Original subtitles

Niewiadomski.

First name?

- Eligiusz. - Age?

Fifty three.

Name of the parents?

Father - Wincenty, mother - Julia.

- Place of birth? - Warsaw.

Permanent ad dress?

Warsaw.

Nationality?

Polish.

Religion?

Catholic.

Education?

Secondary and postsecondary.

- Married? - Yes.

- Child ren? - Two.

- What age? -Twenty and twenty-two.

- Occupation? - An artist.

Have you ever been convicted?

No.

Gabriel Narutowicz, age 5 5,

hyd ro engineer, pr ofessor,

world scale authority.

Sick with pneumonia young man left in 1 886 to Switzerland.

He studied technical sciences.

Tsar authorities has prohibited him

to visit his homeland for 40 years.

He took Swiss citizenship.

He is the Pr ofessor of the University ofTechnology in Z urich.

The author of the boldest technical solutions of his time.

Hydr o in Switzerland, Italy,

Spain, France and Turkey.

Married to Polish woman, Ewa Krzyzanowska.

Father of two children.

After his wife's death, he sells his house, closes the business

and cuts all the connections with Switzerland.

He comes back to Poland after long absence.

In July of 1 920 he accepts the nomination

for the post of the Minister of the public works.

Two years later he becomes the Minister of foreign affairs

in the government of Prime Minister Nowak.

Pretty soon, he will be the part of the political storm

that will take placein the country

in its beginning years of independence,

after 1 50 years of bondage.

Unexpectedly, Narutowicz,

unbeliever, non-party,

pr ogressive political liberal as he talks about himself,

political recluse accumulates in confr ontation

the opposite powers of the nation.

For the first time Fascism casts a shadow on the Polish political scene,

and then Pr ofessor fulfills his destiny.

Niewiadomski.

Artist, critic and art theorist.

He studied in Petersburg.

Then he stayed in Paris. He painted, wrote articles about art.

On his r eturning to the country he was arrested by the Tsar authorities

for the League of Nation membership.

The author of the church paintings, symbolic compositions.

He drew up the map ofTatra Mountains. He published the work:

"The knowledge of art throughout the course of history'".

He has taught talented youth.

In 1 91 9 he has become and official in the Ministry of Culture and Art.

Then, he volunteered into the army and worked for the intelligence.

In 1 920 he came back to the Ministry,

but he resigned due to unclear reasons.

Nationalist. He r ead only one newspaper, The Morning Newspaper.

for 2 groschen.

These two men were to meet for only blink of an eye,

at noon, December 1 6, 1 922.

THE DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT.

SCREENPLAY

STARRING:

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

I pledge.

O, God...

who through so many centuries,

surrounded Poland

with the brilliance

of power and glory,

who has pr otected it

with the shield of your defense,

against the disasters

that were meant to defeat it.

To your altars

we carry a prayer:

Oh, Lord!

Bless our free Homeland,

Tuesday, November 22, 1 922, day of the Seym opening.

Long live Jozef Pilsudski!

Long live!

Gentlemen.

For the second time I have the honor

to open the Seym of the Republic of Poland.

The second time as the highest representative of the executive power.

I stand before the ones who have the power to decide about the country.

But the circumstances few years ago

were different from the pr esent ones.

4 years ago I opened the legislative Seym,

where in some parts of our country

we were not the hosts yet,

when our future was not certain yet,

when from many sides we've hear d the noises of war.

I am happy

to open the first ordinary Seym,

and not to have to call you to guar d the country,

but to work in peaceful environment.

In the previous Seym, the issues concerning our foreign affairs

were the core of the heated arguments and stormy scenes

arousing anxiety of the larger group of citizens

than you intended to.

I draw your attention to the necessity to remain calm

and to have faith in your own abilities

and trust in alliances and friends that we have

and to whom Poland is able to keep the once given wor d.

Please, Mister Rataj,

take the chair at the Seym Speaker's table.

Thank you gentleman, for the trust in me

as the new Speaker of the Seym.

However, I would like to str ongly note

that I will not consider myself as the intermediary

for only the group that has voted for me.

I will try to maintain impartial

for all the parties and all the members.

If I would come into the conclusion

that I wasn't able or fit to achieve that,

I would find it necessary to resign in favor of somebody better.

Gentlemen representatives.

I hope and am deeply convinced

that we will do our job and accomplish our tasks.

I think this will be the best support,

the best anchor

for the authority of the Seym as an institution.

We will come across the criticism,

because our work as human activity

is not free fr om mistakes.

This criticism will even be desirable

but I think, we should do our best

so there wouldn't be a basis

to doubt even for a moment

our best will,

our care

for the best of our country.

