All language subtitles for ENdfgggrG 1

This is the stage
on which we will dramatize

13 days in which the world came

to the brink of nuclear war.

The names we use are real.

The action is based upon
the historical record

as drawn from reportage,
academic studies,

eyewitness accounts,
and official documents.

1962, the President of the United States,

John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

All Americans, as well as all our friends

in this hemisphere have become concerned

over the recent moves of the Soviet Union

to bolster the military power

of the Castro regime in Cuba.

It continues to be the policy

of the United States

that Cuba will not be allowed

to export its aggressive purposes
by force,

or the threat of force.

Cuba will be prevented, by whatever means

may be necessary from taking action

against any part
of the Western Hemisphere.

The weapons and military equipment

sent by the USSR to Cuba
are designed exclusively

for defensive purposes,

and the President of the United States

knows what these means of defense are.

How can they threaten the United States?

No, you have invented this threat.

It is not the weapons you fear,

it is the revolutionary spirit.

Special advisor to the President,
McGeorge Bundy.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Did you read what Eisenhower
said about me yesterday?

"President Kennedy's record
of the past 21 months

is too sad to talk about."

lmagine lke saying a thing
like that about me,

and in Boston?

Have some coffee, Mac.

No, thank you.

Mr. President -

"James Meridith, the first Negro student

at Mississippi attended classes
for the third day,

and for the first time heard no jeers."

Mr. President,
we've received hard evidence

that the Russians have placed
offensive weapons in Cuba.

What kind of weapons?

Nuclear missiles.

Wha s your evidence?

Aerial photographs from
the U-2 flight of October 14th.

They show missile installations
being constructed

in at least four places in Cuba.

I wanna see those pictures.

The photo interpreters are standing by.

Who else is in on this?

Intelligence, Rusk and some
of his people, McNamara.

Maxwell Taylor?

And the Joint Chiefs.

McCone?

We contacted him in Seattle
at his stepson's funeral.

He's flying back.

This must be kept
absolutely confidential.

Only personnel with an
absolute need to know

are to be told.

Yes, sir.

What the devil does Khrushchev
hope to accomplish.

I wonder if he's gone mad.

It could be a jab,

the punch will probably land on Berlin.

We'll have to step up our U-2 flights

over Cuba immediately.

I want daily reports at the least.

Get the Attorney General
for me right away.

Khrushchev's been promising for months

he wouldn't introduce offensive
weapons into Cuba, now this.

I can't trust him on the missiles.

We'll have to bomb the damn things out,
Mr. President.

We'll meet in the Cabinet Room at 11:45.

Inform Rusk, McNamara,
General Taylor, Dillon,

Sorensen, Kenny O'Donnell, George Ball,

you be there, get Thompson,
and I want Stevenson.

He's flying in from New York later today.

Tha s fine.

Have Rusk brief Dean Acheson.

Hello, Bobby.

I want you to get over here
as fast as you possibly can.

Right.

We are facing great trouble.

I ll take us better part of the day
to analyze the films, sir.

We had to go over 1,000 frames.

This looks like a football field.

Yes, tha s a shot of San Cristobal

taken six weeks ago taken
from an altitude of 14 miles.

You see, there's no activity
down there at all, sir.

Now, you compare that with this one
taken by Major Anderson

just 36 hours ago from the same altitude.

You can see the difference.

These are installations for
medium range missiles.

Yes, there's no doubt about that,
Mr. President.

That slam pattern is
absolutely characteristic

of Soviet installations.

I'm grateful to you,

give my compliments to the rest
of your team,

especially, Major Anderson.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Would you leave those with me please?

Certainly, Sir.

Kenny, come in here.

Morning, Mr. President.

I s a beautiful day.

I s marvelous.

Have you seen astronaut Wally Schirra,

Mrs. Schirra and the two children?

The photographers would love you
to take them out

for a look at Caroline's pony.

Tha s fine Kenny.

Good.

Do you still think Cuba is
unimportant as a campaign issue?

Well, absolutely.

I s five weeks to the election.

The voters don't give a holler
about Cuba.

Every time Senators Keating and Capehart

does squawk about Cuba
threatening our security

they put everybody to sleep.

So, Cuba doesn't amount to much?

Not as a campaign issue, no sir.

I want you to take a look at these, Ken.

You're an old Air Force bombardier,

you should be able to tell
what they show.

I can't believe it.

You better believe it.

You've just elected Capehart in Indiana

and Ken Keating will probably be
the next president.

We're going to have to rearrange
the schedule.

There'll be a meeting in the
cabinet room at 11:45.

Get the authorized list from Bundy

then you must clamp down
the security lid.

Not a word to anyone else
including cabinet members,

National Security Council Members,

Secretaries or wives.

Should I cancel your schedule?

Absolutely not.

I'm going to keep my appointments
for as long as I can.

We're going to have to make it look like

there's absolutely nothing unusual
going on around here.

Bundy briefed me.

I think Dad should be flown home.

I s no time for him to be here.

I'll make arrangements.

Think we should add anyone to this list?

Presidential assistant,
Theodore Sorensen;

former ambassador to Moscow,
Llewelyn Thompson;

Assistant Secretary of State,
George Ball;

Secretary of State, Dean Rusk;

Secretary of the Treasury,
Douglas Dillon;

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,

General Maxwell D. Taylor;

Secretary of Defense, Robert S. McNamara.

Good morning, gentlemen.

Good morning, Mr. President.

Support trucks, trailers,
the personnel tent area,

the rocket launchers
for the Sandal SS04 medium-range

ballistic missile.

And here, gentlemen,
eight ballistic missiles on trailers.

We are fortunate, another tropical storm
over Cuba

and the U-2 flight would have been
postponed again.

Khrushchev would have had
his fait accompli.

Some of the missiles will be operational
in 10 days.

Ten days?

Whose estimate is that?

Ours.

Thank you.

Yes, sir.

Secretary Rusk.

Well, sir, obviously the communists

have been shipping missiles to Cuba

and constructing bases there
while continuously assuring us,

telling us publicly and privately

they were doing no such thing.

They deceived us.

In point of fact, we deceived ourselves.

There was no hard intelligence.

We engaged in wishful thinking.

Secretary McNamara?

The Intelligence Board concluded
only last month

that the Soviets would never install

offensive missiles in Cuba.

McCone warned of the possibility.

McCone had an intuition.

We can't act on intuitions.

We knew they were installing

a surface to air missile system.

Yes, a defensive system.

And now we know what they
intended to defend;

medium and intermediate-range
ballistic missiles.

Why has Khrushchev moved them
into Cuba now?

Tommy, you just came back from Moscow.

Mr. President, I've been fooled.

I never would have believed
this was possible.

The Russians have never placed
their nuclear weapons

in any other country, not ever,
not ever before.

George?

Well, I can only surmise,
Khrushchev is gambling.

The missile base in Cuba
was supposed to be the trump card.

And after our elections
they'll probably announce

this triumph of Socialist solidarity

and trade his missiles in Cuba

for our status in West Berlin.

Why should he settle for West Berlin?

We're in the right place-
right down the line;

NATO, Turkey, Greece, Italy.

