any individual to avoid mistakes.

Their correction lies in the general movement towards Marxist education.

Start again at the beginning, with the people.

Be critical of your lack of liaison with the people.

Liaison with the People Pass on the people's ideas, concentrate on...

It's not enough to have an aim,

you've got to solve the methods which will allow you to accomplish this.

Your method is wrong. You think that it's enough to quote Mao,

then go to the country and film farm workers to unite with the rural masses.

... the correct formula for the job,

for production and for the basic notions of direction.

In every political activity of our party,

the correct direction must be based on the following principles.

You still talk in slogans and poster language,

and you're still apart from the people, you're not in sync,

you're outside the real struggle. Think what your situation really is.

Use our Chinese comrades' quotations so they become effective political instruments,

not a ready-made solution. You shout, make predictions,

spread opinions, but you don't really question.

I've been to the people again, discussing and explaining these words,

so that the people can accept,

approve and apply them.

To verify the correctness of these ideas in the people's activities.

And again, to bring the ideas of the people together and spread them.

See, you say you question.

But you do it poorly. As a result you practice bourgeois sociology.

Instead of trying to expose the real forces of social class, you make cinéma vérité.

You show the misery of the people, but not their struggle.

And by not showing their struggle, you deny them the means of struggling.

Your cinema, images, sounds, are those of bourgeois television and its revisionist allies.

This debate will be continued indefinitely,

the ideas becoming clearer, livelier and more complex. That is the theory.

Listen. You do more than that.

You film blocks of flats and think you are filming people.

You've never even started to consider your real position.

You started by making an inquiry, but from where did you start?

You know there is no cinema above class,

no cinema above the class struggle.

But what does this mean?

It means that the dominant material power of the society,

the dominant class, is also the one which creates, in and with its films,

the dominant images.

It means that these images are those of its domination.

You are involved in the struggle, but here and now, how are you struggling?

You make a film. You make images and sounds.

What to do? You have the means of making films at your disposal.

What is to be done to make images and sounds

which do not depict the hegemony of the dominant class?

Yes, what to do. You must not be afraid to know where you are.

You must not be afraid to know where you can start. Where are you?

You are in France, your are in Italy, in Germany.

You are in an imperialist branch of the prevailing imperialism.

Where are you? In Prague, in Warsaw and in Berlin,

in some revisionist agency of revisionism.

If you're not working for Brezhnev Studios-Mosfilm,

you are working for Nixon-Paramount.

It means that ultimately you are always doing the same thing,

because when you work for Brezhnev-Mosfilm,

you are in fact a lackey to the other master, Nixon-Paramount.

You forget this master has been demanding the same film for 50 years.

You forget this film has one name - the Western -

and this is not by chance.

You start your investigation,

and you learn that your methods are influenced by the dominant ideology.

Don't confuse your primary tasks and secondary tasks.

Though it lasts only the duration of one sequence,

in this film the principal task is theory.

A - Theory

Hollywood. Producers. Factory.

Hollywood shows the form of cinema as something wonderful, dreamlike,

to which you must pay admission.

But this dream is also a weapon in Hollywood's hands.

Hollywood wants you to believe this dream is reality, more real than reality itself.

Hollywood tries to fool you, and will use any means to achieve its ends.

Hollywood wants you to believe this image of a horse is really a horse

and that this image of a horse is more real than a horse, which it isn't to begin with.

Hollywood makes you believe this movie Indian is more real than an Indian,

and that the extra on horseback is more real than a Union soldier.

This extra is called an actor. This actor is called a character.

The adventures of these characters are called a film

and the making of this film is called direction.

To this end, all means are acceptable:

costumes, make-up, disguises, performances.

Every year Hollywood decorates and rewards the best producers in the world.

The game goes on. The imperialist image of reality passes for reality itself.

The Moscow Film Festival. The Pesaro Film Festival.

The Leipzig Film Festival.

I am General Motor!

I am General Motor!

What is being done in the Brezhnev-Mosfilm zone of influence?

What films are made in Algiers? What films are made in Havana?

There is a struggle against Nixon- Paramount, but what is really going on?