Now let's move on to the last item on the agenda,

the postulate of Mr. Liberman and colleagues

in the case of r eleasing arrested members,

Krolikowski and Lodzkiewicz

for the explanation of the sudden motivation of the postulate,

I call Mr. Liberman.

Ladies and Gentlemen.

I am here to ask for the upper house

to fulfill the responsibility to itself,

responsibility of the utmost emergency.

Two members of the Seym, Stefan Krolikowski from Warsaw

and Marek Lodzkiewicz from Wolyn

are held in the court's prison,

due to that fact they were held fr om the pledge.

They ar e held in prison

for the accusation of political offence.

For tr eason!

For high treason!

It is not treason only the political offence!

I feel sorry, that you don't know that.

I know nothing of the political direction

to which the representative Marku Lodzkiewicz belongs.

Krolikowski belongs to the communist party,

with which my party cond ucts fier ce battles,

but above the sympathies and political differ ences,

in this case law and democracy should be the most important

and without looking at the political beliefs we should surrender to it,

because keeping them in custody after the choice has been made

violates the article 21 of the constitution,

therefore the ones signed under the postulate ask the Seym

to sign the r esolution and the government

to release the representatives Krolikowski and Lodzkiewicz.

Who is...

Who is for the postulate of Mr. Liberman? Please, stand up.

I consider the postulate enacted. It will be forwarded

to the regulations committee, that will be set tomorrow.

Thank you.

I hereby announce that the date for the National Assembly

is set for Saturday, December 9, at 1 2 o'clock.

The National Assembly will appoint

the President of the Republic of Poland.

The first president in the history of the Republic of Poland.

Friday, December 8, 1 922, the day before the election of the Pr esident

You know major, for the headache or dizziness the nature is the best,

even if the weather is ugly.

As wounded animal I withdraw into the nature,

and I fell better.

In Switzerland they made fun of my horseback riding.

Sir, they say that you will leave foreign affairs.

Oh, I see you also want me to go back to Switzerland.

You have enough of getting up in the morning

- and the minister on the horse. - No.

They say about your candidacy.

What candidacy, Major, doctor.

But they consider you as a candidate.

They write that peasant activists from the Liberation...

Let's go back before you catch a cold.

Then I would have to cure you.

Sir Mr. Thugutt is waiting for you,

- he didn't have an appointment, but... - Allright.

Have you prepared the materials for the note

- for the League of Nations? - Yes. Of course.

Sir, I am sorry to come without an appointment,

but I must go back to our yesterday conversation.

Our club asks you one more time to run from our list.

Dear Stanislaw, yesterday I run out of the ar guments against.

Please, believe me, I cannot be the candidate from neither list.

Please understand.

I am democrat and radical.

So far, no party meets my views.

That is the reason why you are the non party candidate.

Very well, but what will you do, if we insist on your candidacy?

You know...

in my opinion

the whole left wing should elect one candidate for all,

that will be supported by Pilsudski.

At this time this is impossible,

but I want you to be aware of one thing,

Liberation won't vote for Wojciechowski,

whom you have on mind.

So this raises the chances of the right wing candidate,

who hasn't been chosen yet, because Trabczynski is out of the question.

And please be careful, the left wing decided exclusivity in three cases.

What they are aiming at are their speakers in the Seym and Senate,

their president, and they want their government.

This is simple, but in this situation, can you work in the government

that will be against Pilsudski, you and everybody else?

Please don't answer that.

Please, answer the question I asked at the beginning.

What will you do if your candidacy elected by the Liberation

will be supported by the whole Left and national minorities?

Witos won't allow that.

Witos is not the whole ''Piast'' Party.

But ''Piast'' are peasants, richer than mine, but still peasants.

- There is still Jozef. - In this case Pilsudski is not right.

As he isn't right not running in the election.

And he will have to forget about Wojciechowski and he will.

No.

I don't believe this,

as I don't believe I can be elected.

He is not peasant activist nor the socialist and what's most important

he doesn't know the inner relations, and this arouses my doubt greatly.

This is true what Mr. Witos says, but I think the candidate that is needed

should have the knowledge of the foreign affairs.

And those are known by Narutowicz like no one else.

Second ly, this post requir es tact especially when dealing with parties.

I can agree with your arguments,

but for the first voting PPS will appoint its own candidate just on principle.

Later on we will support the candidate agr eed upon with Piast and Liberation.

This is what we talk about,

but Piast doesn't agree to Narutowicz.

Same as Liberation doesn't want to agree to Wojciechowski.

That's, why I'm surprised by the non party stand of Mr. Barlicki,

for Wojciechowski comes from PPS,

fr om your party.

Wheras Narutowicz represents no party.

I am for the righteous pr oposal of Mr. Thugutt,

all parties should support common candidate.