Just a moment, the missiles in Cuba

will have some psychological effect, yes,

I grant you that, but I don't see that
they profoundly threaten us,

or our allies.

We have the basic first strike
and the retaliatory superiority.

A few missiles are not going to
change the basic balance of power.

General Taylor?

In fact, our nuclear deterrent
is in jeopardy and in range.

I don't concede that.

We have sack bombers,
missile sites all along

our southern underbelly
within easy range of Cuba.

A missile is a missile,

it doesn't make much difference
whether you're killed

by one fired from the Soviet Union
or from Cuba.

Sir, the difference is
that our warning time

is reduced from 15 minutes to 30 seconds.

Now, nobody knows if they can
hit a target

at a range of 6,000 miles,
but they can't miss from Cuba.

Mr. President, we have to move quickly

before the missiles become operational.

Now, we have the capability to
deploy and hit with quick,

accurate air strike.

Hit them in Russia, or hit them in Cuba?

Hit Cuba, with surgical air strikes.

This communist move
is directly threatening

the security of the
United States of America.

I don't see that there's any alternative.

Mac?

I s difficult to construct a scenario

in which you compromise with
nuclear warheads.

Mr. President, I don't know that I can

contribute anything except my feeling

that there must be an alternative
to bombing,

an alternative to war.

Mr. Attorney General.

Khrushchev promised we had nothing
to fear in Cuba.

Gromyko echoed him,
and Dobrynin told me privately

he reiterated, we need not be concerned.

In my judgment the implications
of Soviet deceit

go even far beyond this damn situation.

We cannot and we will not accept
Soviet missiles in Cuba.

We will not repeal the Monroe Doctrine
or the REO Pact.

The Soviets can't lie to us,
ship missiles to our front door,

and then come up winners,
smelling like roses,

not if we ever hope to deal
with them again,

not if we hope to survive.

I'm going to campaign in Chicago
and in Connecticut.

I'm going to fulfill my appointments
for as long as possible,

and so are all of you.

Our one advantage now
is that the Russians

think we believe their lies.

You people will formulate recommendations

on the best course of action.

We're not going to reveal the facts
to the American people,

or to our allies, or to our enemies
till we have determined

how we intend to deal with this crisis.

Mr. President,
i s going to be impossible

to keep this under wraps for very long.

We don't have very long, 10 days.

Yes, I can answer the question,

I know President Kennedy.

You remember, we spent many hours
together in Vienna,

just over a year ago.

In those hours I told him clearly

that while we adhere to the policy of
peaceful coexistence,

we intended to fully defend
and pursue our national

and socialist interests.

How did Kennedy respond.

He told me that he was anxious
to reach an accommodation.

He admitted that the Americans supported

invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs
was a mistake,

the result of his only recently
having taken power.

In other words,
the result of his inexperience.

He suggested that we should
stabilize the world order,

in order to avoid future conflict,

a proposal to which I said
I would never agree.

I was firm with Kennedy in Vienna,

as we had been firm in Berlin,

where our wall symbolizes
that determination.

We have been firm in resuming our
nuclear tests

and our rocket,
missiles and space program.

We have been firm in our support
of the just struggles

for national liberation against the
capitalist imperialist forces.

There's the story of a father who
in the cold of winter

was forced to move his cow
into the farmhouse with him.

The farmer didn't like
the cow in the house,

didn't like the smell, but in time,
in order to survive,

he grew used to it.

You ask how Kennedy will respond
when in a few weeks

we reveal the new situation in Cuba,

like the farmer he will grow used to it.

He will not like it,

but he will grow used to the smell
of Soviet rockets,

Soviet missiles, Soviet strength,
Soviet presence in Cuba.

What do you think, Bobby?

Well, I think there has to be
an alternative

between doing nothing and
launching a sneak attack.

I'm looking forward to hearing one.

And i s surprising how inhibited
they still are around you.

Even McNamara and Bundy
are still inhibited

in the presidential presence.

What would you suggest?

Maybe you should remove yourself a while.

Let us meet informally
at the State Department,

George Ball's office,

where they'll be free
to speculate without you.

Yes, that could be useful.

I don't suppose you inhibit them?

Irritate, yes, inhibit, no.

Then irritate them.

I will.

But they have to reach agreement.

I understand.

But the question is, on what?

A policy that the broadest elements
in the government,

the bureaucracy, can support,
a consensus that won't tear

the country and this administration
to pieces,

a way to remove those missiles
without war, if possible.

Is that all?

I should think that would be enough.

With pinpoint bombing,
we can destroy the bases

without inflicting any serious casualties

among the civilian Cuban population.

But we'll be hitting Russian technicians

and Russian soldiers.

Won't that give the Soviets
an open invitation

to strike back someplace tha s
strategically more important?

Excuse me...

Admiral, I wonder if I might...

May I say...

Go ahead, Admiral Anderson.

Thank you, sir.

Now, there is no more strategically vital
location than Cuba.

Look, sir,
Cuba lies on the Windward Passage,

the Florida Straits, the Yucatan Channel,

and all of the main ship lanes from our
east coast to the gulf coast,

and the Panama Canal.

With nuclear weapons,
she commands half the hemisphere.

Would you agree with
that assessment, Mac?

I'm inclining to the view that in the end

we're going to have to
negotiate with the Soviets

either in direct talks or
at the United Nations.

But what will we negotiate,
Berlin, Greece,

Secretary Rusk's plantation in Georgia?

Cuba is an island, and I submit that we

have ample sea and air power
to blockade her.

Blockade?

Blockade her.

Now, tha s true, theoretically...

I s true in fact.

We can blockade her with
our ships and our planes,

and prevent the further delivery
of war supplies

and materials from Russia.

But Bob, how will a blockade serve

to stop the Russians
from completing the bases

they've begun with the materials
they already have?

We can cut off their source for weapons,
fuel supply, lubricants,

even their food if necessary.

I the meantime,
while we're maneuvering at sea,

they'll proceed to complete
their missile system.

That is assuming that they have
all the hardware they need.

Well, when a man points a gun
at your head,

i s only prudent to assume
that i s loaded.

Yeah, wait, let me just say this,

I can see advantages here.

A blockade would certainly
demonstrate our determination

to resist Khrushchev

while stopping short of a sneak attack.

In the short term,

at least i s a less extreme measure
than an air strike,

and it could reduce the danger
of an all out war.

Exactly.

But that does not of itself
remove the missiles,

and the missiles are the issue,

and the missiles are our objective.

Tommy, you know Khrushchev better
than any of us,

how do you think he'd respond
if we attacked Cuba by air?

Khrushchev has a short temper,

and a Presidium jammed
with ambitious people.

He's under constant pressure,
and he's unpredictable.

If we bomb those bases without warning,

he could react impulsively.

In my opinion, striking Cuba risks
triggering a nuclear world war.

I suppose the first impulse is to
go in and bomb,

but Mr. President we have to explore
every avenue

for a peaceful solution.

Sooner or later,
we'll have to go to the United Nations.

I s vitally important that we go
with a reasonably case.

Well, the country is fortunate
to have Adlai Stevenson

at the UN at this time.

