Original subtitles

It was the most serious suspension of the democratic rights of a country to occur aftert he Second World War.

Do you know what it feels like to have a piece of your life taken and thrown away?

A law enforcement officer takes me to this room.

He pushes me against the wall

and starts kicking me on the legs, punching me...

He takes a truncheon and starts beating me with it.

I cover my head, so he starts beating me on the back.

Two or three of us had our period, so we asked for sanitary napkins.

We were thrown balled up paper instead.

"Your mother's a whore! You know that tonight we're going to go kill your mother!"

The night they took us and locked us in our cell, they gassed us.

A uniformed Carabiniere held me while another person, in plain clothes,

with longish hair and earrings in both ears,

carried out a kind of ritual on me:

He made the sign of the cross on my forehead and mouth,

then he hit me violently on my temples with his fists.

He did this a couple of times, almost making me pass out.

They even made a person fall out of his wheelchair,

and walk and drag himself along.

Many of the people mocking and torturing us were health workers,

who, in some cases, beat their patients.

They insulted us in everyway.

They made up songs I'd never heard, believe me.

"One, two, three, long live Pinochet;

four, five, six, we'll get the Jews with sticks;

seven, eight, nine, the nigger is no friend of mine".

I hadn't gone down to join the protest.

They took me from the campsite.

That was my crime: Taking part in the protest in spirit.

During the night I heard...

blood-curdling screams,

people crying and screaming...

it was, I don't know, an inhuman sound.

As soon as we got out of the police car,

we went into the Bolzaneto Carabinieri station.

There were 4, 5, 10, I'm not sure how many, law enforcement agents there, I didn't really count.

Right away they told us: "Welcome to the Bolzaneto Residence".

If they're really closed, we'll kick their asses, no matter what.

Costa, this is Zazzaro,

you have to go straight to the students' residence, without making any stops.

Forget everything else, go straight to the students'residence,

get them and we'll beat the shit out of them!

Attack them! Attack them with your vehicles, please.

Go with your vehicles and attack them!

If they arrive, you have to charge at them!

JULY 20 PIAZZA DANTE

On the aftemoon of July 20, the GSF held thematic protests in various squares,

where the different GSF member associations

organized a protest against the G8, in their own peculiar way,

which is always absolutely non-violent.

JULY 20 PIAZZA PAOLO DA NOVI

In Piazza Paolo da Novi, there were 2-3 groups.

You could see that some of the people had just arrived by train,

and were eating and drinking in bars, because some bars were open.

From the windows, you could see that there was no one around. There were very few people in the streets,

Corso Buenos Aires was completely deserted.

There was a group of young people, all dressed in black, wearing hoods and so on,

who were very calmly and painstakingly ripping out

the metal fencing around the park

and digging to take out cobblestones, cement fragments, etc.

They did it in silence. From what I heard, they seemed foreigners.

I believe they were Germans, fort he most part.

We've decided that this protest will only feature political issues.

No conflicts.

This is the square... it says!

- Hello? - How can I help you?

I live in Piazza Giusti, they're wrecking everything!

Do we have to put up with this any longer or are you going todo something about it?

Ma'am, the issue isn't what we should do about it.

You're not involved, so you can't ask me to do something about it.

That's how it goes in Italy, it's crap!

You can't take it out on the police if Italy is crap.

Hello, good moming, are you going to send someone?

They're burning everything here in Via Tolemaide!

- They'rewrecking everything! - I know, we'll fix it all afterwards.

I'd like to know why people are making a mess here in Corso Sardegna

- and there isn't a single police officer?! - Nobody's coming, Ma'am? I guess that means...

I don't give a shit, I mean, they'redestroying, they're razing Corso Sardegna to the ground!

In Via Tolemaide they're ruining everything. Are you going to send the fucking police or not?

People are rloting out here, can you tell me what to do?

Please send the fucking police, when the fuck are they getting here?

Those raving lunatics are passing by, they're already throwing trashcans in the air.

Ma'am, we know that already, we have the situatlon under control, thank you!

You're welcome!

Raise your hands, raise your hands!

JULY 20 PIAZZA MANIN

Our aim, in Piazza Manin,

was to make an absolutely peaceful stand.

The people who took part in this demonstration were amazing:

There were parents with their children in strollers, disabled people in wheelchairs.

It was a cheerful demonstration.

Raise your hands!! Hands up!!

At one point, we were told the Black Bloc were on their way.

Right after that,

we saw the police coming towards Piazza Manin by the main road.

And in that moment I thought to myself:

"The police are here to protect you, don't worry.

I mean, they're here to protect us."

However, the visual impression they gave was very different.

I mean, when you looked at them you thought: "They're going to attack us!"

As a matter of fact, a few minutes later, they charged at us.

We were just standing there, peaceful,

many had their hands painted white, raised in the air.

The police started throwing teargas at us, then they charged.

I stayed home, while Marina was in Genoa at the time.

Those of us who hadn't been able to go to Genoa

were going to meet up in one of Trieste's main squares

One of the strangest things that happened

was when mobile phones started ringing all over the square

and everyone started telling everyone else what their friends in Genoa were telling them

about what was happening there in realtime.

We heard what was going on:

"The vans are coming, they're advancing,

they fired teargas. We're trying to get away,

we can't move, there are too many of us."

"Some people are being trampled."

"Here come the cops, They're beating us!"

"Can you help us?"

"Can you do something from Trieste?"

In that moment, all of us in that square were experiencing this battle in first person,

even though it was being fought on the other side of the country.

Unfortunately, while trying to clear the road, I slipped towards the left,

where I was pinned against a low wall.

I was on a very crowded sidewalk,

so it was impossible to get further out of the way.

The people next to me were pediatricians, colleagues of my wife's.

They said: "They hit Marina with a truncheon?!

That's like beating up Mother Teresa!"

I saw a policeman, or rather I smelled him,

I could smell his sweat under his helmet.

I heard him growl.

There's no other way to describe the noise he was making.

He was growling like an animal on the hunt.

To me that was really a sign of absolutely gratuitous violence.

I mean, it's an image, a smell that I will never forget.

20 LUGLIO STADIO CARLINI

I was a bit surprised by the atmosphere in the Carlini Stadium,

partly because it was like a sort of big open-aircamp site.

There were people waking up there and then, others were having breakfast.

In some parts ofthe stadium, some sorts of seminars were taking place,

about peaceful demonstration,

the typical non-violent resistance, or civil disobedience.

In other parts there were members of the Tute Bianche

who were preparing their demonstration equipment, their protective gear.

We positioned ourselves towards the front of the march,

right behind these huge Plexiglas shields,

which were supposed to be a symbolic barrier, little more.

