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This is a Norwegian prison cell. Here,
prisoners have their own bedrooms,
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with their own TVs, their own desks, their
own bathrooms, and their own showers.
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12 hours a day, they can leave the cell
and do whatever they want: exercise,
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cook, play sports or video games, and more.
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It’s strange, comparing this
to an American prison cell.
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Here, two prisoners share a bunk. There is
no TV, no desk, no shower, no…amenities.
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Here, prisoners have only a few hours
of leisure time and spend much of their
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days working for corporations
for less than $1 per hour.
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So which works? One way to measure it:
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how often prisoners, once they’re out,
end up back in after committing more
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crimes. In Norway, the rate is 25%.
In America, it’s 76%.
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And this difference adds up — fast.
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If only one out of every four prisoners
in America stays out of prison,
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the population grows and grows and grows.
Add in the fact that the average American
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prison sentence is 32 months — four times
longer than Norway’s 8 — and it’s easy to
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see how America has one of the highest
incarceration rates in the world.
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You might think, well, bad guys *should* stay
in prison; it keeps us safe. But if that’s how
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this worked, why is America’s homicide
rate still 8x higher than Norway’s?
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Because this is about punishment,
and this is about rehabilitation.
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Maybe that sounds like a
liberal fantasy. After all,
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how could playing video games be rehabilitative?
And maybe this is just a product of a different
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culture in Norway. At least, that’s what I
thought when I started digging into this.
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But then I learned two crucial
things. First, in the 1980s,
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Norway’s rate of ex-cons returning to prison
was as high as 80%, higher than America’s,
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and crime there was twice as common as it
is today. (A, xv; R) It’s not as though
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Norwegians have crime-resistant
antibodies in their viking blood.
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They did something in the
1990s that changed everything,
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and that’s the second thing I
learned. Norway had a revolution
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in prison philosophy that’s about so much
more than leisure time and video games.
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I discovered four really thoughtful and
unconventional ideas that define their approach:
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Fengselsbetjent, Normalitetsprinsippet,
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Fengselsstrappen, and—perhaps the
most important secret weapon—Samfunn.
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So I’m gonna dig into those four
concepts and explain how they work,
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because I’m convinced they *do* work,
not just on Norwegians, but on humans.
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Along the way, I’ll be honest about the
serious challenges facing the Norwegian
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system. How does it handle illegal immigrants?
Is it just too expensive? Can other countries
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really use this? And above all, how
does this system cope with a mass
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murderer like Anders Breivik—who killed
77 people in Norway in one day in 2011?
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So, this is how Norway did it:
how they reinvented the prison,
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their secret formula for success,
and the big challenges still ahead.
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As a matter of fact, Norway’s prisons used to look
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just like *this*. So how did Norway get
here? This paper explains everything,
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and it holds many of the secrets that make
Norway’s prisons work. It’s a study commissioned
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by the government in the 1970s, about how
to fix the country’s broken prison system.
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You see, not long ago, Norway’s prisons were
basically stuck in the mid 1800s. Back then,
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Norway built their first formal
prisons or penitentiaries. The
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philosophy of these institutions
was that though isolation, prayer,
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and bible study, criminals could see
their errors and change themselves.
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But 100 years later, it was becoming
clear that penitentiaries just didn’t
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work. Intensive isolation produced
madness as often as enlightenment,
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and by the 1970s, things were getting bad.
The country was urbanizing. Crime was rising,
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and without functional prisons, reincarceration
rates climbed too. Prisons became incubators for
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more crime, and many Norwegians could see
this old approach just wasn’t working. (B)
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So, the government commissioned
this report. Inside,
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the findings and the recommendations were
radical. Instead of individual moral sin,
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the report blamed systemic social ills
for most crime. Instead of physical
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or spiritual punishment, the report
recommended sympathetic rehabilitation.
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When the Justice Minister Inger Louise Valle
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presented it, she was nearly laughed out
of Parliament by her own party. (A, 39; C)
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In the end, her reforms were
ignored, so in the 1980s,
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things got worse. Crime rose further,
as drug use and trafficking exploded.
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Recidivism reached rates of 80%. Norway
wasn’t safe. Neither were its prisons.
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In 1989, a guard was killed
by an inmate. Two years later,
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it happened again. While many could tell
Norway’s penal philosophy wasn’t working,
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nobody felt it like the prison guards. To
them, change couldn’t come fast enough.
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So in the 1990s, they looked back
at this report, found some lessons,
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and catapulted Norway’s prisons out of the
1800s with the first of four principles:
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no more fengselsvakt — no
more prison guards. (A, 39-40)
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In place of the fengselsvakt would
be fengselsbetjent. Prison guards
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were now prison officers. But this
was much more than a name change.