Thank you, sir.

I appreciate that.

Russ tells me you're going on with
the political campaign;

I think tha s very wise.

I had visionary hopes of
picking up some seats

in the House and Senate.

But, tha s not going to happen now.

Once the truth about Cuba comes out,

Republicans are going to murder us.

Do you have Republicans in
high positions in your administration?

Unfortunately,
the voters may come to feel

that our Republicans friends
aren't high enough.

I don't think it is unfair to say

that the United States and the world
are passing through

one of its most critical periods.

And it may be that it will continue
to pass through

a period of comparable criticality

for the next few months, maybe years.

Our major problem after all
is the survival of our country-

the protection of its vital
interest without -

without beginning a third
and perhaps a last war.

It is ironical, that the two strongest
countries in the world,

the United States and the Soviet Union,

are the two countries which live
in the greatest danger.

As Robert Grave wrote about matadors-

bull fight critics row upon row

crowd the enormous plaza de toros.

But, only one is there who knows

and he is the one that fights the bull.

These are the stills from
yesterday's over flight,

Mr. President.

They show 29 missile pads
in various stages of construction.

They're building two types
of missiles down there,

the 1,000 mile, medium-range,
mobile field weapons,

which can be transported,
and the 2200 mile,

intermediate missile,
which must be fired from fixed position.

Both are first strike weapons.

They will provide a launch capacity
in excess of 40 nuclear weapons.

The Aleutian 28 Soviet bombers now being
assembled in Cuba

can hit all of Florida
as far as Savannah, Pensacola,

and parts of Central America.

The medium-range missile
threatens one-third

of the United States,
including Washington, DC, St. Louis,

Dallas, Panama Canal,
and all of Central America.

The intermediate-range missile capability
reaches nearly

all of the United States,
southeastern Canada,

and all of Mexico, Central America,
Panama Canal,

and much of South America.

Do we have any, hard
photographic evidence

that the nuclear warheads
for these missiles

are actually in Cuba?

No, sir.

Why not?

They are comparatively small and easy

to conceal, Mr. President,

but you can rest assured
that they're there somewhere.

How can I be certain?

Those Soviet ICBM's are only compatible
with nuclear warheads.

The Soviet Union this morning
successfully fired

two multi-stage missiles 7500 miles
to bulls-eye landings

in the central Pacific.

An American high-altitude nuclear test
in the Pacific

failed today for the fourth time
in five tries,

when a fore-rocket malfunctioned.

All right now, gentlemen, can we,
very clearly and economically

run down the diplomatic possibilities
as you've analyzed them,

one, two, three, and so on.

The first possibility, Bobby,
is to confront Gromyko

with our evidence and our demands.

And wha s his probable response?

I view of past performance,
no doubt, he'd deny everything

and we'd have tipped our hand
without improving out situation.

Yes, I agree, tha s unacceptable.

Now the second possibility
is send an emissary

directly to Khrushchev
with a message from the President

demanding that he remove
the missiles at once.

Now, as to that, Bobby,
Khrushchev's obvious ploy

would be to admit to the President
what the President already knows,

and then to call for a conference
or a summit to resolve the crisis.

See, that way, he'd be talking

while the bases became operational.

Yes, which is precisely
what we're doing now.

Anything else?

Yes, now, the third track
we considered, Bobby,

involves sending an emissary
directly to Castro

and putting out the danger to Cuba
of a nuclear confrontation there.

The objection is that the bases
are under direct Russian control.

Even if we could influence Castro,

there's no reason to assume that
he could divert Russian policy.

In a way, the missiles
hold Castro hostage.

Is there a fourth possibility?

Yes, sir, there is.

A fourth possibility would be
to by-pass the Russians completely,

and to take the entire issue
to the UN at a strategic moment

of our own choosing.

The difficulty, Ambassador,
as you well know,

is that the Soviet Union can veto us
in the Security Council.

And to make matters worse,
Zorin's chairman there this month.

I see.

So, it doesn't appear that any
of the diplomatic channels

will do the job.

Well, we'll have to use diplomatic
channels to explain and to justify

our actions to the rest of the world.

And, ultimately,
we'll have to find an accommodation

with the Soviets.

But diplomacy in and of itself
will not remove the missiles.

It appears that we've boiled down
to two options, and only two.

We bomb them or we blockade.

Wha s the consensus?

There isn't one yet,
but I think if we took a vote today,

we'd be bombing tomorrow.

What about you?

How, from the love of God,
can President Kennedy

of the United States order a sneak attack

on a tiny, Latin American country.

By pressing a button.

Kenny, come in here.

Mr. President.

Kenny, how late am I?

You're lunching with
the Crown Prince of Libya in 10 minutes.

The Connecticut flight is scheduled
to take off at 2:30,

and Pierre wants to know
if the pool reporters

could fly with you for some background.

Tell Pierre the President craves privacy.

Do you believe that over a month ago

I designated this week as
National Prayer Week?

Connecticut was the first state
to endorse

this candidate for the presidency,

the state that placed my name
in nomination,

and the first state to report
a Kennedy majority

on election night nearly two years ago.

The great fight in 1962 is
the same fight we waged in 1960,

and must be waged in this decade.

And that is to provide
employment for our people,

education for our children,

and security for our older people.

But an air strike in and of itself

will not eliminate the threat in Cuba,

Mr. Acheson, it would have to be followed
by an invasion

to destroy any of those missile bases
we missed there.

And that would involve widespread
fighting and bombing,

and a horrendous toll to Cuban lives.

And that, Bobby,
regretfully is the nature of war,

even a defensive war.

Yes, and what will the Russians do?

Even if they pull away from the brake,

what will the civilized world think
of the United States

crushing a small country
in a brutal surprise attack.

Whatever the military outcome,
assaulting Cuba, in my view,

will do us irreparable diplomatic
and psychological harm.

No, gentlemen, we are not gonna have a
Pearl Harbor in reverse here.

My brother is not gonna be the Tojo
of the 1960s.

Mr. Attorney General,

your analogy with Pearl Harbor
is false and pejorative.

At Pearl Harbor, the Japanese
without provocation or warning

attacked our fleet thousands of miles
from Japanese shores.

In this situation,
the Soviet Union installed

lethal weapons 19 miles from our coast,

and they have done this 140 years

after the Proclamation of
the Monroe Doctrine.

I don't, dispute that, Mr. Acheson.

Moreover, within the last five months,
the Congress,

and even more recently
the President himself,

has reiterated our opposition
to the establishment

of offensive weapons in Cuba.

Now, how much warning must we give

to avoid the stigma
of Pearl Harbor in reverse?

I have come here to Yale,
to this center of learning,

and I've enjoyed your warm reception.

But you will learn,
as this country has learned,

that the Democratic Party is
best for you,

as it is best for the country.

Yes, he's here now, right.

Well, Kenny, i s some comfort
that they look worse than we do.

How was the response in New Haven?

I didn't notice.

How is he doing?

On top of it,
but I think his back is giving him hell.

I'm calling Jackie tonight and asking her

to come back to Washington
with the children.

I think i s a good move.

Ted?

Yes, sir.

A student in Connecticut shouted that,

I should have more courage
and less profile.