Progressive cinema has understood film is the relationship between image and sound.

But is progressive cinema examining this relationship seriously?

Where does this relationship come from? How does it work? For whom? Against whom?

No, the progressive cinema does not ask itself these questions.

Why does it refuse to question in class terms? Sometimes it modifies sound, sometimes image.

It imagines it creates new relationships, but mistaking quantity for quality,

it only modifies these relationships abstractly.

Brezhnev-Mosfilm claims it is attacking Nixon-Paramount,

but in reality it supports it.

Underground. London. Paris.

Amsterdam. New York.

Here is a cinema which thinks it is liberated.

Here, for example, a sound which thinks it is liberating an image.

A cinema which thinks it is liberated.

A drug cinema. A sex cinema.

A cinema which claims it has been liberated by poetry.

A cinema without taboos, except against the class struggle.

A class cinema, the flunky of Nixon-Paramount,

the flunky of imperialism.

You mentioned at the beginning

a road laid out by the history of the revolutionary movement.

But where is it? In front? Behind?

Left? Right? And how?

You have changed your method.

You asked the cinema of the Third World where it was.

Pardon me for disturbing your class struggle. I know it is important.

But which is the way to the political film?

That way is the unknown cinema, the cinema of adventure.

And that way is the Third World cinema,

a dangerous cinema, divine and marvelous.

A cinema of the oppression of imperialist consumption

is a dangerous cinema, a marvellous cinema,

a cinema out to repress the fascist oppression of terrorism.

And there you discovered the complexities of the struggle.

You discovered that you lack the means of analyzing it.

You're back to the concrete situation.

In Italy, in France, in Germany, in Warsaw, in Prague,

you have seen that the materialist film emerges only

when it confronts, in terms of class struggle, the bourgeois notion of representation.

Struggle against the bourgeois notion of representation.

Struggle against the bourgeois notion of representation.

Yes. To wrest the means of production from imperialist hands,

in order to wrest ideological domination from them.

The bourgeoisie talks about representation. But what does it mean by that?

In 10 seconds you will be looking at a character on a bourgeois film screen.

He is a character from a Western, from a psychological drama,

a police film, or a historical film. It doesn't matter.

In fact he's always the seducer. He describes the room where you are sitting.

He says he is in the dark.

He says there are more people in the balcony.

He says there's an old man in the fifth row.

He says there's a good-looking girl at the back.

He says he'd like to lay her. He'd like to give her flowers.

He asks her to join him on the screen.

There's lots of green.

Blue skies.

The air is clear.

"Don't you believe it? Then come here, you bunch of turds!"

"Wonderful summer day. "

"Sunshine. Truth. "

Struggle against the bourgeois notion of representation.

Wrest the means of production from the hands of the dominant ideology.

That is to say, maximum program.

Maximum. To be able to say: this image is red. Red. Red.

Without a workers' and peasants' triple alliance with the military.

Minimum program, minimum.

Spell it out. Know how to learn. And knowing how to learn means first, for you,

to look in the face the whole bitter, absurd, dirty spectacle.

The spectacle of the revisionist school teacher,

who collaborates in reinforcing the ideological power of the bourgeoisie.

The Communist Party has decided to give the people culture.

Miss Althusser, what people have we got here?

First, the people of the Third World.

Let the people of the Third World come forward.

Will the people of the Third World come forward please.

How to read Das Kapital. Good.

"To the people of the Third World...

"with esteem and friendship."

One moment.

Start at chapter two.

What did the revisionist school teacher just say?

He said: "Read Das Kapital." He did not say to use it. Use it.

He criticizes the defects of the people,

but he does not do this from the people's point of view.

By treating a comrade like an enemy, he has taken the position of the enemy.

Struggle

I learned to play music.

Good, no?

It's nice? Isn't it nice? Wait...

Isn't it pretty? You must like my music!

My music isn't good?

Did you take part in the class struggle?

Yes. I was at Cléon.

Were you at Strasbourg?

Were you at Sochaux?

Were you in South America? Were you at Battipaglia?

I was at Battipaglia. I did my self-criticism.

Did you take part in the demonstration against Rockefeller's visit?