Being Members of Parliament, we acted as mediators

between the demonstrators and the law enforcement agents.

A Venetian Digos agent approached us saying:

"Please stop, don't go any further".

And this, I must say, definitely changed things,

especially in our perception of what was about to happen. A clear perception change.

We felt the rhythm change.

Right after that, the Digos agents disappeared,

and we saw smoke rising. So we went closer. A car was on fire.

The demonstrators didn't set this caron fire!

We have to get away from here, fast,

because we have the police on our left.

If something happens... when you have 6-7,000 people

in a bottle neck that has no side exits on the right or left, then you have a problem.

I thought to myself:

"If something were to happen now, it would be a massacre."

The social centers' march started from the Carlini Stadium,

and had the authorization to go to the end of Via XX Settembre.

When it got to Via Tolemaide, it fell into a trap.

They've attacked the Carabinieri contingent in front of you.

There's a group in front of you, you have to... you have to catch them.

I requested permisslon to charge a group.

It was like being at war.

Teargas came from all over the place.

Sometimes I raised my head and had the impression

they were throwing the canisters from helicopters.

It was utter chaos.

We were marching in front of the parade, our hands raised,

they came out ofthe side-street and threw teargas canisters at us.

They threw them at us!

The bastards threw them at us, and we had our hands in the air!

It was really weird. The gas didn't just burn youreyes.

It wasn't just a matter of: "Hey, my eyes burn",

it was a stinging and burning pain,

it bumed your skin and made you feel sick, nauseous, it made you faint.

You couldn't see anything.

Throwing wate ron your face made it worse.

I saw some fellow protesters try to rinse it out with water and lemon juice,

to keep their eyes open, but it was impossible.

At certain times,

the saturation level was so high that masks weren't enough.

So, a couple of times, both that day and the next,

I had to take it off because I couldn't breathe.

I saw uniformed people do the same.

They were clearly feeling sick, throwing up ordry-heaving.

I left 37% of my lungs in Genoa,

so, this gas clearly damaged me.

Attentlon! Let's try to make some arrests...

let's try to take some people away.

Let's try to take some prisoners.

Keep it up!

In the distance, no more than 260-330 feet away, I saw two Guardia di Finanza officers,

one of them shot at head height, 3-4 times.

I said to the people around me:

"Watch out, they're shooting rubber bullets".

Even now, 10 years later,

I still doubt whether those were rubber bullets. I still do.

To get away from the police who were charging us, I hid in a company's courtyard.

But the Carabinieri came to get me right away,

while I was helping an injured person who needed some water.

The Carabinieri took me and some other people, 3 other guys

who were arrested at the same time as me, to a van.

They kicked me in the groin

and they took my camera and a couple of lenses I had, and destroyed them.

Catch him!

There were many of them on heror him,

they were violently beating heror him up.

People at their windows were saying: "Stop it, stop it!"

The policeman I was interviewing,

who had recognized me as a memberof the press,

because I was asking questions and because of my badge, shouted at me:

"Do you see those people overt here? Do you see them?

Tomorrow morning there are going to be rows of dead bodies, we're going to kill them all!"

He was referring to the demonstrators, of course.

The hospital was in chaos.

I heard the doctors and nurses talking to each other.

I heard what they were saying, about a doctor who had been shoved hard into the elevator

by a police officer

and about a male nurse in another elevator,

who had a gun pointed against his throat by a police officer.

If police officers do something like this to public officials,

such as doctors or nurses in a hospital,

what will they do to the people I see next to me,

who are being guarded and will clearly be arrested?

What are they going do to them when they're alone with them?

What kind of violence will they subject them to?

Run, go on!

JULY 20 PIAZZA GAETANO ALIMONDA

5:27 P.M.

A dozen people came running,

they were in bad shape, there was also a Spanish guy.

They were saying that someone had been killed nearby.

The Spanish guy's head was bleeding, so another guy took his t-shirt off,

we ripped it up, and I wrapped it around his head,

because he had a cut on the head, and I tried to stop the bleeding.

He said they'd killed his friend Carlos.

Film that! Over there! Oh my God! Fuck! There's a guy on the ground, oh my God!

No!

No, fuck!

Bastards!

JULY 21 BOCCADASSE

The demonstration on the 21 was a party,

until the repression in Piazzale Kennedy.

It was really cool to see nuns

marching with the guys from the social centers, the WWF, the fair-trade groups.

It all started with the Boccadasse parade, along Corso Italia,

and forme and many others like me it ended in Piazzale Kennedy.

JULY 21 PIAZZALE KENNEDY

The march was interrupted in Corso Italia,

on the sides and, especially, on the front, right before it entered Piazzale Kennedy,

on the road that goes downhill from Corso Italia to Piazzale Kennedy.

That's where many clashes broke out,

and the non-violent, peaceful march was trapped because of these clashes.

I saw the police, the Guardia di Finanza and Carabinieri

keep on beating people with truncheons behind me,

pushing them against the walls on the right side of Corso Italia.

In front of me and on my side, I saw them beating up the wounded.

I just wanted to... I approached them, empty-handed,

to tell them that children were beingtrampled on.

What I'd call a touching episode

that probably illustrates the atmosphere that reigned in those few days,

involved a police charge.

I don't Know why it happened, whether they had been provoked,

but they charged a group of demonstrators that mostly comprised

parents with their children, with or without strollers.

In the stampede set off when the police fired teargas,

we found a little girl who was crying her eyes out,

and her parents weren't around, or maybe they were, but we didn't know where.

Since the police was very close by then,

a group of us decided to go towards the beach,

where people were swimming and sunbathing.

A man realized what was going on, he saw me running with the little girl in my arms,

so he told us to run towards a boat.

We got on, the girl still crying, then he took the boat out to sea.

We were all shocked and stunned that something like that could happen in Italy.

There were hundreds, thousands of protesters on the beach

who had escaped from the violence,

and thought they were safe.

But suddenly, something surreal happened.

The Guardia di Finanza arrived by sea with landing craft,

the hatches opened and they came ashore, it was like a real landing, almost like the Normandy landings.

The Finanza officers came ashore to rush the protesters on the beach.

JULY 22 ARMANDO DIAZ SCHOOL APPROXIMATELY 12:30 A.M.

A FEW HOURS EARLIER...

The Diaz-Pascoli School

was the Genoa Social Forum headquarters.

In some rooms, there were lawyers working.

So, dear listeners, it's official, I'm inside,

I'm in the courtyard, we don't know what's going to happen here.

Let's try to do something, let's try not to lose control.

They're attacking the Media Center in Via Cesare Battisti, here in Genoa.

There were about 50 computers in the school.

In our room, there were 6, and the only three that were damaged

had been assigned to the legal consultants.

The other three were the members of the press'.