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Instead of merely enforcing
punishment and restrictions,
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the prison officer was tasked with
actively facilitating rehabilitation.
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That required three big changes: education,
contact officers, and dynamic security.
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For education, in Norway they have a university
specifically for prison officers. Here,
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they spend two full years with pay studying
psychology, criminology, law, human rights,
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and ethics. Before this, prison guards
had only a nine-week training course.
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In America, many states require four weeks or less
of training. Some only require 48 hours. (P, Q)
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According to Harald Føsker—who directed Norway’s
prison officer university for 30 years—the
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objective is to produce officers who can “handle
the responsibility that is entailed in having
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power…[and who have] the belief that people can
change their pattern of action.” (A, 19) By the
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way, I want you to remember this guy,
Harald Føsker. He’s going to suffer a
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terrible catastrophe later, and his perspective
is really important. But first, let’s continue.
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Now, the fengselsbetjent is not responsible
for rehabilitation. That lies with the
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prisoner alone. But the well-educated prison
officer can support that process. To that end,
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every prison officer also serves as a contact
officer to at least one inmate. Kind of like
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guidance counselors, they help inmates navigate
their time in prison, advise them on their life
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plan after release, and even assist them
with job and housing applications. (A, 16)
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For this relationship to be productive,
Norway employs one of its strangest tools:
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“dynamic security.” Imagine security in
an American prison. What do you picture?
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Guards standing on elevated walkways,
watching with guns in their hands, ready
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to unleash a hail of rubber bullets. Punisher
tattoos. An iron first. They are enforcers.
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In Norway, however, prison officers aren’t
armed with guns. They don’t stand aloof,
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stepping in only to intervene or to punish.
Instead, they walk among the prisoners.
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They join them in workouts. They eat their
meals together, play soccer and video games
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together. Dynamic security means living with the
prisoners, joining them in their daily activities.
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This may sound crazy, but it allows officers
to establish relationships vital to really
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understanding the inmates—their strengths,
weaknesses, personalities, and risks. (A, 15) And
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this completely turns the traditional
prisoner-guard relationship on its head.
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Yes, the prison officer is still an
authority figure. But he’s like a mentor,
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a colleague. A boss you can play pick up ball
with. A teacher you can talk to about real life.
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Above all, dynamic security introduces the
inmates to normal daily interactions with
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normal people—rather than criminals. Which is
also why you heard that right; many Norwegian
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prisoners cook their own meals and play video
games. Giving prisoners access to kitchen knives
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and a playstation might sound indulgent or even
dangerous, but outside of prison, this is normal.
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And that is the second of
Norway’s four genius principles:
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normalitetsprinsippent, or
the normality principle.
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According to Are Høidal and Nina Hanssen—authors
of The Norwegian Prison System—the normality
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principle is “the idea that life inside
prison should be as close as possible to
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life in the community.” (A, xvii) Four standout
examples show what this means in practice:
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bedrooms, political rights, skills
training, and community contact.
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First, the bedrooms. Norwegian prisoners have
their own cells, frequently with their own
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bathrooms, showers, televisions, desks, and
more — just as normal people do in the normal
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world. This affords them not just privacy,
but responsibility for the maintenance of
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their own spaces—a crucial skill for living an
upright, organized life once released. (A, 47)
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Norwegian prisoners also have the same
political rights as any other citizen.
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Convicts retain the right to vote and receive the
same social services everyone in Norway receives:
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healthcare, education, and more. The point
is not to cast criminals out of society.
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It’s to train them to participate
in it peacefully and productively.
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And you can’t do that if you don’t
treat them like fellow citizens. (A, 99)
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Of course, that means learning to
work productively too. At Halden,
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one of Norway’s newest and most famous
prisons, most inmates go to work each morning,
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partake in recreation in the afternoon,
and are not locked up again until 8:30 at
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night. Like cooking for themselves, this
builds normal and healthy daily routines,
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and it even builds real qualifications to
work as mechanics, carpenters, or chefs. (D)
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And lastly, prisons seek to maintain
inmates’ connections to their outside
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communities. Prisoners are allowed
regular conjugal visits, and at Halden,
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fathers in prison can even reserve a separate
cabin within the prison to stay privately with
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their family for up to 48 hours. Maintaining
social bonds improves re-entry into society and
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preserves community ties which are essential to
avoiding reincarceration in the future. (A, xvi)
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It can almost seem like this obsession with
“normality” is an attempt to make prison not
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a punishment, but this is a mistake. In Norway,
the principle is that the prison sentence—the
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loss of liberty—is itself punishment
enough. Beyond this, there’s no reason
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to seek to make someone’s life miserable.
In fact, that’s just counter-productive.
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As Are Høidal, co-author of this book
and director of Halden prison points out,
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“In Norway, all will be released — there are no
life sentences. So we are releasing your neighbor.