The man has a way with words.

Maybe we should put him on the payroll.

Yes, on your payroll.

The third day of the Missiles of October.

Our cover for the invasion strike force

is an annual Caribbean training exercise,

coincidentally scheduled for this month.

Code designation, Fillabriglegs 62.

Admiral Anderson?

Yes, sir.

The Navy will have more than 100 ships
in the maneuver,

including four attack carriers,

and we are also moving in the Enterprise.

General Schoop.

The task force will carry
and have the capability

to land 40,000 combat ready marines,

not including 4,000 in transit,

and in residence in Guantanamo.

The Army's 82nd and 101st Airborne
are being airlifted

to a total 100,000 men in Florida.

General LeMay.

Strategic air command bombers
are being deployed

from farther bases to make room
for tactical attack aircraft,

air defense facilities
are being stripped outside

the Cuban missile range,
and reinstalled in the southeast.

We have 14,000 reservists on standby
recall to fly air transport

in the event of an airborne invasion.

Now, the initial raid will consist of
500 sorties

striking at all missile sites,
military targets,

airfields, ports, and gun emplacements.

When will you be ready to launch
this air strike?

October 23rd.

Five days.

Yes, sir.

And how do you think the Russians
ill respond?

They won't.

Not at all?

No, sir.

Is that what you really think?

Are you trying to tell me
that they'll let us bomb their missiles,

kill a lot of Russians
and then do nothing?

If they don't move in Cuba, General,

they'll certainly do something in Berlin.

We're in a pretty bad fix, Mr. President.

You're in it with me.

Imagine LeMay arguing that we should
go ahead and strike

without considering the Russian response?

Brass hats have one advantage, though;

if we do what they want us to do
and they're wrong,

there'll be nobody around later
to tell them they made a mistake.

A blockade is far from a certain answer,

it may not be strong enough
to do the job,

it may force the Russians to retaliate,

but i s the only choice we have
short of a war.

I want a consensus,
a firm consensus advocating a blockade

from that committee in the next day
or two.

Well, i s a bitch,
there isn't a man of us

who hasn't changed his mind
at least once, including me.

If by next Thursday the missile bases
are still under construction,

we should notify our chief allies
and hit the bases the next day,

while simultaneously warning Khrushchev

that a Soviet counteraction means war.

Maybe i s better to go down
with a bang then a whimper.

Beating a blockade is far from perfect,

but i s surely preferable to that.

A blockade is every bit as much an act
of war as an air strike.

I don't agree, sir.

There's a precedent to a blockade,

which at least will give us
the semblance of a legal framework.

Legal niceties now are
so much pompous foolishness.

I am referring to Roosevel s quarantine

on Nazi Germany before we entered
World War II.

Shortly before.

The defensive quarantine.

The United Nations charter
recognizes a right

of hemispheric self-defense.

If we can get the
Organization of American States

to endorse a blockade,

at least we'd have a strong legal case
to take to the United Nations.

The Russians respect legality, sir.

They may twist and turn them
to their own advantage,

but they're always impressed
by a good, solid dialectic.

It is our inherent right
to protect ourselves.

Nobody contests that, sir.

And therefore,
a legal pretext is superfluous.

Gentlemen, an attack on Cuba
will not necessarily

bring the Soviet Union into war with us.

On the other hand, a blockade,
excuse me, a quarantine,

will not neutralize the weapons
already in Cuba,

will not force Khrushchev
to remove such weapons,

and will not eliminate the risk of war.

When we stop and search ships,
we will be engaged with Russians,

not with Cubans.

And obviously, when we quarantine Cuba,

the Russians will have an open excuse
to blockade Berlin.

Your arguments, as always,
are very persuasive.

And yet, I wouldn't want to be
the American Tojo

with a Pearl Harbor on my conscience.

Yes.

I've heard that analogy before.

I know that you have.

I think, Mr. President,
that you've made your decision.

Whatever i s going to be
we'll have to inform our allies.

DeGaulle could be a problem.

Perhaps you should send
the Vice President to Paris.

Perhaps.

Gromyko is coming here this afternoon.

At who's request, sir?

His.

The meeting was arranged weeks ago.

It seems the distinguished
Soviet minister is going home tomorrow.

Are you going to tell him
what you've learned about the missiles?

I hope not.

Then, Mr. President,
the fascinating question

is if Gromyko is going to tell you.

I guess this is the week
I'd better earn my salary.

I was a young diplomat,

I first came to the United States
invited to this party,

a garden party, they said.

I went there,
everybody is wearing shorts, the ladies -

And there I was,
wearing my black frock and black tie.

Could you imagine a thing like that,

such embarrassment I did not experience
in my whole career.

We must have certain assurances
and guarantees

which might be incorporated in
a statement by yourself

and Mr. Khrushchev at the conclusion
of the summit.

I am prepared to speak with
Chairman Khrushchev,

but we have our obligations in Berlin

and other nations are deeply involved.

Mr. President,
I know you enjoy frank talk,

let me speak about the anti-Castro
campaign in this country.

We believe that your government
should stop threatening Cuba,

and should restrain the attack
on Cuban shipping by exile groups.

Cuba, after all, belongs to
the Cuban people,

not to the United States.

I do enjoy frank talk, Mr. Gromyko,

but i s not the United States,

i s the Soviet Union
who is creating the conflict.

You've been supplying
the Castro government

with sophisticated weapons.

Now, I've received, repeated
personal assurances from your government

that no action is required.

I tried to calm American opinion,

but your activities are very serious,

and you haven't explained
them satisfactorily.

Cuba has a right to the means
to defend herself.

Sir, we are not paranoid,
you did attempt to invade Cuba.

The Bay of Pigs was not a precedent.

This government has no intention
of invading Cuba.

For your part, Mr. Gromyko,

did I understand you to say that
the weapons you send to Cuba

are only anti-aircraft weapons,

incapable of striking at targets
in the United States, is that true?

Absolutely, Mr. President.

I want to avoid
any misunderstandings here.

This government will not tolerate
the establishment

of a Soviet strategic base in Cuba.

Mr. President, I assure you,

the United States need not be concerned.

We have given bread to Cuba, yes,
some military supplies,

all defensive, defensive weapons
that will never

constitute a threat to the United States.

And I have personally assured
the American people

that the Soviet assistance programs
in Cuba are purely defensive.

I have also said, Mr. Gromyko,
and I say now,

that any change will have
the gravest consequences.

The origin of the Cold War can be found

in the unremitting hostility
of the United States

to socialism as we understand it.

We believe, sir, that the Cold War

has been caused by communist aggression
against the free world.

I think we've heard that story before.

You see, we trace your hostility
to the several divisions

of Americans who fought us
on Russian soil immediately

following our revolution in 1918.

I know many Americans don't like
to remember the illegal

attempt to invade our country
and change our government,

but that is a fact of history,
and you have to take -

May I have a moment, Mr. Secretary.

Yes.

Mr. Secretary,
I know there's something going on

that you don't want to talk about,

but the press corps is getting
damned suspicious

with half the government shuttling
between the White House

and the State Department
two and three times a day.