So, who ever did that knew exactly wha the was afterand where to find it.

They knew where the legal consultants' computers were.

They're trying to breakin.

They're trying to breakin.

Dear listeners, they're trying to break down the door

behind which we have barricaded ourselves.

I don't know, we're trapped.

We'll try to keep you informed.

We're filming everything, the lawyers are on their way!

We're filming everything!

- Shit, we got out ofthere... - We're filming everything, do you hear us?

Police...

Do you know they've attacked the young people here in the Diaz School?

They've attacked the people?

They've attacked the young people here, in the Diaz School.

- Yes Ma'am, we're on ourway. - Oh my God, yes!

The officers came in through the front door, running, shouting...

they immediately started beating who ever was

in front of them with truncheons, kicking them.

Most of them were standing or sitting down, all with their hands raised up in the air.

Many were shouting: "Non-violence!" In different languages.

The beating up started right away.

From the inside it looked just like an absolutely gratuitous punitive expedition.

While I was on the ground, one ofthe policemen stopped hitting me, and

at a certain point he poured stinging gas on my wounds and in my eyes.

Then he started insulting me, saying things like:

"Anarchist bastards, I'm goingto kill you all!"

Then he asked me to beg for mercy, he said: "Beg for mercy, you bastard!"

At that point, obviously, I did as he said,

and he kept on hitting me with his truncheon.

But he wanted the satisfaction to hear me say it.

We saw everything from the windows!

They went in and threw people out, hitting them with truncheons.

From this school's windows we saw

people fall under the police officers' truncheons in the other school.

- Hello, is this the police? - Yes, how may I help you?

I wanted to Know if you're trying to kill the pacifists, or what? I mean, what's going on in the Diaz School?

Why? What's happening? What are you talking about? Please explain.

They're beating up our friends from the Genoa Social Forum till they bleed!

- I Know nothing about this, ma'am. - I'm telling you.

Aren't you at the police headquarters?

Yes, this is 113, it's the police headquarters.

They're beating them up till they bleed. I don't know, shouldn't you be doing something?

- I don't know where they are, Ma'am... - They're at the Diaz. - I don't know whether they're pacifists or not.

Tune in to Rai 3, those are our pacifist friends with blood on their faces.

- All right... - Do what you can.

Murderers! Murderers, murderers, murderers!

Shame on you!

You should be ashamed, you bastards!

The doctor who came to the Diaz School,

gave me a checkup and told me I had a huge cut on my forearm,

the bone showed through it.

At the time it looked like the bone was fractured, as well.

I believe the injury was caused by a Tonfa truncheon used upside down.

We actually laterleamed that this T-shaped truncheon

has a metallic part.

If the tonfa is used in that way, the metallic part will cut through the flesh.

So I'm pretty sure that was the cause.

What struck us most was the sense that the hospital was being occupied.

And the smell of blood...

The strange thing was that the police, or law enforcement officers,

seemed to be sent into a frenzy by the smell of blood.

They had this weird light in their eyes, I don't know how to explain it.

They looked like they were on drugs, I guess that's the only possible explanation.

The first attack on me...

was a blow to the shoulder blade.

I was surrounded by Canterini's front rank, there was nowhere to run.

I was shouting: "Journalist, prensa, stampa!"

I tried to escape out of this circle,

but it was impossible to run anywhere.

There was a policeman shouting at me, saying:

"You are no journalist, you are Black Bloc. We are going to kill Black Bloc!"

Then I knew I was going to be in a lot of trouble.

Then I was pushed up against the wall of Diaz-Pertini,

by the front gate, kneecapped and put on the floor.

And that was the first attack.

What you also have to understand is that there was this incredible noise around me,

with over 300 policemen surrounding me at this stage.

I also saw one of the police vans come forward

and begin to ram the gate of Diaz-Pertini

to try and get in.

As that was happening, I was attacked for a second time.

A policeman came up from the southern end of Via Cesare Battisti,

kicked me in my ribs, kicked me out into the street.

I was surrounded by many policemen,

they started again with football, basically,

and I was the football.

Covell arrived during the night in an unmarked ambulance.

The staff on board was uniformed,

I have no idea if theywere police, Carabinieri or whatever type of law enforcement officers.

One of them stated that Covell was a drug addict

with withdrawal symptoms.

In spite of that, the doctors did everything they had to do,

and they found he had a collapsed lung and several injuries.

A couple of minutes later,

another policeman came up from the southern end of the street,

and as you will see very shortly, I was smashed over the head,

put into a coma

and at the same time another policeman kicked me in my mouth

and took out the majority of my teeth.

And Ithen slipped into a coma for 14 hours.

This is a global movement.

A universal movement that was actually able to unite

the various demonstrator movements from different countries and continents.

The movement's message is very simple:

We support the globalization of human and social rights

and we are against a kind of globalization

that, instead, worships money and is based on the rules of trade.

There were nuns and the guys from social centers.

There were Combonians and the main trade unions.

This amazing mixture of people, so strong and determined,

was saying that traditional democracy was over,

that political parties were out of the game,

and that they were, then and there, creating new forms of democracy.

Unfortunately, Genoa, from this point of view, was the peak,

and at the same time also the breaking point.

I believe there wouldn't have been as much strength in Genoa

without the first World Social Forum in Porto Alegre,

which sparked this protest, telling us that

we can create a new democracy in this way,

a form of community that is different from those so far Known,

different from those that 20th century politics have handed down to us.

So what was the message they wanted to convey,

with children on their shoulders and so on?

That's the big question.

Dear G8 leaders, isn't it a cynical pretension

for you to keep telling us that there is no other possible world but yours?"

Before the events in Genoa,

the Black Bloc were pretty much unknown here in Italy.

They made their appearance as organized groups in Northem Europe, most of all.

In the mid-1970s, in Brokdorf, in Northern Germany,

they were building a nuclear power plant.

There was a call for demonstrations against the construction of the plant,

which were initially peaceful,

but the German police reacted harshly, with extreme violence.

The protests continued,

and at those events we began to see large groups of demonstrators

wearing black in order to be recognized.

The groups were close-knit,

we could call them 'assault troops',

that detached themselves from the protest

in order to target certain economic power symbols,

such as banks, luxury boutiques and shopping malls.

The German media were the first to call these black-clad groups

"Der Schwarze Block", the Black Bloc.

Their targets are always places like banks,

McDonald's and Esso gas stations.

They never target anything that is not on their lists.

They don't know each other personally, only via e-mail,

they prefer to work incognito, without knowing each other,

so that nobody can betray the others.

It's a very closed off group, which is why they don't trust Italians at all.

They say they are non-violent and sometimes they even say they are vegetarian!