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If we treat inmates like animals in prison, then
we will release animals on to your street.” (D)
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That’s why people like Høidal prefer not to call
the prison sentence by its literal Norwegian name,
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“fengselsstraffen.” Instead, they prefer,
“fengselsstrappen”—“prison staircase.”
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Because a time in prison is not a sentence
to be served out. It’s a transitional period
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from social dysfunction to social function—a
staircase from one place to another. That is
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why the fengselsstrappen is the third Norwegian
prison principle, and this is what it means.
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Norway has three types of prisons: closed prisons,
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open prisons, and transitional housing. Closed
prisons are typical prisons—walls, fences,
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etc—albeit with all of the odd Norwegian
additions we've been talking about. Open
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prisons allow inmates out into the community
during the day. And transitional housing allows
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inmates to live independent lives with some
restrictions and monitoring by social workers.
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On their own, these categories aren’t all that
unusual, but it’s how Norway uses them. Here,
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the plan is for *all* high-security prisoner to
eventually take steps down the fengselsstrappen,
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down the staircase, to lower security institutions
before release. On top of that, Norway also uses
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ankle-bracelet location monitoring as an
even less life-disruptive correctional tool.
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Not only does this graduated process
ease the transition back into society,
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ask yourself—if the prison can’t move
someone into a lower security facility,
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how can they release them into the public? (A,
7) Norway is so confident in the fengselsstrappen
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that—unlike in many American states—ex
cons aren't required to disclose their
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criminal history on job applications, except
for some sensitive jobs like school-teachers.
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And it’s easy to see why, when only one
in four will return to a life of crime.
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Of course, this transition can still be rocky.
Employers do discriminate, if they suspect
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applicants are former prisoners. Worse, debt and
economic despair frequently accompany and motivate
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criminality. When someone is sent to prison for
8 months—the average Norwegian sentence—interest
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on their debts continues to grow. And though they
retain rights to vote and receive social services,
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Norwegian convicts lose any government pensions
they might have, while they’re in prison.
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All this should combine into a serious economic
hurdle that drives up the rate of reincarceration,
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but this is where Norway’s fourth
principle comes in. It may be the
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country’s most essential secret ingredient
in this whole recipe: *samfunn*, or society.
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Norway has a high trust society. They
have an extensive welfare state that
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provides for citizens from cradle to
grave—from family leave to education,
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from labor laws to medical treatment, all the
way to generous government pensions. Across the
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political spectrum people believe in providing
for everyone; not just for some. (E, F, G) This
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*is* subsidized by Norway’s oil wealth, but
Norwegians also pay high taxes, and other
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less-resource-rich Scandinavian and European
countries have similar social philosophies.
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And this egalitarian *samfunn* or society picks
up a lot of the slack for those who have trouble
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finding their feet outside prison. Though not
omnipotent, the social safety net significantly
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reduces pressure to return to crime to make ends
meet, and volunteer organizations like Nettverk
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etter Soning—”Network After Prison”—help
bridge the gap that’s left. (A, 77)
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So I’ve led you on a little bit.
I’ve made it seem like if only
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we copied the Norwegians systems—the
fengselsbetjent or prison officers,
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the normalitetsprinsippet or normality principle,
and the fengselsstrappen or prison staircase—we
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could turn our prisons from hellscapes of rape
and gang violence and criminal incubation into
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idyllic institutions. Of course it was never going
to be that simple. Norway’s genius prisons are
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downstream of Norway’s healthy *samfunn*. But that
society isn’t perfect and neither are the prisons.
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Rates of suicide in Norwegian prisons are
very high: out of every 100,000 prisoners,
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as many as 180 may kill themselves. In the United
States, it may be as low as 24 per 100,000. (I)
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For this, you can blame a small sample size
but also probably the greater independence
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afforded to Norwegian prisoners. That’s
also probably why drug use remains a
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big problem in Norwegian prisons,
compared to other countries. (A, 59)
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Norway also continues to practice solitary
confinement more than most European peers.
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However, it is used far less than in
America, and—unlike in America—there
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are extensive rules surrounding when it
can be used and for how long. (A, 57-63)
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Moreover, what seem like smart solutions
in the Norwegian system may sometimes
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be counter-productive. Ankle bracelet
monitoring has become much more common,
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but this practice has removed a lot of lower-level
offenders from the prison system, who were helpful
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in generating normality in the prisons
compared to more serious criminals. (A, 83)
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There’s also, of course, the cost.
Norwegian prisons are expensive;
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it’s no surprise. Here, imprisoning
one person for a year costs about
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$100,000, on average. In America, the
cost varies wildly across the country,
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but on average is probably close to
$40,000: less than half Norway’s spend.