Yes, I did that too. I did my self-criticism,

the class struggle, and learned to play music.

Were you at the May celebrations in Madrid, forbidden by Franco?

Yes, I was at the May celebrations in Madrid. I learned music there too.

- And what did you play there? - Listen.

Struggle

Not quite right, is it?

No, not quite right.

Maybe I should go on.

I'll go on with the class struggle and self-criticism. It'll be better afterwards.

Class medicine. France.

Text from a medical school handbook on industrial medicine for 5th-year students:

"The fatigue index is less related to objective criteria

"than to subjective or personality factors.

"For measuring fatigue, the department chief and the foreman

"are in the best position.

"They are direct witness to diminishing efforts and lowering production rate.

"For the doctor, the task is to discover the origins of this fatigue.

"The medical student learns he must work hand in hand with the foreman

"and thus becomes in a way his scientific alter ego. "

For these guardian angels of capitalism, there is a clear division of labor:

one finds the ills, the other cures them.

Both play the same role in the social division of labor.

Surveillance and repression.

People's medicine. China.

Transformation of the medical and sanitary system

is an important part in the transformation of the social superstructure.

After the founding of the new China - the new China -

a series of provisions were made to ensure medical care and hygienic assistance

for the rural population.

The workers' health improved considerably,

but Lio-Tsa-Tsji, that eternal renegade, took the revisionist way

in medicine and health care.

He wanted to centralize the service in the cities.

He entered into the erroneous theory of hospitals worthy of the name.

The lack of doctors and pharmaceutical products in the rural areas

was one of the reasons China was not fundamentally changed for a long period.

The great cultural revolution of the proletariat - proletariat -

broke up this revisionist counter-revolutionary tendency.

The poor and semi-poor peasants took the health system into their own hands.

They have set up medical labs and they run ambulance services.

Thus the area of medical health in the countryside was rapidly changed.

Thus in the commune of Yong Fang, in the Nanking district,

the 79 production groups have many medical workers at their disposal.

In general, minor wounds and illnesses are treated within each group,

while minor operations are carried out in the commune.

A co-operative system has begun to be enforced,

and poor and semi-poor peasants are ensured immediate treatment.

Struggle - Critique

Les Beaux Quartiers, by Marcel Proust, page 145.

Death to bourgeois culture!

"I've never been able to remember the room which gave onto the street... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

"Thus there exists only one way of speaking. Once in the hotel, there was no embankment... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

"... not even the San Marco canal, the crowd and the pigeons... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

"... the sun in the distance on San Giorgio Maggiore. That was a world in itself, by itself... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

"... and for itself, as they say. The steps, the passages... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

"... the dreary walls of the room's upper part in darkness. Due to the lamps, one loses... "

Death to bourgeois culture!

He doesn't listen to the revisionist teacher. He doesn't start from the second chapter.

He starts from the first chapter of Das Kapital by Karl Marx.

He reads to serve himself.

"The wealth of societies in which capitalist means of production are found

"consists of merchandise. Merchandise.

"Merchandise is a thing which possesses practical value,

"and it exists in all social forms.

"But in capitalist society the utility value is at the same time the material basis

"of an exchange value. "

Things and words...

Open fire on the revisionist intellectual, the unwitting ally of bourgeois culture.

... Laurent Leroy, Central Committee of the French Communist Party.

Open fire on the revisionist intellectual, the unwitting ally of bourgeois culture.

"Throughout the mercantile experience, the control of wealth is made up of the same... "

Death, fire, death.

The theory of Marx - Engels - Lenin has universal value.

It should not be considered as dogma but as a guide to action.

For example, in France, young workers in a provincial training center

threw out the Maréchal factories representative who had come to supervise examinations.

You must not be satisfied with learning Marxist-Leninist terminology;

Marxist-Leninism has to be learned as the science of revolution.

It is not enough just to study the general laws set down by Marx, Engels and Lenin,

based on their extensive studies of life and revolutionary experience.

You must also examine the methods and arguments they use

in studying and solving problems.

For example, in Italy,

deprived of water and electricity for three days, for having

refused to pay higher rates,

the inhabitants of the small town of Mezzogiorno occupied the town hall,

stopped the trains and built barricades.