The Black Bloc... or rather the tactics derived

from the German experience in the 1970s and 80s,

are used in these demonstrations

to transform mostly peaceful protests

into urban guerrillas,

whose only aim is that the media notice them,

and show the footage incessantly on the news.

The real intent of the protest is therefore ignored,

while the Black Bloc's vandalistic and violent acts

are emphasized and glamorized.

SEATTLE 11-29-1999 WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION SUMMIT

PRAGUE 09-26-2000 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND AND WORLD BANK SUMMIT

NICE 12- 07-2000 COUNCIL OF EUROPE

NAPLES 03- 16-2001 GLOBAL FORUM ON E-GOVERNMENT

All the demonstrators protesting against the Global Forum on the public administration,

which at the time was being held in Naples, all converged in Piazza Municipio.

There were also children with what I believe were their parents or teachers.

It was a typical Italian demonstration,

with balloons, colorful banners, slogans, tambourines and so on.

The square was full, totally full of law enforcement officers who were overly excited,

and I had the impression that they were under the influence of chemical substances.

I'm not saying that they were on drugs or anything,

but they looked like it. I don't know what was going on,

maybe it was just adrenaline and pure rage.

In any case, they were wide-eyed and there was a stench of testosterone in the air,

it was unbelievable.

They were like huge human gorillas waving truncheons around and shouting.

These groups of protesters, who were singing and shouting,

even though there had been no episodes of violence in town,

were practically squeezed in a vice,

and forced into a situation they could not escape from.

And they were literally slaughtered.

They practically completely surrounded us under the Maschio Angioino.

Because of my lower limb hereditary spastic paraplegia,

as well as my eyesight problems,

I was clearly at a disadvantage compared to the others.

First of all, it was more difficult for me to find the closest way out,

and, second, I was obviously slower than everyone else because of my problems.

When they were done beating me up,

a Carabiniere came back and held my head up by the hair,

and looked at me for a few minutes, I think.

I though the was going to spit on me.

At a certain point he hit my left eye with his truncheon.

My right eye is atrophic, physical.

So, if you look at my face closely for a couple of minutes,

you can tell that one eye is functional and the other isn't.

So I interpreted this gesture as a way to do me even more harm, to punish me, I guess.

Using Naples as a starting point is important

in order to examine the continuity of the governments.

Because I think, if I'm not mistaken, that at the time of the event in Naples,

we had the Amato administration in Italy.

And in Naples the repression was incredibly violent,

it was really a tactically premeditated act.

I had the feeling they were taking dissension repression up a notch.

Well before the Genoa G8, I thought it was like a dress rehearsal for the Genoa protests.

For what concems their organization, the various law enforcement units

- police, Carabinieri and Guardia di Finanza -

were intentionally organized in a very peculiar way.

Each corps created units comprising officers from various stations

specifically for the event and broke them up afterwards.

Why did they do this?

Because that way it's more difficult

to identify the officers and, especially, to trace the chain of command.

This was done fort he first time in Naples, and repeated in Genoa.

Some ofthe things that happened in Naples were also very serious.

It was the first time that an escape route for the demonstrators

in the event of a police charge was not contemplated.

This had never happened before, and it is not provided for by law and order regulations.

When dealing with protests, it doesn't matter if they're violent or not,

you should try to disperse the protesters and arrest some of them, who are considered the organizers,

not clash with the crowd.

Naples was a starting point fora new method.

But saying that Naples was a template for Genoa,

or that there is a continuation between the two, is taking it too far.

What happened in Naples has further, rather than different, causes. I don't want to say different.

There were further and partly different causes compared to the case in Genoa.

Going beyond that would be opening up a whole new can of worms,

so it would be best not to.

Something else happened, that was later replicated on a larger scale at the Bolzaneto station.

The judges documented and issued charges for episodes of torture

that were carried out in the Carabinieri and police stations.

They took us to the Raniero police station.

There were loads of us, at least a hundred people, I'd say.

They asked us to line up, standing against the walls.

After we'd been standing for a while, I thought I'd slump down to the floor.

A guy close to me had the same idea,

and he was told to stand up

by someone pushing a truncheon under his chin.

This is just to say that after all the beatings and everything we'd been through,

they continued to use extremely violent methods in the station as well.

GOTEBORG 06- 15-2001 COUNCIL OF EUROPE

There were a lot of protesters, demonstrators, coming to Goteborg,

from all kinds of organizations.

It all started in the evening with youths sitting down,

having a very friendly street party.

After a while they were surrounded by police,

and the police chain let through a handful of neo-Nazis,

that started to fight with the party people.

People remained calm but the police pressed on,

attacking with dogs and so on,

and after a while the people started reacting,

out of fright and anger.

It was very clear, even from police statements,

that the police surrounded the party first, and then came the riots.

In Goteborg, there was even a "planned death",

as luck would have it, though, nobody died.

After being surrounded by the police,

the police shot a young boy, right down on the street.

The pictures show very clearly that there were about 30 policemen

facing this one young person,

and they all had guns, the police, and he had only a small stone.

He was not a threat.

The demonstrator was 19 years old, his name is Hannes Westberg

and he was very close to dying, because a main artery was slit open by the bullet.

The following day, a special force with machine guns

and covered faces attacked a school.

Very young peaceful demonstrators were either sleeping or sitting, playing cards,

and they scared the shit out of these young people,

dragged them out on the wet, cold schoolyard,

and forced them to lie down for a fewhours.

The global justice movement succeeded in stopping the WTO meeting

and closed it down entirely.

And that became an alarm clock, of course, for the National Security Agency.

The Western countries, not least the United States of America,

had an immediate interest, of course,

in finding ways to destabilize and discredit the movement,

before it became too strong a political force,

also in spiring increased resistance in the South

against the Westem hegemony.

In early 2001, approximately a year after the Seattle demonstration,

a period duringwhich many anti-globalization protests took place in most countries,

the EU and G8 countries held a meeting, or various meetings,

where they carefully planned out

how the demonstrations must be dealt with.

Specifically regarding Europe and the preparations for the G8 summit in Genoa,

Gianni De Gennaro, the Chief of the Italian Police, was appointed coordinator of repressive activities.

In particular, the US intelligence favored De Gennaro

and favorably viewed a coordination of the repression.

How is the use of law enforcement planned out?

Mention is often made, for example by COPACO,

the parliamentary intelligence services watchdog committee,

such as in Iraq or Afghanistan, of public law and order management.

A number of things come to light from this, which tell us that nothing is left to chance.

There is a direct command, which is the State Police.

The Chief of Police manages public order and commands not only the police

but also the Carabinieri, Guardia di Finanza, and any other corps that might be involved in the protests.

Each step is planned out.