And the candidate fr om our side can be elected by the Piast and Liberation.

Gentlemen you decide we said it all.

We did, too.

One more thing.

I would like to inform you that national minorities

are willing to support Narutowicz

as the Liberation candidate.

National minorities is not the best argument,

and right wing will use that against us anyway.

We can agree to one thing then.

Each party will elect its own candidate.

And then depending, on who will lose,

we will vote for the one with the most votes.

-This isn't so easy. - But this is the only way

to win the game with the right wing.

Narutowicz would have decided faster

if Pilsudski had n't suggested him to refrain fr om the election.

We can still talk to Narutowicz,

but now it is certain that ''Chjena'' will elect Zamojski.

Witos, knowing that, tries to gain time and plays both sides.

He talks with us and flirts with the right wing.

- He considers his own candidacy. - Maybe so,

but we won't agree to that.

National minorities won't support him neither.

Not the Ukrainians, Jews, nor the Germans.

I'm afraid that Piast put against the wall

will support the right wing not us.

That is why we need to talk to the peasants.

Honest engineer as the Minister of foreign affairs is also risky.

And a crazy jump.

Thank you my dear.

The car will take you to your aunt's place.

Alright.

The facts are like this, Leopold,

Pilsudski declared that he won't run for the president's office.

And we know, why.

He decided that office of the president

doesn't give him enough power,

that it favors Seym at the cost of the pr esident.

Well, partially he is right.

So ther e is a mix up.

If not Pilsudski, then, who?

Well in this whole mess,

my name has been mentioned.

It seems to me that Thugutt and his party

treat your candidacy seriously, indeed.

But besides them no one else wants that.

Jozef is also against that.

Therefore, I said no to Thugutt.

But he told me yesterday

that if, in spite of everything, you wer e to run,

you wouldn't say, no.

One cannot run for the president,

or be a president

if no one really wants that.

And above all, if I don't want to, myself.

Now, tell me when we ar e going hunting?

I can't go tomorrow, on Saturday, or Sunday.

Maybe next Sunday.

Maybe we can even make it on Saturday.

Saturday, December 1 6, shall we write that down?

Let's do it.

Do you confess that on December 1 6,

you've attempted the assassination of the president Narutowicz?

Do you want me to admit just the fact?

Rather to answer the question: Do you plead guilty of the crime?

I do not plead guilty.

I confess only br eaking the law,

and for that I bear the r esponsibility.

Would you like to provide an explanation for that?

- Of course. - Now, or in the last word?

If you, Sir, let me, I'll do it now.

Wojciechowski, Narutowicz, Zamojski, that is certain.

But I don't believe in the chances of our Minister.

I don't know who else besides Liberty would vote for him?

Chances are small, but only God knows what's going to happen.

Those serious candidates also have their flaws.

What kind of peasant party representing the right wing

would vote for Zamojski? For Wojciechowski, maybe, yes.

and Pilsudski supports him but that's not the reason

the right wing will vote for him.

All of them may get many votes but none will get the most.

And then what?

In this case we need to vote against, not for.

And then we start qui pro q uo.

I don't even need to guess.

I know what you are inter ested in.

I can tell you that the matter is no longer valid.

Well, it was an idea,

but I've talked to Head of the country

and MPs...

among many with Mr. Thugutt.

And everything is clear.

I will serve some place else.

Here, gentlemen.

Saturday, December 9, 1 922, the day of the President's election

Hello.

Good Morning.

Anything can happen.

Excuse me.

This is ridiculous for our gr oup,

the strongest group of the Assembly

not to be able to force our own candidate.

We have 21 8 votes.

Ad ditionally, no matter of the candidate we can receive extra 1 0 votes.

This makes 228.

To get the majority we need only

Gentlemen, no one is in such a comfortable position as we are.

We can elect the candidate that will be ours,

and he will get those stupid 40 votes.

We've been talking about that for a few days now,

but let me repeat one more time.

Those stupid, as you say, 40 votes

can be only from Piast.

Fo sure not fr om socialists or Jews.

We have proposed Witos the candidates:

Mr. Morawski, Glowinski,

General Haller, finally Zamojski.

but we didn't r eceive an agreement for any of them.

Because Witos thinks about his own candidacy.

Peasants from Piast don't want to support any of our candidates.

Therefore we agree that if we won't get initial support,

we'll force Witos and his colleagues during the voting.

In conclusion we elect Zamojski as the candidate!

This is not the best candidate for peasants.

They won't have an alternative and their candidate, Wojciechowski

has no better chance.

And for the left wing candidate Witos can't vote.

We still have national minorities,

Germans, Ukrainians, or Jews can't decide

about the president of the Republic of Poland.