For example, to know how to arm yourself with self-criticism.

Ten minutes ago, I wanted to educate the Third World; and now I do my self-criticism.

Paragraph 1:

"And what was the university in the past?

"The university has frequently been called a kindergarten for adults.

"It is true that the majority of those who went to university... "

Quiet!

"... went there because people sent them and because people wanted to send them. "

I'm doing my self-criticism. Let me continue!

Paragraph 2:

"And what were the contents of... "

Comrades! I come from Fiat. Fiat is my university.

The comrades wrote a pamphlet.

With "Commissione Liceo Gioberti" we made a pamphlet, with five questions.

"What do you think about your work?"

Strike!

"What are your demands?"

Revolution!

"Which form of struggle and organization do you find most effective?"

Strike!

"What help can the student movement give to the workers' struggle?"

Strike!

"Would it be useful to form a massive organization in Italy of young workers and students?"

Time to go - I've got a class at Pirelli.

We have practical tasks at Pirelli - they've occupied the factory. I'm going.

It's time that teaching is revealed to the masses

as a weapon in the hands of the bourgeoisie.

The number of those who tolerate their role as victims and accomplices will diminish.

The camouflage no longer hides anything -

neither the nature of our society nor the special place reserved for those who study

to become servants of the bourgeoisie.

A niche and a status in the comfortable propriety of the bourgeoisie.

Good. You have developed your theory of alphabetization.

You've seen this too was a front in the battle. Good. Now back to practical things.

France, May-June '68.

For several months there was only one word: "autonomy".

This word has a dark and confusing history.

Turin '19. Barcelona '37.

A week in Budapest '56.

You have been theorizing. You began in May.

Tell me about autonomy. Find the right words.

Listen, is that what you call the right terms?

You speak even more abstractly than before. Think.

The concrete situation. Autonomy.

Example: Yugoslavia.

The restoration of capitalism in Yugoslavia...

... came into being because public enterprise...

... which played an important part in the Yugoslav economy...

... degenerated and changed.

The economy of the workers' self-government is a special kind of state capitalism.

This state capitalism...

... is not that which exists for the needs of the proletariat.

It is a variety of state capitalism...

... which exists because of completely different conditions...

... caused by the degeneration of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Since 1950, Tito's clique has passed a series of resolutions and laws

which are intended to bring about autonomy of the workers in factories,

mines, the communications media, commerce, agriculture, public works

and all other state enterprises.

The application of this self-government by the workers consists of placing enterprises

under the control of the workers' collectives.

These collectives buy their own raw materials,

decide which goods they are going to make, their quantity and their price.

They sell their products on the market,

fix the wages and decide on the division of the profits.

From a theoretical point of view,

everyone with even a little knowledge of Marxism knows that concepts like

"autonomy" and "workers' factories" have never been Marxist concepts,

but ideas put forward by anarcho- syndacalists and bourgeois socialists.

In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels say:

"The proletariat will make use of its political superiority

"to wrest all monetary power from the hands of the bourgeoisie

"and to place all means of production in the hands of the state. "

This is a fundamental socialist principle.

After the October Revolution, when some wanted to return factories to the old producers

so they could organize production directly,

Lenin criticized them, saying this would lead to a reaction against

the dictatorship of the proletariat.

For all these reasons...

... the "worker autonomy" initiated by the Tito clique...

... has made public enterprise totally removed from the orbit of socialist economy.

The main symptoms of this phenomenon are:

1. Suppression of unified State economic planning.

2. Profit is considered the main incentive of the enterprise's program.

Production policy is decided by the workers...

... but it is not geared to satisfy the needs of society...

... but serves to realize profits, exactly as in capitalist enterprises.

3. Favoring a policy which encourages free trade.

4. The use of credit in banking

to support capitalistic free trade.

Loans are given to those who can repay in the shortest possible time...

... and the rate of interest is high.

5. The relations between the various enterprises...

... are not the socialist bonds of mutual assistance,

but the capitalist and competitive bonds of a so-called free market.

You see, your ideas are confused. If you continue, you'll end the film

by saying that socialism is a bed of roses.