Violently repressing demonstrations,

up to the point that people are injured if not killed,

can be useful in operations that aim to terrorize the protesters.

The tension that had flared up in the weeks before the G8 summit in Genoa,

definitely influenced the way events occurred.

An element that certainly contributed to this tension

was the rumor spread amongst police forces

that there was a document written by public security institutions,

which looked authentic,

and was written in the same style as genuine, similar documents,

but was later proved to be false.

That document stated that during the Genoa demonstration, someone would die.

This was the tension that characterized the lead-up to Genoa.

Police workers went to Genoa

under this media bubble

that anticipated clashes.

They also had professional training that,

based on this panic building,

made them prone to clash with demonstrators.

I remember that on this occasion police officers

received a new type of truncheon,

and they were trained to use them by two American instructors.

They used CS-4 teargas,

which is classified as a weapon of mass destruction

and known to cause cancer.

The Red Zone concept practically meant that

the demonstration would firstly involve the entire city,

and would gradually be squeezed into a small area.

At the same time, law enforcement officers would surround a smaller and smaller area,

until they reached the stronghold.

G-8 LEADERS SUMMIT

This was the mistake they made:

Setting up an extemal and therefore hostile stronghold,

without integrating the people in attendance or the demonstrators.

It was separate, hostile, opposed.

On one side ofthe Red Zone, today,

there will be a suspension of our rights, it will be a military zone.

On the other, a multitude of men and women will be demanding rights!

It is not enough to contemplate a purely military preparation.

It's much better to conceive some sort of intelligence management,

so to collect information before hand, and jointly manage the protest

together with those organizations that will bring peaceful demonstrators

to the public square.

In order to understand what happened in Genoa,

we can't neglect the political dimension.

It was the summerof 2001,

on the eve of what the Berlusconi administration feared would be a "hot autumn".

They still lived in the shadow of the 1994 government falling

under the pressure of the protests over pensions.

Therefore, I think it is plausible that, in order to avoid

a similar pressure by the demonstrations in autumn,

it was necessary to delegitimize the protests,

starting with the G8 protests in Genoa,

make an example of it and send this message to the moderates:

Protests are dangerous. Stay away.

We were actually prepared for a "battle of position",

but what we found were fringes carrying out an urban guerrilla,

and in Genoa those fringes were the Black Bloc.

A few months before the July summit began,

the police headquarters in Genoa received a file called

"Information regardingthe anti-G8 protests".

Apparently no one ever read this file,

because it was a complete and incredibly detailed list of all those fringe groups

and individuals that would be coming from Italy and the rest of Europe.

I remember reading passages that said:

"Three people from Vercelli, four from Pavia,

six from a town near Nuremberg in Germany."

The list was so detailed

that I guess the intelligence agency knew

name and address of every person who was going.

No checks were carried out, there were no filters,

so they all arrived undisturbed.

The police training before the Genoa summit definitely

had military overtones.

Right before the G8 summit, the Deputy Police Chief

was put in charge of organizing intelligence services.

At the same time he was removed

from his post as Deputy Police Chief.

Nobody knew this, the Deputy Chief himself was unaware.

He only found out afterwards.

This is emergency number 112, would you...

I know! Cut it off! Put me through on a direct line with our operations room!

Sir, you have to use their direct number,

we are unable to communicate with them in anyway.

Their command is unable to communicate with them.

The lack of operations rooms that were able to communicate simultaneously

and quickly with all the law enforcement units involved,

Carabinieri, police, Guardia di Finanza as well as the fire department,

and the absence of laryngophones in the gas masks

made operative responses difficult and uncoordinated.

This resulted in a higher risk of errors

when carrying out orders regarding public order.

The Police Reform Act, law number 121 of 1981,

aimed at providing the public with a worker, not a separate corps,

but an organization or institution of officers

that the public was to regard as defenders

of their rights and interests.

Practically all the images from the G8 summit do not mirror

the kind of police officer described in Act 121.

For example, I'd like to mention the fact that, in training, the officers were made to march

beating their truncheons on their shields.

These images symbolically evoke soldiers going into war, not a civil situation war like intentions.

I was just wondering why groups whose only enemy is supposed to be liberalistic globalization,

didn't carry out a single action

against the Red Zone during those days in Genoa.

Not once.

They were abundantly seen in action wrecking shop windows,

cars, ATM machines and banks,

while law enforcement officers looked on with indifference.

Indifference is actually an understatement.

On Thursday night a policeman asked me:

"Do you want to know where the beatings will take place tomorrow morning?"

It was clear as daylight that I wanted to know! That's why I was there!

I suspected he might know, but I didn't think he actually knew, because he wasn't a clair voyant or anything.

So he said: "Tomorrow at noon come to Piazza Paolo da Novi,

and you'll see the beatings start."

That morning I got to Piazza Paolo da Novi a little before noon.

The square was full of demonstrators.

They belonged to the school COBAS, the school trade unions,

their average age was 50, more or less.

Precisely at noon, just like the police officer had told me,

the Black Bloc appeared.

They wrecked a bank,

and the many policemen who were there,

did nothing to stop the devastation.

Many people were shouting:

"Stop them, don't allow them to go on!"

I saw one of these people get hit with a truncheon for doing so.

I therefore suspect there was a collaboration between various individuals.

The Black Bloc finished their job and the police charged.

But they didn't charge against the Black Bloc.

They charged against the COBAS and they beat them up, of course.

On the Terralba bridge, the parked cars had been wrecked by others,

not the Black Bloc,

but those who followed them.

I'm undoubtedly referring to uniformed officers.

- Did you call the police? - Yes.

- And what were you told? - The operator said I was right to be angry.

I told her "We're here, in the devastated supermarket,

people can go in and out as they please and we can't stop them".

So what did the operator say?

She said: "I understand, but we can't intervene".

Why didn't the police intervene?

What do they think? Do they think this means demonstrating? This isn't a demonstration.

Protesting is one thing, and it's our right to protest, but what is this supposed to mean?

The victims of these acts of vandalism are people who react

against the govemment and the promoters of the protest and so on.

So, in my opinion, any outsiders

who would have gained from the protest failing,

or painting a poor picture of Italy,

had the chance and means to send certain people there.

For what kind of reward? Even money.

On Saturday, July 21, director Davide Ferrario contacted me, saying:

"I have footage that shows the Black Bloc in action,

and then hiding behind the law enforcement ranks."

Years later, when they published the content of several phone calls

made to the police emergency number and other law enforcement numbers,

a peculiar recording stood out.

A police official called an executive saying:

"The leader of the GSF, what's his name, Agnoletto,

a few minutes ago showed some footage on television and made certain statements."

So the high-ranking police executive said:

"How is that possible?" "Yes, he accused us of infiltrating people"

- I was in fact suggesting there were infiltrators-

"We have to publish a press release".