Gentlemen, the president must be elected with majority Polish votes.

And this belongs to us.

Chairman of the party is to conduct politics

and the members should support him.

We support, but if you lose where should our votes go?

If we don't go with Thugutt, and not with the left wing,

then with whom? There is no other alternative.

- We need to know now. - You don't need to.

Ther e will be time for everything. For now we vote for Wojciechowski.

I only repeat what he's said an hour ago:

"I don't won't to run for the president.

But if Liberty will elect him, he has no choice'".

And he asks not to tire him out anymore.

-That means he doesn't agree. - But why?

He left the decision up to us.

Gentlemen, this is the best candidate in Poland.

Let's go inside.

Do you finally elect Wojciechowski as a candidate, because I don't.

I don't understand.

Why then we have quarr eled for three days, if no one elects him?

Exactly, this is senseless.

What did this peasants' Machiavelli want?

I don't know.

But it looks like Piast hasn't decided yet.

According to the article 1 2 of the r egulations of the Assembly,

the following candidates have been appointed

for the post of the President of the Republic of Poland

Jan Boduin de Courtnay fr om the National Minorities,

Ignacy Daszynski as the candidate from Polish Socialist Party,

Gabriel Narutowicz fr om Liberty,

Stanislaw Wojciechowski from Piast,

Maurycy Zamojski from Christian National Unity Association,

I ask the members of the National Assembly

to place the sheets as their names

are called by Stefan Soltyk, the secretary.

Adamowicz Andrzej.

Arciszewski Tomasz.

During the initial investigation,

I left unsaid certain incident that I am forced to r eveal now.

The shots, from which President Narutowicz fell dead

were not intended for him.

They were to kill Pilsudski the Head of State.

However, they r eached the person of Mr. Narutowicz

due to some fatal accident.

The idea to kill the Head of State

germinated in my mind for a long time.

The first moment was the moment of creating

the People's Government. Partiality, calling for the mercy of God,

that he showed in this matter,

not keeping the word to Korfanty and to Seym

that he won't disturb the process of creating this cabinet,

have finally explained to me his moral and mental qualifications.

From that moment on the decision was made,

only the performance of the act was delayed in time,

because I was busy finishing my works on history and theory of art,

that I've been preparing for all my life

then we had an election.

The fight was heated and uncertain.

I've decided to break it off.

And I have to admit that it wasn't only about that,

but also to poke the balloon.

I cannot describe it better.

Balloon of the socialist parties bulging up

with the popularity of the Head of the State.

So, it's a fact?

Please, give me the results of the first voting.

Zamojski 222,

Wojciechowski 1 05,

Boduin 1 03.

Narutowicz 62.

Narutowicz?

- How many? - 62.

- 62. - Daszynski 49.

Daszynski 49

-The second voting is in a moment. - Yes.

Thank you.

When you get the results of the second voting,

please let me know.

Well, 62 votes.

Those are votes fr om Liberty.

Yes, it turns out that in the first voting,

each candidate received the support of only his party.

This was predictable.

I think we should formulate it like this:

according to The Polish government

under no circumstances it cannot support

the continuation of anti Polish politics.

Zamojski.

Narutowicz.

Wojciechowski. The last ballot.

Yes, this second voting doesn't settle anything.

Zamojski 228.

Wojciechowski 1 5 2. Narutowicz 1 51 .

Boduin 1 0.

Daszynski 1 .

National minorities chose Narutowicz. This is clear.

Boduin and Daszynski have been eliminated.

Zamojski holds up.

- 228. - Same as in the first voting.

According to those results of voting

we need to cond uct the third voting

in the same manner as the first and the second.

But excluding Ignacy Daszynski,

who in the second voting received the least votes.

I ask Mr. Soltyk, the secretary,

to call the members of the Assembly for the third time.

Karwinski Maciej.

Komorowski Adam.

Korzusznik Edwar d.

Korsztyn Ludwik.

Kugiel Joachim.

Korfanty Wojciech.

Liberman Herman.

Limanowski Boleslaw

Lublinski David.

Ladzina Wanda.

Misiolek Jozef.

Piotrowski Zygmunt.

Perl Roman.

- How many people? - About 200.

After the announcement of the results,

let them go into the city and cheer for the pr esident Zamojski.

Alright.

Zamojski will be first,

Narutowicz the second,

and Wojciechowski the third.

There is no other possibility.

And Zamojski will be against Narutowicz.

It is a very strange confr ontation.

This is ordinary game.

Look at this soberly.

Confr ontation of Narutowicz and Zamojski is better for us.

Better or easier.

And Wojciechowski d rops out.

They really have to choose: are they with us and Zamojski

or against us and with Narutowicz.