It is true that theory, when it reaches the people, becomes a material force.

But you need valid ideas.

Think about the concrete situation. Re-think your theories.

Example: the invention of photography.

The B Theory

The invention of photography. For whom? Against whom?

The invention of photography. For whom? Against whom?

For whom? Against whom?

For whom? France. Louis Philippe. The banks.

Investment. The beginning of the industrial revolution.

Accelerated growth of the proletariat. Class struggle.

The necessity of changing the dominant ideology.

Class struggle. The necessity of hiding reality from the people. Class struggle.

The necessity of new means. Class struggle.

Photography forces literature and painting into the background.

Against whom?

Against the people in struggle. Photography. For the bourgeoisie, two functions:

1. Identification of class enemies. 2. Disguising reality.

1. In 1871 the police in Versailles photographed the insurgents.

2. In 1871, photographs

of shot communards appeared in bourgeois newspapers.

Today: Paris Match/Vietnam.

Newsweek/Palestine.

L'Espresso/Brazil.

Fight the bourgeois concept of representation.

Wrest control of the cinema, photography and television

from the hands of the dominant ideology.

Don't represent the problem abstractly.

To make cinema a revolutionary weapon,

you have to think through and with the revolutionary struggle.

Think and work out the methods.

Class struggle. Armed struggle.

The Armed Struggle

Learn. Know how to learn.

Read. Calculate.

Experiment. Chemistry.

Mathematics. Electricity.

Read. Calculate. Learn.

Know how to learn. Know how to fight.

Good day. Do you have any ping-pong balls?

Do you have any skates? Have you got a harpoon?

Have you got any tennis rackets?

Thank you. Good-bye, madam.

Warning to militants. Watch out.

Warning to militants. Watch out.

Warning to militants. Watch out.

Warning to militants. Watch out.

Reflect. Look ahead. Withdraw.

Think. Produce. Simplify.

Construct. Wait.

Reflect. Simplify. Think. Wait.

Good day, madam. A pack of Chesterfields.

I've only got Gitanes and Gauloises.

No. I want Chesterfields.

There's Luckies, Players and Winstons.

No. I want Chesterfields. Wait.

Reflect. Simplify.

In this street there is a barber, a baker,

a druggist, a dairy, a chemist,

a novelty shop, a bookshop, etc.

You can buy jam, coffee, milk,

sugar, thermos flasks, plates. etc.

Think. Produce. Simplify.

It's disgusting. A bomb has been thrown in a supermarket. There are many injuries.

What have you got out of it?

It's really unheard of to kidnap Rockefeller's son.

What good did that do? The boy hasn't done anything.

Think. Manufacture.

Simplify. Reflect. Learn.

Learn.

As I said,

fanatics are sent to do the killings,

gangsters whose only aim is to kill and destroy,

though no advantage can be gained from it.

That's what bourgeois humanitarianism says

when the oppressed get the means of grasping the exploiter by the throat.

When bourgeois humanitarianism talks about innocent victims,

unnecessary violence, what is it hiding?

The daily reality of bourgeois terror, the reality of the struggle.

Citroën. Javel. Morning shift.

The brotherhood of classes in opposition. The fraternity proclaimed in 1789,

1871 and 1968,

written in giant letters on every wall in Paris,

all over the walls of the jails and barracks;

that is the real, authentic expression in prose of civil war -

civil war in its most horrible form,

the war between labor and capital.

Now, let us consider the secondary aspect of the war between capital and labor.

Why should we think about that secondary aspect just now?

Because the bourgeoisie are now making it their main battlefield.

OK. Think about the secondary aspects of the war between labor and capital.

Think: primary contradiction and secondary contradiction.

Think: main aspect of the contradiction and secondary aspect.

OK. Primary contradiction: civil war between labor and capital.

Secondary contradiction: division of labor and sex.

The secondary contradiction is one the bourgeoisie tries with all its might

to present as the primary one -

women's magazines, dogmatic sociology, etc.

OK. Sex and its division from labor is the secondary contradiction.

OK. Now for the first aspect of this secondary contradiction.