And the official who called him said:

"Yes, let's do that, but keep in mind that in the footage,

under the Black Bloc members' clothes,

you could see the police insignia".

A young guy came into the ER,

he was dressed in black, with cargo pants and a Calvin Klein t-shirt,

very close-fitting, and I remember you could see the crease, showing it had been carefully ironed,

and a red and black bandana around his neck.

We were trying to separate demonstrators from law enforcement officers,

we were putting them in different waiting and examination rooms.

When it was time to decide where to send this person,

two uniformed officers, I believe they were Carabinieri, came up to us and said: "He's a colleague of ours".

I happened to be inside the Fiera del Mare,

where they set up the station in charge of managing public order during the G8 summit.

I was there because a friend of mine, a joumalist,

had been arrested simply because he was dressed in black.

Nobody noticed that I wasn't supposed to be there,

so I was free to observe what was going on there and who came in and out.

There were young guys coming in and out.

From the way they spoke, I gathered they were German and French.

They were dressed like demonstrators, not necessarily in black,

they wore t-shirts and bandanas and so on.

They were carrying metal bars.

They would speak with the Carabinieri and go back to the square.

What is noteworthy is that, in all these demonstrations,

including those in Genoa in 2001,

there is evidence, even footage, that shows an increase in the use of Black Bloc tactics

by covert police units and special forces.

In Seattle, for instance, the Combat Applications Group was made up of US Army Special Forces.

Rather than infiltrating the groups that during the demonstration imitate Black Bloc tactics,

they are real paramilitary units in black camouflage,

that appear in all summits involving the World Trade Organization,

the International Monetary Fund or the G8 group.

The "swarming"technique, as we call it, as it suggests a swarm of bees,

was used by the Mongols in battle.

They wouldn't deploy 50 thousand soldiers directly against one million, in battle.

This was the usual ratio.

They would create small units and have them attack from all directions,

concentrating around the enemy, and then immediately dispersing.

This technique, or tactic, was used in almost all the major demonstrations.

The briefing documents also contained a sensitive passage

regarding Italian far-right groups infiltrating the demonstration.

There is a paragraph about 25-30 members of Forza Nuova

who were expected to come from Piedmont, just forthe fun of wrecking the city,

and neo-Nazi groups from Germany.

A couple of guys who were arrested during the G8 riots

while they were stealing from a supermarket that was being looted,

were identified as German Black Bloc members,

and were found in possession of rolls of film.

The police obviously printed the photographs

to see if there was any evidence of crimes being committed during those days.

As a matter of fact, some photos portrayed the Genoa lootings,

but some pictures that had been taken before had been taken in a German city, probably Nuremberg,

at what was clearly a neo-Nazi meeting.

There were flags with Celtic crosses on them, posters celebrating the Reich...

...it was clearly a Nazi meeting these guys had attended

a few days before going to Genoa forthe G8 summit.

In order to thwart the Black Block howerer ravaging businesses in Piazza Giusti,

the 3rd Carabinieri Battallon Lombardia was deployed,

under the command of Public Security Executive Mario Mondelli.

It was 2:30 P.M.

The contingent was in front of police headquarters.

It takes ten minutes to walk from there to Piazza Giusti, and two by car.

In the meantime, the Tute Bianche were marching down Corso Gastaldi.

The Carabinieri, under Mondelli's command, had to hurry up,

in ordert o avoid intersecting with the demonstrators.

20 minutes passed.

The riots moved on from Piazza Giusti to the Marassi Jail,

an 8-minute drive from police headquarters.

In spite of the operations center's insistence,

Mondelli and his men did not leave headquarters.

In the meantime, the Tute Bianche reached via Tolemaide.

Only when the march was about to reach Corso Torino did Mondelli make his move.

Instead of going straight to the Marassi Jail, he turned in Via Invrea,

and made the vehicles move at a crawl.

When the Carabinieri reached the junctlon with Via Tolemaide, the Tute Bianchewere very close.

The clash could still be avoided.

All the Carabinieri had to do was to keep on going their way.

Instead, Mondelli ordered his men to turn towards the demonstrators

and fire teargas at the crowd,

which was peacefully marching towards the Brignole statlon.

As we know, the State police is in charge of public order,

and in key events such as these, the Chief of Police has direct control over public order.

It is therefore inconceivable that the Carabinieri, who were moving toward Via Tolemaide,

ignoring the orders given by police headquarters,

were doing so of their own free will.

Clearly, if they ignored the police headquarters order to go to another site,

it's because someone higherup gave them different orders.

What was their target? In my opinion, they were targeting the demonstrators

who were going to Via Tolemaide from the Carlini Stadium,

because they were considered the most radical protesters.

A direct action against that march, which was authorized,

would have certainly provoked a reaction, and inevitably riots.

And as a consequence of that kind of situation

it was plausible that even in Genoa someone would die.

Murderers, murderers!

You bastards! Look at what the fuck you've done! Bastards! You bastards!

In Piazza Alimonda, Carlo Giuliani died from a gunshot to the face.

The demonstrators weren't even supposed to be in Piazza Alimonda.

Actually, the Carabinieri weren't supposed to be there either.

As a matter of fact, the authorized march route

was supposedto go along Via Tolemaide towards the Brignole station,

without turning onto side streets, which were considered escape routes in the event of clashes.

It was around 5 P.M. On July 20.

For almost two hours, the Tute Bianche demonstrators

had been confronting the law enforcement officers

who had been charging them,

until they were forced to use the side streets, the escape routes,

which, however, were guarded by police and Carabinieri.

The side streets all lead to Piazza Alimonda, where the demonstrators weren't supposed to go,

and neither were the Carabinieri.

But the Carabinieri had already been in Piazza Alimonda and the surrounding area

before the protesters.

A Carabiniere's helmet camera footage

clearly shows them "searching and clearing" the area, as they say in military jargon.

At that time, there was only one person in the area,

who was beat up and forcefully dragged away.

A special Carabinieri unit was on site, whose acronym is hard to pronounce: CCIR,

which stands for Carabinieri Contingent for Decisive Intervention.

It's the Tuscania Carabinieri Regiment, known for carrying out military operations abroad,

under Lieutenant Colonel Giovanni Truglio's command.

Why should they"clear"the area

if the demonstrators weren't even supposed to go to Piazza Alimonda?

When the law enforcement officers decided to charge the demonstrators, the riots started.

If this were a war-game, we would say that the enemy was ambushed.

But in this case the ambush was real.

This is no game.

Another out-and-out battle broke out,

in which the protesters were surrounded and forced to defend themselves.

They also tried to build makeshift barricades.

There were two Carabinieri jeeps.