Witos and his people cannot vote for Narutowicz.

This would mean the alliance with the left wing

and national minorities

But can peasants vote for Count Zamojski?

The more votes Narutowicz gets from minorities and left wing

the worse for him.

Peasants are not happy with Zamojski, but they have no choice.

And they have to follow us.

What if, after all, they will support Narutowicz?

This won't be a Polish president.

My regards.

Everything is fine. I've gathered our people.

How long do we have to wait?

- We've been waiting for a two hours. - Please, stay calm.

Let's cheer for Zamojski.

Quiet!

What do you actually want?

If Wojciechowski drops out,

we can't be for ced to vote for count Zamoyski.

Please, understand it, for God's sake.

Our alliance with the right wing is the only chance for political stability.

Against Pilsudski and without him.

But the count Zamoyski...

-The biggest landowner in Poland. - How can we vote for him?

He's not the ideal candidate for peasants.

But one should look furhter.

We'll vote again for Wojciechowski.

But the situation changes.

- What if Wojciechowski drops out? - We'll have to chose.

- Narutowicz, or Zamoyski. - It's the wr ong choice.

We don't want one and can't choose the other.

Easy, nothing has happenned. Wojciechowski's still her e.

And if he's gone... My God...

There's still the common sense.

And the clear conscience.

- As it's been agr eed. - Yes.

We'r e not changing anything.

Excuse me.

Sir, do you have any idea of the thickness of this game?

We don't have time to move back or to think.

Piast won't support Zamojski.

Doctor, then Narutowicz will be the pr esident.

Well, we can elect him, but do you have an idea,

what's going to happen next?

We have the constitution to back us up.

And who's against us?

Mr. Thugutt, this is great terrible power.

Excuse me.

What does this mean?

Let me go.

I suggest you vote for Zamojski. He's the only serious candidate.

We know who to vote for.

- We won't let you in, then. - Gentlemen, are you threatening us?

-This is for your own good. - If you won't let us in,

we annul the voting.

What is this crowd? We are voting inside the room.

Excuse me.

Sir, can't we stop this machinery?

Mr. Representative, I'm glad that you know the situation.

Now it is you and Zamojski.

You understand the dramatic aspect of this choice.

Especially for the peasants.

Sir, what will you do, if they elect you?

I don't know.

I still don't know.

What's going on with the counting?

Can't we speed it up?

-That's right! - It's almost an hour.

What ar e they doing there? How long can it take?

Mr. Soltyk!

I call Mr. Soltyk to read the results of the fifth voting.

545 members have voted,

29 votes were invalid,

so 51 6 votes wer e valid.

The majority consists of 259 votes.

Candidates r eceived the following amounts of votes:

Gabriel Narutowicz, 289,

Maurycy Zamojski 22 7.

Long live Presidend Narutowicz!

Long live the first President of the Republic of Poland!

So we have Narutowicz.

I have the best opinion of him.

In the cabinet he was working reliably.

The choice from the legal perspective can't be questioned, this is clear.

We can question it from the political perspective,

but this won't happen.

He must judge for himself if he is able to accept the choice.

He was brought up by the situation he could not influence,

and his opponents are serious.

I don't know how he will cope with that.

Especially if he is the man of the compromise.

He looks for deals. He's too good hearted to be a politician.

I don't think so, Sir, he is gentle but not weak,

advocate of compromise but not a coward.

So in the fifth voting you have been elected

to be the president of the Republic of Poland,

Mr. Minister.

Speaker Rataj has already informed the Head of the State about the fact.

Do you accept the post?

In accor dance with the decision

of the National Assembly,

I accept the post.

I congratulate you Sir on your decision.

The pledge will take place on Monday, at noon.

After you take over the function from the Head of State

I will r esign with the whole cabinet.

Thank you for your kindness and greetings.

I hope I can count on our futur e cooperation.

Wouldn't be better before you take over the post

and move to Belvedere,

to use the covered vehicle fr om the Council of Ministers.

Your car is known in town.

Good day.

Congratulations, Mr. President.

I am happy for you, Mr. Pr esident.

- I'm really glad. - Congratulations.

I'm so happy, Mr. Pr esident.

Thank you

very much for the best wishes.

Thank you very much.

Down with Narutowicz!

Down with him!

- Down with him! - Long live president Zamojski!

Long live!

Long live! Long live!

Witos the traitor!

Down with Witos!

Down with him!

Traitor!

Traitor! Traitor!

Traitor!

Away with non Polish president!

Away with!

Down with him!

Witos traitor!

- Good evening. - Good evening, uncle.

Children get dressed,

we are going to dinner.

Hurry up.

It is very late.

Uncle, Zamojski has been chosen.