I think you better tell all
the big wheels

to get their limousines off the streets.

I don't know what you're talking about,

but thanks very much.

I s American imperialism
which has stood between

the natural friendship of
the common people of our nations.

But we, Mr. Foreign Minister,

remember the excesses of Stalin,

recall the subjugation of Eastern Europe,

and are reminded of
Chairman Khrushchev's provocative

prophesy that you will attempt
to bury us.

Mr. Secretary, you misunderstand.

Capitalism will collapse
of its own violation.

You see, to put it perfectly accurately,

we believe that you will bury yourselves.

Gentlemen, a blockade is a first step.

If it succeeds, we've avoided war.

If it fails, the other options
are still open to us.

If we attack by air,
we kill Russian technicians.

All right,
I'll go along on humanitarian grounds

with giving Castro 24 hours notice
and then bombing.

ntlemen, this country is supposed to stand for someth

I s supposed to be a symbol
of morals and values and fair play.

Now, how the hell will bombing
a tiny country into submission

help establish us as a leader
in the free world,

what kind of a victory would it be?

Better than a defeat, I would say.

Yes.

And when the smoke clears,

and the corpses are dragged
from the rubble,

what do we answer when the world
asks why, where is your proof,

what gives you the right?

I think we can hit Cuba by air
and get away with it.

The Russians aren't prepared
to go to nuclear war with us.

But I have to say that
your moral arguments

have never occurred to me,
Bobby, but you're right,

we have to remember who we are.

We have to take the risk.

And we have to put aside
the air attack option,

at least for now.

I'm prepared to go along
with the blockade.

Gentlemen, the President is waiting.

Oh, incidentally, Dean Rusk
called to say we should all go over

to the White House in the same limousine

to avoid tipping off the press corp.

One car for all of us?

Yeah.

Pity for the government
if we get into an accident.

I think we'll be safe,
none of us is driving.

I'm attracted to your concept
of a blockade.

It should give Khrushchev
time to respond thoughtfully.

And it certainly avoids
the shock of a surprise attack.

If it works,
the Russians can retreat with dignity.

And if it doesn't we've preserved
our flexibility.

Ted, I want a draft of my speech
to the country ready for me

when I get back from campaigning.

Gentlemen, on Sunday at the latest

we're going to let the world in on this.

Chinese armored columns rolled forward

today in large scale fighting
against the ill-prepared Indian troops.

Indian military spokesmen
have reported heavy casualties,

but expressed their determination
to withstand

the Chinese thrust all along
the disputed frontier.

The fourth day of the
Missiles of October.

Gentlemen, let me ask leave
to be excused from further attendance.

This is no place for a
private citizen like myself.

Well, Mr. Acheson,
the President has the greatest

respect and the highest personal
regard for you.

In his absence, I -

It is one thing for an
outsider like myself

to be asked for advice and counsel,

but i s quite another
for me to actually participate

in planning the tactical operations.

I wish you all good luck.

Woodrow Wilson once said,
what good is a political party

unless it is being used by the nation
for a great occasion.

What is the great occasion
for which this nation will use

the Democratic Party in 1962.

Why should they choose us
and not the Republicans.

The Republicans are equally patriotic,

equally anxious to see it move ahead.

What makes this election
important in 1962

is that the two parties
have clear and distinct differences

in their approach as to how
they should move this country ahead.

The crowds have been good to excellent,

and he looks terrific.

Of course, he's under a hell of a strain.

Yes, well things are
falling apart here, Ken.

Dean Acheson just walked out,

and the military is vehemently
opposed to the blockade.

In addition, security is crumbling.

I think the press knows something is up.

I can't see anything to be gained

by rushing the President
back to Washington now.

That would give it away for certain.

Now, listen, we're gonna have to round up

the Congressional leaders and get them
briefed as soon as possible.

I'll, clear it with him.

Will you have the President call me
as soon as he's free?

In your judgment,
he has to fly back in the morning?

At the latest, yes.

I see.

I'll talk to you later, Ken.

Fine.

This is a great and a good country.

It is the center of the stage,
everything we do here

is marked around the world
in the great struggle

which is reaching its climax
in this decade.

And I believe that we can make
this country not only

the leader of the free world,

but a leader in whom all can have
a sense of pride,

a sense of participation,
and a sense of mutual progress.

Now, I come to Illinois
and I ask for your help.

I think President Roosevelt
through my father

out of this suite in 1942.

Better?

Yes, i s much better Dave, thank you.

They loved the speech.

I'm sure glad to hear that.

Yes, but will they love us on Monday,

like they love us today?

Tha s good chowder.

Got it from Chicago.

Yes.

Pierre wants a minute with you.

You'll want to talk to Bobby first.

He'll be with you in a moment, Pierre.

The attorney general, Mr. President.

Wha s happening there, Bobby?

Yes, I understand about Acheson

but we have to keep him in the picture.

Maybe Paris and the joint chiefs
have to look at it that way.

But, they'll come around
when we're committed.

Has McNamara punched in the
Atlantic/Caribbean alert?

No, I'll have to brief
the congressional leadership myself.

One session with foreign affairs
and armed services.

Now the consensus will form up
around the blockade

if you're here, I know that.

But, without you here
to take the responsibility,

it looks to risky to them.

Just too damn risky.

And, I'll come back in the morning.

Tell Sorenson he's writing a speech

announcing a blockade not Armageddon.

Good night, Bobby.

First thing in the morning, Ken.

Yes, sir.

Get me Admiral Berkley, please.

Kenny would you please
hand me my magazine?

Yes, sure.

We're going to have to come up
with a good reason

to cut your speech short, Mr. President.

What will it be?

You caught a cold.

Hello, Doctor, Ken O'Donnell.

Please come around to the presiden s
suite tomorrow morning

and make that 09:00.

And, Doctor, be flexible.

Okay, le s have Pierre day.

What if you can't get the consensus
in Washington tomorrow?

President Lincoln once put a proposition
before his cabinet.

The vote was nine aye, and one nay.

The nay vote was Lincoln's
and the proposition was defeated.

I'll make this decision alone if I must.

I ll be infinitely better
if the Executive Department

support me all the way,

cause they've participated
in the decision,

they understand it,
and they believe in it.

Hello, Pierre.

The speech went very well, Mr. President.

Thanks, wha s your problem?

I just got a call from Bob Allen,

he and Paul Scott are gonna
publish a story

that we're on the verge of invading Cuba.

Also Carlton Kent of the Sun Times
asked for verification of a report

that we have parachute units
on the alert for a Cuban jump.

Now, sir, I'm completely in the dark.

Call Kent and tell him
that story is absolutely false.

We have no intentions of invading Cuba.

If he prints that story
he's gonna look foolish.

Kenny, call McNamara
and have him ask Allen and Scott

to kill their story.

Mr. President, I suppose
you're gonna tell me

wha s going on when you think
I should know.

I don't want to put my press secretary

in a position of deliberately
deceiving the press.

And you're not the worl s greatest
liar, Pierre.

You don't know how lucky you are
not to know what you don't know.

Yes, sir.

Good night, Mr. President.

Good night, Pierre.