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Increased rates of immigration have
also caused difficulties. Norway
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spends so much on its prisoners because
they want to make good neighbors. But,
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what if a criminal is to be deported,
rather than become someone’s neighbor?
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In recent years, the percentage of the prison
population that is foreign born has increased,
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reaching 25% today. (A, 21) Though most have
legally migrated from elsewhere in the EU,
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approximately half of this 25% will be
deported at the end of their sentence. (K)
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That’s why Norway imprisons most illegal
migrants at a special facility near Oslo
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that lacks many of the humane features
that characterize their other prisons.
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Yet these challenges are not fatal.
Immigration is a thorny issue in every
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democratic society—not just Norway, and hardly
just in their prisons. And while Norwegian
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prisoners are two-and-a-half times as expensive
as American prisoners, that’s leaving a lot out.
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America imprisons people ten times more
often than Norway does. (H) In prison,
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they serve four times longer. And when they get
out, they’re three times as likely to return.
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Put all that together, and suddenly Norway’s
approach doesn’t seem so expensive after all.
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Yet there is a deeper problem, beyond mere
practicality. Even in the progressive Norwegian
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system, prisons are still a place of punishment.
That punishment may be limited—restricted as
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much as possible merely to deprivation
of liberty—on account of “human” rights.
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But what do you do with the criminal who seems
almost…inhuman? In 2011, Anders Breivik bombed
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a government building in downtown Oslo.
At the same time, he traveled to a youth
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summer camp on an island and executed dozens
of teenagers. He killed 77 people in one day.
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In court, Breivik disputed the
label of “child-murderer” by saying,
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“I killed no one under fourteen.”
He called his murder spree,
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“sophisticated and spectacular” and
justified it as a response to, “feminism,
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gender quotas, … the destruction of social
norms, … [and] multicultural ideology.” (L, 441)
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How do you deal with someone like this, when
you have no life sentence? No death penalty?
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How could he ever be someone’s neighbor again?
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In Norway, they sentenced him to 21 years,
the legal maximum sentence. In prison,
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he has a private multi-room apartment. In
his abundant free time, he plays video games,
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composes musings on white racial supremacy,
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and concocts ludicrous faux old norse names for
himself. (M, N) He will never be rehabilitated.
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But even Breivik does not pose a fatal
challenge to the Norwegian system. Because
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that 21-year maximum sentence can actually
be extended indefinitely every five years.
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It’s unlikely he ever sets foot outside
those walls again, and that’s a good thing.
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But perhaps you still feel something
is missing. I know I do. I want someone
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like that to suffer. The idea of
him enjoying himself, *at all*,
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is honestly disturbing. But what
right do I have to say what is just?
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Remember this guy from the beginning of the
video? His name is Harald Føsker. He directed
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Norway’s prison officer university for 30
years and said his mission was to train
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officers who believed that “people can
change their pattern of action.” (A, 19)
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He’s wearing those dark glasses because in
2011, he was blinded by a bomb in downtown
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Oslo planted by Anders Breivik. This man lost his
sight and spent months in a hospital because of
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Breivik. Yet when he was face-to-face with
Breivik in court, Føsker still defended the
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Norwegian prison system and said, “I haven’t
changed these attitudes and values.” (A, 49)
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And, in the end, *that* is the secret. *That*
is how Norway has the world’s softest prisons
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and also one of the safest societies. Because
Norwegians *believe* in their prison system,
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in rehabilitation, even when they are faced with
some of the most barbaric cruelty imaginable,
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because they believe in and trust each other.
Norway’s humane prisons work because they’re
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an extension of a humane society built on a
foundation of sincerely held public values.
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In America, as many as one in five inmates
may be raped in prison. Three in four will
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return to prison within five years. Few will ever
be granted a real opportunity to re-enter society.
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We have a broken system. I do believe
that if America adopted some of Norway’s
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practices—the fengselsbetjent or prison officers,
the normalitetsprinsippet or normality principle,
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and the fengselsstrappen or prison staircase—these
strategies would do real, lasting good to many.
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But they alone can't *truly* fix the inhuman
prison regime we have in this country,
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because they are all downstream of Norway's
society, its *samfunn*. Theirs is a system
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that asserts, in every facet of life,
from welfare to prisons, that a human
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being deserves to be treated as human,
and as equal to all fellow humans.
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00:22:04,000 --> 00:22:06,800
As the prisoner-turned-statesman Nelson Mandela
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said, “No one truly knows a nation
until one has been inside its jails.”
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00:22:11,600 --> 00:22:17,680
To reform America’s broken prisons, then,
means to reform America itself. A tall task,
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00:22:17,680 --> 00:22:21,331
to be sure, but taking some
notes is a good place to start.
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### Postscript + Sponsor Read
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And we don’t have to start with prisons. I
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about how we document, interpret,
and use evidence of police power,
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and what reform means in America. I really
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