No, the pr ofessor.

Who?

The professor.

Gabriel Narutowicz.

Jesus!

Uncle!

Enough.

Get dressed, girls.

But you said "no', father.

Yes.

But now it is impossible.

On Tuesday, December 5, in the morning I got on the street,

I took the newspaper, and my resolution fell instantly.

I found the information about Pilsudski categorical resignation

fr om the candidacy for the president's post.

I came acr oss two feelings at the same time, strange feeling.

One was the r elief that fate lets me off the obligation

to kill the man who is good and noble

and not free fr om the heroic features.

The second feeling was the feeling of suffering and bitterness

that this man, in my opinion the perpetrator

of the incidents of the last four years

will still be active and will take part in the life of Poland.

The reasons for the resignation were so clear and obvious

that we could n't think about the assassination.

Only Pilsudski as a private person would have been eliminated.

The act would have been considered as the act of a loony and criminal.

And instead of str engthening the national idea

I would only have given it a blow.

And this was an unlikelihood.

Stop them!

It's the ministry car!

Stop!

That's Narutowicz!

Narutowicz is in the car!

- Who are these people? - What do they want?

Please, let's go.

Sunday, December 1 0, 1 922

The head higher up, please, Mr. Pr esident.

Is it okay now?

Your head higher up, Mr. President.

This is good.

Ready?

Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. President, Speaker Rataj to see you.

I would like to talk to you in private.

I just received the information that three parties of the right wing

have decided to boycott the tomorrow's pledge.

This is serious matter, Mr. President.

Half of the members won't appear in Seym.

What do you suggest?

I have communicate this official statement as the Speaker of the Seym.

It's hard to give you advice.

Unintentionally, you've become a man whom the left wing

temporarily takes on the banner,

the right wing beat you with its whole strength.

You have to calculate if you'll have people to rely on.

Pilsudski has enemies

but he also has people fanatically committed to him.

- Do you have such people? - No, I don't.

I know that now I can't resign.

It would be moving back in the face of constitutional law.

The ceremony of the pledge is to be held tomorr ow at noon.

I will be waiting for you in Seym.

I would like to be here, in the Ministry, in the morning.

I've pr omised to say good bye to my employees.

From here I will depart to Seym.

According to the regulations,

you have to be in Seym between noon and q uarter past.

Your being late might complicate the matters of the regulations nature.

If the Pr esident is not present within fifteen minutes from the set hour,

the right wing might question the pledge.

I understand.

According to the protocol, Mr. Nowak will accompany you.

How could they?!

How could they impose their pr esident on Poland?!

How could they impose on Christian Poland

their president, who's a non believer,

who does not support any religion?

Who is Mr. Narutowicz?

Nonbeliever and not Pole!

His election it is a machination of Pilsudski's people,

Bolsheviks and Jews.

These are machinations of left wing and national minorities.

These are the machinations of the traitors of Polish nation,

the nation, which believes in God.

The nation faithful to tradition and its heroes.

Dishonor to traitors!

Dishonor to MPs who elected him!

Dishonor!

Dishonor!

Down with Narutowicz!

Let's go to the Seym!

Let's go to the Seym! All of us!

Tomorrow we are taking the streets!

We won't allow the MPs who betrayed Poland into the Seym!

Dishonor to them!

- Vivat Poles! - Down with Narutowicz!

Compatriots and brothers in arms!

You, no one else, with your heroism

guar ded as a thick wall

the borders of the Republic of Poland.

n your actions you wanted only one thing:

Poland. Poland great and independent.

Long live Poland!

Long live Poland!

Today, the Poland you were fighting for was manhandled.

Your reaction is the meter that indignation of the nation,

which you stand for is rising and surges like a wave.

Manifest! This is noble act!

I am happy for that.

The choices are our defeat,

but not everything is lost.

Make sure Narutowicz doesn't take the pledge.

Go by the Seym!

Don't wring your hand!

Keep up the fight!

- Long live Haller! - Long live!

Blindness of the left wing and peasant activists

made the pr esident out of man,

who still, two days ago was the citizen of Switzerland,

who in a rush, maybe even after the election

for the president of the Republic of Poland

had fabricated the Polish citizenship!

Down with non-Polish pr esident!

Down with!

Down with!

Mr. Minister, ther e is a call for you.

Who is calling?

Thugutt, he says that this is an act of a national importance.

- Kaminski here. -Thugott speaking.

Sir, do you know what is happening on the str eets?

Lawless youngsters stop the cars and attack the pedestrians.

Sir, some youngsters and hysteric women -

this is not the r eason to be alarmed.

-Those are not the riots. -These are or ganized riots.

Tomorrow is the pledge of the president.

Yes, I know, Sir.