Pierre, we're making some alternative
travel arrangements

for the pool reporters in the morning.

You'll make the announcement at the last-

Now, wait a minute,
are you talking about a new schedule?

The President is developing a cold.

Now who do you think tha s gonna fool?

Everybody,
the way you're gonna handle it.

The United States today
detonated a nuclear device

above Junston Island
in the central Pacific.

The explosion was the second
successful American test

in the upper atmosphere
in six attempts this year.

The fifth day of the Missiles of October.

I talked with Kennedy in Washington
for over two hours.

I can't dismiss the possibility
he knew about the situation in Cuba.

That was your dominant impression?

I s possible.

So, why haven't we heard
his righteous American indignation?

Well, perhaps for the element
of surprise.

There's another possibility.

He may be withholding the bad news

until after the American election,

like a bride concealing her blemish
until after the ceremony.

In Vienna, I feel sorry for Kennedy,

he so desperately wanted a triumph.

All right, let me hear
that conversation again in detail.

Mr. President,
would you prefer that each of us

write down our recommendation?

No.

There isn't any clear cut answer here.

I don't want people saying later

that their plans would have worked.

Perhaps those of you
whose proposals aren't adopted

may yet prove to be the lucky ones.

Le s begin.

Secretary Rusk?

I favor the blockade, Mr. President.

Secretary McNamara?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Secretary Dillon?

The blockade, sir.

General Taylor?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Mr. Attorney General?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Director McCone?

Air strike, sir.

Admiral Anderson?

Air strike, Mr. President.

Ken?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Ambassador Stevenson?

Quarantine, Mr. President.

Ambassador Thompson?

Blockade, sir.

George?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Mac?

Blockade, Mr. President.

Ted?

Blockade, sir.

Then it is the,
consensus of this committee

that a naval action
is our most appropriate response.

I agree.

I understand and appreciate
the concerns of all those

who voted for an air strike.

And I assure you,
that if the blockade fails,

I'll take uncompromising action.

My speech to the nation
will be on Monday.

I'll announce the quarantine at the time.

Sir, I believe your speech
should incorporate

a call for an emergency session
of the Security Council.

We must get to the UN
ahead of the Russians.

Tha s very useful State will
work with you on a draft resolution.

And may I add, sir, that whatever
happens at the United Nations

is largely contingent on
the Organization of American States

supporting our action.

Hopefully, the O AS will come
to a vote by Wednesday

before we impose the actual blockade.

May I ask what we'll do
if the O AS doesn't support us?

Are we then going to impose
the blockade and take our case

to the United Nations without
even the semblance of legality,

without the support
of our own hemisphere?

I'll pay any price to get those
missiles out of Cuba.

Then, sir, I don't see how we can expect

the Russians to remove them for nothing.

I s going to be difficult
for the rest of the world,

especially Europe, who understand
our fear of the Cuban bases.

After all, our European allies
have been within easy reach

of Soviet missiles for years.

The world will ask why Soviet technicians

and missiles in Cuba are any more wicked

than our own technicians and
missiles in Turkey and Italy.

And why a Russian base in Cuba
is any wicked

than our own American base at Guantanamo.

Stevenson, are you asserting
that we should trade our Jupiter base

or our Guantanamo base
for the Cuban missile bases?

Are you suggesting there's
a relationship between the two?

The world will suggest it, sir,
and we must have a response.

If the situation were reversed,

the Russians wouldn't hesitate
to use nuclear weapons on us,

and they certainly wouldn't agree
to trade away their strategic base.

If the blockade fails, we'll be forced
either into war or negotiations.

I believe we might avoid the war by
beginning with the negotiations.

I should have thought that Hitler taught
us at least one lesson,

and its name is appeasement.

Negotiating now will weaken
our strategic position

all over the world.

The Guantanamo base is without
strategic significance.

I'll dispute that, sir.

The Turkish and Italian Jupiter bases
are obsolete.

But our treaty obligations are binding,

unless you want to undermine NATO.

Nevertheless, we can negotiate without

losing anything of significance.

Then, sir, what do you suggest
we give away next time?

I am hopeful that we'll live to see
a next time.

Gentlemen I agree that diplomatic
moves are essential,

but we're not going to negotiate
under the gun.

DeGaulle would be quick to say
that we were selling out

the Europeans to protect ourselves.

And the Russians would be tempted

to try blackmail again, elsewhere.

The issue isn't Guantanamo
or obsolete Jupiter bases,

the issue is missiles,
Russian missiles in Cuba,

and they must be removed
and they must be removed quickly.

We've worked day and night
to hammer out a consensus,

and Stevenson damn near blows it.

I wonder if he's really strong enough
or tough enough

to represent us at the UN.

I sometimes think Stevenson is the UN.

Maybe you should replace him
with someone like John McCloy,

a tough Republican.

I don't think that would be
prudent now, Bobby.

If we show any weakness now,

Khrushchev will march through
us like an open door.

Adlai showed courage.

He gave an argument
that needed to be given

and took the risk of being called
an appeaser.

He damn near pulled us off the track,
is what he did.

He wasn't wrong.

Tha s not the point.

You said yourself,
we can't submit to Russian blackmail.

Nevertheless, foreign observers
will ask why we're entitled

to bases in Turkey pointing
missiles at Russia's belly.

Now, I admire what Stevenson did.

He told the truth, and he presented
the diplomatic point of view,

and tha s his job.

His job is to implement your decisions.

It doesn't matter whether
we respect Adlai or admire him,

or whether or not he's even
telling the truth.

Right now, we need the support

of Republicans and
conservative Democrats alike,

who just don't trust his capacity
to stand up to the Russians.

Half the American people

think that Stevenson
should have been president.

Yes, and the other half think
Nixon should have been president.

You're not a Republican
or a conservative,

at least not the last time I looked.

Yes, well, McCloy is available,

and, I think we could use
all the help we can get.

I'd welcome the support of McCloy
and his friends.

I'll ask him to join Stevenson's
delegation at the UN.

Thank you.

Now, I said join Stevenson's delegation.

Yes, Mr. President.

The blockade will form an arch
extending 800 miles

to sea from Cape Mysai,

tha s well beyond the range
of the big fighters in Cuba.

Your designation is Task Force 136,

comprising 13 destroyers
on the forward line,

supported by two cruisers,

flanked by four additional destroyers,

and the guided missile cruiser Kembara.

In support will be the Filabreflex
Invasion Fleet.

By the way, Corky,
three of your destroyers

have just put in from service
with the Sixth Fleet.

The men are on liberty and
hung out over half

the eastern seaboard.

You'll have 24 hours to corral
them and to sail.

So, you will be in position
and close all navigable channels

to Cuba as of ten hundred
this Wednesday, 24 October.

We'll put it down, Skally,

as prediction from me.

Now, we Republicans are going to
pick up four seats in the senate,

and at least, at least 14 in the house.

At ABC News, we keep picking up reports
of major troop movements.

Now, Senator, wouldn't you say
that something

very big is brewing in Cuba,
or perhaps in Berlin?

I think i s all smoke.

The President won't take firm action
this close to the election.

Will you excuse us, please.

I'm surprised you could get away, Ken.