In an attempt to make a hasty retreat with the whole Battalion,

the jeeps were clearly experiencing problems,

and were exposed to the demonstrators' rage.

The first jeep made its escape,

but the second one, issued to Lieutenant Colonel Giovanni Truglio

and driven by conscript Carabiniere Filippo Cavataio,

was apparently blocked by a garbage bin.

It must have been a very heavy bin, if a powerful Defender couldn't move it.

Another one of the story's main characters enters the scene at this point.

His name is Attilio Re,

and he lives on the first floor of a building in Via Caffa number 5.

He had been observing the scene for the past half hour from behind his apartment windows' shutters.

He did more than that. He took pictures.

In one of those pictures, you can see a Carabiniere hiding behind that same damn bin.

Is that why Cavataio didn't shift into first gear to get away like his colleagues?

It was around 5:20 P.M.

At this point, the jeep was completely surrounded by the demonstrators

who were attacking the Carabinieri inside.

A wooden beam was thrust inside the jeep from the backleft window.

Other protesters were throwing objects against the jeep.

At the same time, nearby, a Carabiniere on foot, probably Lieutenant Nicola Mirante,

the one with two stars on his helmet,

gestured wildly to capture his men's attention.

The uniformed officers should have been in the square to make sure nothing serious happened.

For example, to avoid that a Carabinieri vehicle should fall into the hands of enraged demonstrators.

Actually, at that point, the protesters were surrounding the jeep,

even though a hundred Carabinieri were only about 65 feet away.

Only 65 feet away.

One hundred uniformed, fully-equipped men,

trained to drive back a few individuals surrounding a jeep.

Just 65 feet, in order to avoid a gunshot exploding into a young man's face.

Film that!

Oh my God! Fuck! There's a guy on the ground, oh my God!

No! No, fuck! Fuck! Bastards!

In the story I'm about to tell,

a young man is killed with a stone, not by a bullet shot by a Carabiniere.

This is the story of a stone and a young man,

and also the Deputy Police Commissioner Adriano Lauro.

Lauro accused a protester of killing the young man with his stone.

You killed him! You bastard!

You killed him with a stone! You piece of shit!

You killed him, with your rock!

Catch him!

Yet the law enforcement officers, Carabinieri and police,

chased him for a few feet, then let him go.

And when the first Carabiniere approached the young man's body, there was no stone.

It only appeared by magic next to Carlo's smashed head lateron.

His skull was smashed.

You can reach your own conclusions.

It was just after5:20 P.M.

The gun appears in the jeep almost straight away.

In this picture we can see a Carabiniere loading the weapon.

Mario Placanica, the Carabiniere who confessed to killing Giuliani,

states that he acted in self-defense.

He'd seen a guy holding a fire extinguisher.

In this picture, Carlo represents a danger,

because he's practically inside the jeep.

But in this picture, taken by journalist Marco D'Auria,

you can see that Giuliani is over 13 feet away from the jeep.

Taking into account the extinguisher's weight,

the distance from the jeep,

and the small size of the back window,

Carlo should have been a world champion of fire extinguisher throw to strike his target.

Could he really have been a threat fort he Carabiniere?

As we can see in the picture,

the weapon was loaded before Carlo picked up the extinguisher.

But that's not all.

It was pointed at the guy in the blue sweatshirt,

who had a rockin his hand and was closer to the jeep compared to Carlo.

In the meantime, Carlo still wasn't holding the extinguisher,

as a matter of fact, we can see in this picture that he was looking down,

at the extinguisher on the ground.

The people surrounding the jeep saw the gun and ran away.

As a matter of fact, the next picture portrays the guy in the blue sweatshirt running away,

tripping, perhaps on that same extinguisher that Carlo was about to pick up.

Placanica says he fired his gun in self-defense.

But these pictures tell another story.

Let's examine the position of the Carabinieri inside the jeep.

The pictures have always portrayed three people:

Carabiniere Filippo Cavataio at the wheel and two others in the back.

One is crouching on the car floor, his knee is bent

and he's resting the gun he's pointing at Carlo on it.

The Carabiniere pulls up the jacket sleeve of the other Carabiniere,

who is in the back ofthe Defender.

It seems like he's trying to get a better look.

The second one, above him, as you can see from these pictures,

has his hands on his head and is facing the other way.

Placanica has always said that he had pulled the trigger.

But when he testified regarding his position inside the jeep, he gave different versions.

According to the most relevant one,

he realized his colleague had been injured, so he shielded him with his body.

But if he was the one on top, how could he have been the one to shoot?

Clearly, the one underneath is the one shooting.

There are also other elements that cast doubts on the identity of the shooter.

The profile of the officer covering his ears, who is clearly on top,

is very similar to Placanica's profile.

The evening of July 20, only Placanica and Cavataio's names were known.

The third Carabiniere's identity was only disclosed the next day.

It was conscript Carabiniere Dario Raffone.

But Raffone and Placanica look amazingly similar.

And this was confirmed by a forensic anthropologist

who studies physiognomy.

So we can safely say

that we will never be able to tell who the third man is, based on the pictures.

Some clearly saw one ofthe shooter's eyes behind a balaclava,

which is only issued to officers.

Others didn't see the balaclava at all.

The truth is that it's impossible to see who the shooter really is

from the pictures that have so far been published.

And we must also consider Placanica's final version.

He states that he shot the gun in the air.

If that's true, who killed Giuliani?

Law enforcement officers state

that they brought Placanica to the ER right after the event.

Here he is.

The photographer who took this picture confirms this version.

But the Galliera hospital admission form says something completely different.

The time was also confirmed by the hospital executives we interviewed.

It was almost 90 minutes later.

Hadn't Placanica himself stated that he'd been seriously injured?

In another trial, Cavataio testified that he'd received orders to go to the Fiera,

the law enforcement headquarters.

Accordingto him, that is where Placanica received first aid.

This version also sees Placanica being brought to the Galliera hospital only later on.

If this version is true,

what did Placanica do for more than an hour before being taken to hospital?

On May 5, 2003,

Pre-Trial Investigating Judge Elena Daloisio dismissed the proceedings for murder,

stating he acted in self-defense.

No trial was held for the events that occurred in Piazza Alimonda.

What's amazing is that both the Giuliani family and Mario Placanica want to go to trial.

They want the investigation to go all the way.

The accused and the accusers both want the same thing, but they can't have it.

Why not?

Could there be something that should not be uncovered?

Or made known?

I got a phone call from General Donnini,

who was our coordinator with the police headquarters.

He said: "Look, there are some terrorists, and so on, you have to intervene with the Special Unit".

"Go to headquarters, you'll find someone waiting for you".