The police are monitoring everything, you can be confident in that.

I gave an order. The pr esident's route will be secured.

Remember that you ar e responsible for that, Sir.

Good night.

Good night.

People of Poland, Catholics

are shaken with audacity

of non Polish MPs,

who against the majority of Polish votes

were emboldened to impose on Poland their own candidate.

I demand, firstly fr om Mr. Gabriel Narutowicz

not to confirm with his agreement and the pledge

the audacity to the Polish nation,

and not to accept the honor that was given to him

by the for eign perpetrators of sacrilege.

Secondly, we demand

fr om the Piast MPs lead by Witos

to the dishonored pathways of national betrayal,

to admit manly their mistake

and firmly come back fr om the fatal pathways

of the national dishonour.

Dishonor to them!

Away fr om Poland!

''Association of the Trade Development''.

Go on. Go on, Major.

Poland as the country of Polish nation has been defeated,

but the fight for Poland continues.

And in this fight Polish nation has to win, be the winner.

This doesn't make sense, Mr. President.

There are other voices.

Please listen...

what "Worker'" writes:

"We should be happy that the leader of Poland

is an honest democrat, non-party man,

politician, gentleman, and impeccable man'".

Somebody has chosen me... so somebody has to praise me.

"This is irreversible, the National Assembly

has shown its will, constitution has spoken

and any calls as "down with' of young Chinese Nazis

won't affect the will of the National Assembly

and the constitutional foundations of the Republic of Poland.'"

Don't you think, Major, that the ar guments of my opponents

sound better?

They get straight to the point.

Whereas those who defend me do that without conviction.

Formally, that the constitution has been obeyed,

that everything was legal, that this is irreversible.

It had happened.

Well, too bad.

I think, Major, that this is more serious.

It's not about formality,

or who I am and who supported me,

but about the utmost just principles of the nation.

But what principles?

Is it about silly admiration of Polish identity and history,

or rational look at who we ar e?

Arr ogant humiliation of others, with whom we ar e to live,

or tolerance that characterized this nation for centuries.

Strong-arm or democracy,

violence to the individual,

or respect?

Yes, I know 1 50 years of bondage, the feeling of helplessness,

lack of the country.

All that has driven us into that terrible fog.

The principles of this nation,

let's talk about them looking into the futur e,

not into the past.

I am the patriot, Major,

but one, who understands the Polish nature

as rationalism not madness, respect for others not the violence,

tolerance and not the hatred.

Everyday hard work and not platitude.

Please, consider this...

in our history there was no regicide.

Everywhere the tool of politics were dagger and the poison,

but not in here.

This means something.

It has to mean something.

In Poland we do not ad mire the government,

we do not light the incense for them,

but they are criticized, mocked,

but they are respected and recognized

and this is beautiful.

Therefore, Major whatever will happen in the next days,

I am not afraid.

You know in Switzerland, I used to carry a gun all the time.

I don't know, why I did that.

Now I will put it away, I will not defend myself.

Well, it's late.

We have to r est.

You should rest as well now.

Doctor, Major.

Good night, Mr. President.

Monday, December 1 1 , 1 922, the day of President's pledge

Monday, December 1 1 , 1 922, the day of President's pledge

So? How is it?

All the streets to the Seym are covered.

Make sure MPs of left wing ar en't let in.

I'll show you.

All the streets are covered by our people.

Let him pledge before an empty room.

If he can even get in.

Gentlemen.

Let's go.

They ar e coming! Limanowski, Jaworowski, Daszynski.

- Stop them all. - Yes, Sir.

Let's go!

Stop Narutowicz for 1 5 minutes.

At number 1 0 their is the closed gate, no exit, the yard is covered.

Alright. Three str ong people to watch the gate.

It's them.

Cover them.

Now!

-There is no passage to the Seym. - How dare you?

I am the Senator!

Quiet, you old prick. Go into the gate!

Gentlemen! You can't do that!

Quiet!

Lock the gate!

Watch them.

- Piotrowski is coming. - In the carriage?

Yes. Stop him.

Stop it!

The way to the Seym is closed.

Get off!

- Get off. - What is that? It's illegal.

- I am the MP. - Want me to help you?

- I am the MP. - Move it! Now!

Let me go!

What is that?! My hat!

Let me go! This is an unlawful act!

Let me go! Police!

Police!

Police!

Help!

Police!

Don't hit me!

Sir!

- Go away! - Gentlemen!

Gentlemen! Quickly! Behind the gate!

Get behind the gate!

Cars are ready, but squadron haven't left the barracks.

Mr. President, you have to skip the visit in the Ministry.

We all think likewise.

We should go straight to the Seym.

I n this situation we can't prolong the route through the whole city.