Had to, Governor,
I can't think straight any more.

Anyway, if the administration
misses another clambake,

Khrushchev will know we're on to him.

Cheers.

Would you mind telling me
what the President

thought of my performance today?

He admired your courage.

I hope tha s true.

Most of those men
probably consider me a coward

for what I said today.

Maybe there should be a coward around

when we're talking about nuclear war,

which is what everyone is talking about.

Everyone?

Al Friendly of the Washington Post
and Scotty Weston of the Times

have dug out the story.

Don't ask me how.

They know what our bearded friend
has in Cuba.

Are you certain?

Their questions were considerably
more accurate than my answers.

Damn.

I'll have to call the President.

Excuse me.

This governmen s like a sieve,

i s a miracle we've kept the story
out of the press

as long as we have.

No, no, no, I can't, delegate that job.

I'll I have to
call the publishers myself.

Kenny who's at the party?

Paris, did you say Paris?

The President has made
his decision, Dean,

he prefers the sea route.

Yes, I understand.

He wants you to deliver
the message to DeGaulle.

He feels you're
the only man with the prestige

and experience to confront the General.

Tha s gratifying,
but I don't see how I can.

Dean, I needn't tell you
that we all belong

to the least exclusive club in the world

which also happens
to have the highest dues,

the United States of America.

The President wants you
to fly to Europe tomorrow.

Well, I suppose I'm enough
of a lawyer to represent

a point of view with which
I personally disagree.

I do have one problem.

Wha s that?

My passpor s expired.

The sixth day of the Missiles of October.

The question is whether air strikes
will be more effective

than a blockade.

There is no question about that, sir.

Tha s exactly why I've asked the General

to sit in on that very point.

General, I'm asking you
this question directly;

if you have everything you need,

can you guarantee that air strikes
will take out

all of the Soviet bases?

Mr. President, are you asking me
for 100 percent of the missiles?

Can the Tactical Air Command
take out all the missiles, yes.

Sir, I can guarantee that we can
take out 90 percent,

not 100 percent.

Completely surgical air strike
just is not possible.

We cannot be certain of hitting
every pad, every launch vehicle.

Some might survive, we might miss a few.

And if we miss 10 percent,
that would leave what,

six or seven, operational nuclear weapons

capable of taking out
New York, Washington,

and a few other cities, is that correct?

Yes, sir.

And tha s why we would have to
follow up with an invasion.

Thank you very much, General.

I appreciate your candor.

We're going ahead with the decision
of the consensus.

I'll announce the blockade

in my speech to the nation
tomorrow evening.

Admiral Anderson,
i s all up to the Navy.

The Navy won't let you down,
Mr. President.

Thank you very much, Gentlemen.

Hello, Pierre, did you get your briefing?

Yes, Mr. President.

I had no idea things were this bad.

Aren't you glad you didn't know?

Sir, security is breaking down,

the reporters are seeing
the wrong officials

in the wrong places at the wrong times.

I expect you to keep the lid on
for another 24 hours.

I want to get into this
so-called training exercise.

Mr. Skally,
you have the Pentagon background,

the Fillabriglegs 62
is a training exercise.

It was announced long ago.

Can you tell me why thousands of Marines

were suddenly air lifted
from California to North Carolina?

Tha s part of the exercise.

I have a report that this morning
destroyers from Norfolk

and Jacksonville suddenly put to sea

with crews that were
all but commandeered.

I s my understanding that
the seas off Puerto Rico

are unexpectedly heavy.

The Navy had to make
some destroyer reassignments.

Pierre, off the record,
isn't it true that -

No.

Thank you, gentlemen.

Mr. Salinger, Mr. Salinger -

The language of the speech
is too general.

The President must be more explicit.

He should demand that the Russians
dismantle the missiles.

The President is locked up
with Sorensen right now.

I'll get a message to him
as soon as possible.

Doug, when are you scheduled to
leave for Mexico City?

15 minutes ago.

The President may need your support

for the National Security
Council meeting.

I'll delay my flight.

Good, that would be best, thank you.

Now le s get a hold of Salinger,

we should hear what he's arranged
for the Foreign Language broadcast.

And Dean, I want to get
into the machinery

of briefing the allied
and neutral governments.

I can assure you that every capitol
in the world is being informed.

What do we hear from London?

Bruce is scheduled to meet with
McMillon within the hour.

The President is anxious for
DeGaulle's reaction as well.

Acheson should be with him now.

Your President does me a great honor

sending me so distinguished an emissary.

Thank you, General DeGaulle.

Mr. Acheson, are you consulting me,
or informing me?

Informing you.

You may tell your President
that France will support him.

I think that in the circumstance,

President Kennedy has no other choice.

From what altitude were these taken?

Fourteen miles.

Why, in your opinion,

did the Soviets take this action?

They gambled, sir.

Without cause?

I s perhaps not flattering to
my own government

for me to say that the Soviets have been

led to believe they could
get away with it.

Fourteen miles, remarkable.

Mr. President,
State wants the speech revised

to base our legal right to quarantine
on the hemispheric right

to self defense through
the Organization of American States,

rather than on Article 50
of the UN Charter.

The U-2 surveillance flights
have been increased

to seven per day.

This allows the hands at
San Cristobal are now operational.

Mr. President, you'll meet with
the National Security Council at 3:00.

It would be unwise to cancel
the courtesy call

of the Prime Minister of Uganda at 3:30.

The cabinet meeting has been arranged
at 4:00.

Mr. President, your address to the nation

is scheduled on all three networks
at 7:00 p.m., Eastern Standard time.

In accordance with your directive-

pursuant to your orders-

Following your request-

Under your instructions-

I understand you had a problem

collecting the congressional leaders?

Yes, most of them had to be air lifted.

Have they, been tipped off?

Hopefully, no.

Mr. President,
I'll support what you're saying tonight,

but I want the record to show
that I've been informed,

but never consulted about
this important decision.

Congressman, I appreciate your support.

I don't want to criticize
at this grave hour, Mr. President,

but some of us have been warning

about the Soviet military preparations
in Cuba for months,

and you've consistently denied our
charges and refused to take action,

until now, you present us with this -

this - this calamity.

The charges were neither documented
nor proven.

Well, now that they are documented
and proved,

I wonder if your action is adequate
to meet the provocation.

Mr. President.

Senator Russell.

I must say I couldn't live with myself

if I didn't speak out
in the strongest possible terms.

It is vitally important that
we act with greater strength

than you are contemplating.

Let me say again,
I plan to do everything necessary

to protect our country.

With all respect,
a blockade is a halfway measure.

It will alienate our allies

while doing the communists
no tangible harm whatsoever.

Mr. President,
we have to destroy those bases.

Senator, i s still possible
that we can resolve this matter

without a devastating war.

And I won't launch such a war
lightly, I assure you.

Once there's an attack,

our enemies could respond
with a missile barrage

from Cuba alone that would kill
80 million of our people,

80 million.

Mr. President.

Senator Fulbright.

Your entire constituency
could be wiped out

in the first 30 seconds.

I won't associate myself

with what has been said here.