I went to headquarters, where there was a meeting

chaired by the Deputy Chief of Police.

Everything was already planned out,

everyone knew what to do and not do.

During the meeting, I initially asked:

"Where are they? In a school?"

"Do we have the blueprints or something,

so we can understand what the place is like, how to get in and what to do?"

"No, but some men are already there..."

I wasn't going to insist too much, I was merely a Colonel at that time, he was a Deputy Chief.

He said: "Don't worry about it".

So I said: "If there are people barricaded in the school,

why should we break down the doors and get in?"

"Let's just fire 3-4 teargas canisters, nothing serious,

just to smoke them out without poisoning anyone".

He said: "No, we have to gather evidence,

and confiscate the objects they have on them".

In the end, I had to hurriedly get my men on the vehicles, each with an executive on board.

When we got there, we approached the front doors

and there were people throwing stuff at us from the upper floors, but we had protective shields.

As you can see from Hamish's video,

nothing is being thrown from the windows,

no rocks, no tables or chairs or anything.

In fact, you should notice that all the lights on the first floor are switched off

because pretty much everyone was asleep at the time when the raids began.

We broke down the door and went in.

Canterini's task was to go in, I don't know if he was supposed to be the first to go in, but he had to go in.

What is certain is that in a black and white footage taken, I believe, by Indymedia,

that we managed to watch later on, you can see that Canterini still hadn't entered,

but from the back lit shadows in the windows,

policemen were already beating people up with their truncheons.

It was impossible, even during the trials, to retrace all the policemen's individual responsibilities,

because some of them were wearing bandanas over their faces.

There were 4-5 police officers, I couldn't be more precise.

Two were in plain clothes,

one or two were wearing the Flying Squad uniform with the typical white belt,

and they were doing something they weren't supposed to do.

I mean, once they had neutralized the threat,

they kept beating up people who were already injured.

I wondered why they might have wanted to display tormented bodies

in front of the Diaz School, people bleeding being taken away on stretchers, one by one.

Why would they make such a glaring display in front of the cameras?

It could have been counterproductive for them.

Unless they had a message to convey: "You could all end up like this".

They wanted to terrorize demonstrators, in some way,

as well as their relatives, perhaps, and stem the flow of protesters.

You'll have to excuse me, it's a bit difficult forme to... go through it,

because this is such a personal moment in my life.

But I want the Italian public to understand how important this tape is

and what happened to me.

You see down in this comer, Digos, SCO,

Flying Squad and Canterini's mobile men.

Any of these men could have stopped the attacks on me.

But they chose not to.

And that makes them complicit in their attempted murder.

What do you expect me to say? We don't know shit either.

Isn't the scientist crisis unit up here?

What? Yes, it is.

I mean, theywere telling me... they knew everything, while we didn't know shit! Nothing at all!

The sentence that stuck in my mind was uttered by a police officer, and I quote:

"Nobody knows we're here, we're going to get you all".

At that point I was really scared.

We'd like to know what the situation is. Should we stay or leave?

I'm sorry, ma'am, I don't mean to be contentious, but we don't know anything,

I mean, what situation? What are you talking about? What are you doing? Where are you?

I could see police officers moving quickly, left and right.

Not only did they beat people up, they also threw chairs on them,

they were shouting, making threats like:

"Nobody knows we're here, we're going to kill you all".

Dani�, if you see that you're not needed, get out of there, trust me.

Many called saying they saw people dressed in black

escaping from the school roof.

At that time, the school's fa�ade was being renovated,

and was surrounded by scaffolding so it was easy to escape from the roof.

And I can assure you,

the people escaping were in fact Black Bloc members, the so-called terrorists we were after.

A German student rolled up in his sleeping bag isn't a Black Bloc member.

So, if we were looking for those people, I mean, at first we mistook our target,

because the Black Bloc ran away when they saw us,

while those who had nothing to hide stayed.

And those are the people we found there.

Objectively, breaking into that school was wrong.

It was not a provocation.

Technically speaking, it was an action they should not have carried out.

Murderers! Murderers!

Murderers! Murderers!

A Flying Squad colleague had lent me a gas mask.

I then left the mask in police headquarters,

telling the people there to give it back to that colleague.

After a while, my colleague calls me and asks: "Where's my mask?"

I tell him I'd left it with those people at headquarters. So he says: "But they told me they don't have it".

We then found out that it was erroneously believed to belong to the protesters and confiscated.

However, it was then released and returned to the police,

because it was clearly a law enforcement standard issue gas mask.

- Hello? - Don't leave the Molotov cocktails here, guys...

- Hello? - Hello?

Two Molotov cocktails had been planted at Scuola Diaz.

This is the clip in question.

As you can see, you can see all the major defendants present,

like for example Gratteri, Luperi, Canterini, there's Mortola e Caldarozzi behind there.

Burgio is present, and Troiani's on the other side here.

And what you will see, what you are looking for is a blue bag.

There's the blue bag, that holds the two Molotovs,

and this is the moment when the Molotovs are planted at Scuola Diaz.

If this evidence hadn't been allowed to stand,

I wouldn't be having this conversation with you right now,

I'd be in Pavia prison regarded as a terrorist, serving 15 years.

And so would all my friends.

There's Luperi, there's Caldarozzi...

Gratteri...

so these men cannot deny, thanks to this video,

that they were aware of what was happening to these Molotovs.

They knew exactly what was happening

and they had hands-on control on planting them.

That it took six years to recover the Chiucchioni tape,

there is a story that comes with this film.

Rai television claimed that this tape was destroyed in August of 2001,

and also they wouldn't release the names of the journalists.

It took us a very long time to identify those journos,

and it was almost at the end of the trial

that we actually finally recovered the Chiucchioni tape

which gave us the vital evidence which convicted the commanders at Diaz.

BOLZANETO STATE POLICE FLYING SQUAD STATION

They were having fun, but they hurt us so much

that todayit's still difficult to bear something like this,

and it was even harder to explain it,

make people understand how much they hurtus

and what we still feel inside.

We strongly feel the need to reach out to people and make them understand.

(RING... )

Operations?

- Is this Marshal Sbarbaro? - Yes.

(LAUGHTER)

Oh, are you the other Marshal? The other one? Nicooola?

- Nicooola... yes. - Nicooola... How are you?

Are you starting your shift?

Actually, I started at 4:00, I was wearing the U-Boot helmet and gas mask,

ready to charge those goddamn Reds who were throwing rocks at the station.

I was on shift from 7:00 yesterday to 11:00, and the same today, so...

...I saw all those slackers, those fucking Communists...

...anyway... - Let's hope they all die.

Ha ha ha, stop it, don't be silly.

I'm being friendly!

Anyway, one of them is already, you know... 1-0 for us! Yes!