The sexual urge is tied to the struggle for production and the class struggle.

Now for the second aspect of the contradiction.

The sexual urge is still almost everywhere the primary property of the bourgeoisie.

Think: primary contradiction and secondary contradiction.

Think: primary aspects of the contradiction -

primary and secondary; and secondary aspects of the contradiction - primary and secondary.

Think: civil war between labor and capital.

Think: the division of labor and sex.

Think: negative and positive.

Think: union of opposites. Think: struggle.

Think: change. Think: eroticism and plus values.

Think: feelings, use value. Think: feelings, change value.

Think: positive matrimony plus negative adultery

equals bourgeois unity.

Think: to destroy this unity today is revolutionary for a woman.

Which revolution? That of 1789.

Think about the meaning of this: is the feminine problem

more or less different from the peasant problem?

Think again about this:

why does a medium-poor Breton peasant marry?

And think: why does a Paris foundry owner marry?

Keep thinking about this:

in May '68, unmarried C. G. T. workers blocked workers from entering the factory

in the morning, and at night they laid students in the Sorbonne and the Odéon.

Think of the most horrifying form of fraternity between opposing classes.

Think about the civil war between labor and capital.

Think of subjectivity in class terms.

The end. Beginning of a prolonged struggle.

What to do? You've made a film, you've criticized it. You've made mistakes,

you've corrected some of them.

Because of this you know a little more about making sounds and images.

Perhaps now you know better how this production can be transformed.

For whom and against whom?

Perhaps you have learned something very simple.

It's right to rebel.

Marxism consists of a multiplicity of principles,

which in the last analysis can be summed up in a single statement:

it's right to rebel.

A single statement: it's right to rebel.

No. Marxism consists of...

Marxism consists of a multiplicity of principles...

... which can be summed up in a single statement...

No. Which, in the last analysis, can be summed up...

Marxism consists of a multiplicity of principles,

which in the last analysis can be summed up in a single statement:

it's right to rebel.

"The policy of peaceful co-existence

"thus translates into present-day terms

"the problem of maintaining world peace.

"The transformations of the

"October Revolution and the continuing development of socialism in many countries

"has created in the world, in this respect,

"a radically new situation.

"Imperialism has lost nothing of its aggressive nature

"and events only prove this.

"Secondly.

"The growing power of socialist organizations

"coupled with the upsurge of national liberation movements,

"the struggle of the working classes of capitalist countries

"and the general development of peace-loving forces,

"have thus made it possible to avoid a new world war

"and a thermo-nuclear catastrophe.

"The policy of peaceful co-existence is a method for regulating...

"... is a method for regulating relations between states. "

To dare to rebel -

for us, here and now, this means fighting on two fronts.

To dare to rebel - for you, here and now, this means fighting on two fronts.

Fighting against the eternal lies of the bourgeoisie.

The modernization of our economy

is a vital task, and if we fail,

we are left with a limited independence

and stagnation which will lead to rebellion.

Only a flourishing and efficient economy will enable us to strengthen our foundations

and give us real stability.

But to succeed in this difficult enterprise,

our habitual ways of acting and thinking

must drastically change.

It is everyone's duty to help bring about this change.

In this technological society, with its complex mechanisms so difficult to understand,

participation is the right way to involve people in recognizing

that they are masters of their own destiny.

Death to the bourgeoisie!

To dare to rebel - for us, here and now, this means fighting on two fronts,

against the bourgeoisie and against its ally, revisionism.

There are in the world today two winds - the east wind and the west wind.

The east wind actually prevails over the west wind. The revolutionary forces

have achieved an overwhelming superiority over the imperialist forces.

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G r o u p + +-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+-+ We want more subtitles right NOW! 1) All DVDs to be subtitled 2) All VIDEO GAMES to be subtitled 3) All videos/DVDs used in lessons at school to be subtitled 4) More pre-recorded & live subtitles on TV ____ __ ___ __ ___ __ __ / / _ / ) _ _ (_ / _) _ (_ _ / _) _ / _ _ ( /) (- /(_ / (- ( / / /(_) () (/ _) / () / /(_) () (/ _) (__) / () (/ /) / / /