Since it will be necessary to strike
Cuba and to invade it,

I think we should do so now, quickly

with the overwhelming power
which is still ours.

Let me get this straight
you're for an invasion of Cuba, Bill,

you and Senator Russell here,
is that correct?

Regretfully, Mr. President,
I think that your plan

for an embargo will fail in the end.

You know what they said in there,

oh, sure, we support you, Mr. President,

but i s your decision, not ours.

And if things go wrong,
we'll knock your block off.

Maybe I ought to let them have
this lousy job.

I s too late for that now.

Have you ever noticed
when there's a large group of them,

they always follow the leader
with the biggest bomb?

Good evening, gentlemen.

Good evening, Mr. President.

I substituted strike for wipe out,

and deleted the reference
to mega tonnage.

Thank you, Ted.

Thank you, Mrs. Lincoln, thank you.

Thirty seconds, Mr. President.

Will I hear the introduction?

Yes, sir.

Speaking from the White House,

the President of the United States.

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised,

has maintained the closest surveillance

of the Soviet military buildup
on the island of Cuba.

Within the past week,

unmistakable evidence has
established the fact

that a series of offensive missile sites

is now in preparation
on that imprisoned island.

The purpose of these bases
can be none other

than to provide
a nuclear strike capability

against the Western Hemisphere.

Acting, therefore,
in defense of our own security,

and under the authority entrusted
to me by the Constitution,

I have directed that the following
initial steps be taken.

First: To halt this offensive buildup,

a strict quarantine shall be imposed.

All ships of any kind bound for Cuba
will be turned back

if found to contain cargoes
of offensive weapons.

Second: I have directed the increased

close surveillance of Cuba.

Third:
It shall be the policy of this Nation

to regard any nuclear attack
launched from Cuba

as an attack by the Soviet Union
on the United States,

requiring a full retaliatory response.

Fourth:
I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo.

Fifth:
We are calling for an immediate meeting

of the Organization of American States.

Sixth: We are asking tonight
for an emergency meeting

of the Security Council
of the United Nations.

President Kennedy has gone mad.

Seventh and finally:
I call upon Chairman Khrushchev

to halt and eliminate this clandestine,

reckless and provocative threat
to world peace

and stable relations
between our two countries.

The cost of freedom is high,

but Americans have always paid the price.

And one path we shall never choose

is one of surrender, submission.

Our goal is not the victory of might,

but the vindication of right,

not peace at the expense of freedom,

but both peace and freedom,
here in this hemisphere,

and, we hope, around the world.

God willing, that goal will be achieved.

The eighth day of the
Missiles of October.

The US Tactical Air Force command

from commanding officer
47th Attack Squadron,

all aircraft fully ready,
fully armed, and on air alert.

Gentlemen, as a result of yesterday's
U-2 flight,

we've counted 42 medium-range
nuclear missiles unpacked,

in position on erectors,
and prepared for launching.

Also, there's detailed evidence
that elements of the surface

to air missile system are operational.

Yes.

Yes, thank you.

George, what have you got?

Still nothing from Khrushchev,

no statements or military moves
anywhere in the world.

Why hasn't Khrushchev moved?

Russia's been caught
with its missiles hanging out,

they're stalling in order to
look like honest,

peace loving citizens,

while we shape up like
outrageous militarists.

General, what happens if one of our
U-2 planes is shot down?

We knock out all their SAMs.

Massive air strike.

We're sending our men up,
we have an obligation to protect them.

Yes, just as the Cubans feel an
obligation to shoot them down.

Bob, how long will it take
to launch a retaliatory raid?

Two hours.

Very well, we're not going to overreact.

If one of our U-2's is hit,

we'll knock out the appropriate
SAM installation.

But no such attack will occur

until all of the facts
have been verified,

then only on my specific orders,
is that clear?

Yes, Mr. President.

George?

Yes, sir.

The State Department will have to
arrange for regular consultations

with all of the ambassadors from
the NATO countries.

Yes, sir.

We're going to have to
prepare on the assumption

that Khrushchev is going to
move in Berlin

before this thing goes much further.

Mr. President,

Khrushchev's response is coming in now.

President Kennedy of the United States

last night announced that he had
instructed the United States Navy

to intercept all ships
proceeding to Cuba.

Undertaking such a gamble,

the United States is taking a step
on the road

of unleashing a thermonuclear world war.

United States usurped the right
to attack ships

of other states on the high seas,
that is, to engage in piracy.

We hope Chairman Khrushchev
has not made a miscalculation,

that he has not mistaken forbearance
for weakness.

We cannot believe he supposes

that though we have power we lack nerve,

that though we have the weapons
we will not use them.

The lmperialistic forces of
the United States

seek to dictate to Cuba
what policies she should carry through,

what her domestic order ought to be,

what weapons she should use
for her defense.

But who gave the United States
the right to assume the role

of master of destiny over
other nations and other people.

Why should Cuba settle
its internal affairs

not at its own discretion,

but so as to please the United States.

We hope, we pray,
that the worst may be avoided,

that the Soviet leadership
will call an end

to this ominous adventure.

Cuba belongs to the Cuban people.

Only they can be the masters
of their destiny.

President Kennedy assumes
a grave responsibility

for the fate of peace.

He is recklessly playing
with nuclear fire.

When the hell are we going to hear from

the Organization of American States,

how long can Adlai extemporize?

They're voting now.

Ted, I've been hearing that for hours.

Mr. President,
each of the Latin American ambassadors

has to call back to his capitol
for instructions.

But I thought you arranged for
special lines, Pierre?

Yes, sir, I did,
but some of the ambassadors

haven't been able to get through yet.

My dad should have bought
the telephone company

when he had the chance.

Mr. President.

Le s have it, George.

The O AS vote is complete,

Latin America voted 19 to nothing
in favor of our resolution.

Congratulations, George.

Tha s marvelous.

Congratulate Ed Martin and Rusk for me.

Even Bolivia went along,
and only Uruguay abstained

because the ambassador
couldn't get through to Montevideo.

Pierre, turn up the tube.

Yes, sir.

Stevenson doesn't seem to know
about the O AS vote.

- is not that it is revolutionary,

not that it is socialist,

and not even because Dr. Castro
perverted a noble revolution.

We object because he has aided
and abetted an invasion

of this hemisphere.

Wha s going on up there?

Stevenson doesn't seem to know
about the O AS vote.

Dr. Castro has given the Soviet Union

a bridgehead, and staging area,

and has invited an extra continental,

anti-democratic expansionist
power - excuse me.

All right, Harlon, he just got the note.

Thank you.

I have just been informed
that the Organization of American States

this afternoon adopted a resolution
by 19 affirmative votes

calling for the immediate dismantling
and withdrawal

from Cuba of all missiles
and other weapons

with any offensive capabilities.

This is a solemn and significant day

for the life of the United Nations,

and for the hope of the world community.

Let it be remembered not as
the day when the world

came to the edge of nuclear war,

but as the day when men resolved
that nothing thereafter

would stop them in their quest for peace.

Dear Adlai,
I watched your speech this afternoon

with great satisfaction.

I s given our cause a great start.

The United States is fortunate
to have your advocacy.

You have my warm and personal thanks.