On the way her e I barely got through the Thr ee Cr osses Square.

But they are waiting for me at the Ministry.

I was supposed to say good bye to my employees.

Prime Minister Nowak is to be there as well.

Mr. President, it is more important to conduct the pledge

without disturbances,

and leave the politeness and protocol aside for now.

As you wish.

Gentlemen... please meet my niece.

- Good Morning. - And my son.

Nice to meet you.

Very nice to meet you.

Please, tell the commander of the honorable squadron,

that we leave at 1 1 .30 from here, fr om Lazienki.

Yes, sir.

What's the number for Count Przezdziecki?

To Lazienki, to the President's apartment.

Lancucki is coming, the communist.

- He is with his guards. - No problem, we'll stop them.

Comrade Lancucki, I'm afraid

we won't be able to get to the Seym this way.

Let's try.

Get the communists!

Quick!

- Into the gate! - Follow them!

Open the gate!

This is count Przezdziecki!

Take him!

- Get out! - Go away!

I will shoot!

I have to call bigger Police unit here, to Lazienki.

You should go to the Seym with the guard.

No.

I will go as it was decided pr eviously.

With the honorable squad ron.

Light cavalry is not the same as police.

But why is the squadron late?

Przezdziecki is coming.

Mr.Pr esident, I beg you,

please go thr ough the back entrance to the Seym,

the front entrance is blocked.

Other ways are covered, the crowd is angry and unpredictable.

No, Sir.

I'll go the way I was supposed to.

I will hide from no one, and yield to no one.

They called from the Ministry,

the Prime Minister Nowak won't accompany you, Sir.

What reasons were given?

The reasons are unclear.

Tide to the protocol.

Befor e the pledge the president is not really the president yet,

therefore the Prime Minister should not accompany him.

Above that it has been said that Prime Minister doesn't feel well.

He chickened out again.

Well, Counsellor, I will have to go by myself.

I feel extr emely well.

Stop him!

Representative Guzlinski to the Seym.

He is not here.

He is alone.

Let him go.

Let him in. Let him go!

Stop him!

Stop!

- Where to? -To the Seym.

Long live the Italy!

Long live!

Long live Mussolini!

Long live!

Alright!

Let's go back!

THE DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT PART II

THE DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT PART II

Gentlemen here have decided that

I will accompany you, Mr. President.

I am happy to do that.

According to the protocol it should be the Prime Minister Nowak,

however since you are going to the Seym as the Minister of Foreign Affairs

it is logical for your chief of pr otocol to accompany you.

As in Byzantium, but let it be.

I will go with you, Stefan.

This is a great honor for me. But I think I should wear the top hat.

- Yes, certainly. - Excuse me then.

Tophat is necessary.

Excuse me Sir, would you lend your top hat to the Count.

Yes, of course.

- It is too small. - Oh, yes, indeed.

Excuse me, would you be so kind?

- How about now? - Now it looks gr eat.

Very well.

Mr. President, Lieutenant Kozicki r eports d utifully,

his arrival with personal sq uadron.

Thank you.

In the course of the investigation I've been asked

if I had any accomplices.

I've been told that the vox populi states that I had accomplices.

That vox populi smells like ''The Worker'' to me

and as ''The Morning Paper'' I state for their information

that I had accomplices.

My accomplices, the ones that gave me the most r easons

for accomplishing what I just have are Perl and Erenberg

Every time I was reading their writings I had a feeling,

that I was pulling out of the criminal psychopathology record

some poisoned paper.

In my opinion every ideology

can be defended disgustingly or beautifully and knightly, every one.

This way the opponent can be provoked

and one can reach his goal faster than thr ough the perverse acting

and foam at the mouth.

For me the most important was that the socialists

hate the most in their opponents

the things, which are the best in them.

In those opponents, in the people weak in spirit, handicapped

they hate what is beautiful beam of their souls,

which is the national feeling and love for the country.

Liveliness and triumph of this feeling draws the socialist party to madness.

Let me remind you the convulsions that ''Morning Courier''

and Evening Review underwent after Mussoilinis's come back.

The national idea is the most hated by the socialists parties.

Faster.

This is dishonor! Dishonor, Sir!

Over there, MPs call for beating up other MPs!

This is not the politics!

This is banditry!

Let's see your wound.

We need to see your wound.

It is late.

Away with Narutowicz!

Traitor of the nation!

What should I do now, Counsellor?

Don't pay attention to the frolics of the crowd.

I rather give my life away then resign in those cir cumstances.

Mr. President, one more thing.

Mr. President, one more thing.

The MP, Mr. Dubanowicz from the left wing objects,

whether you as nonbeliever

can take the religious pledge.

Do you accept the religious pledge?

If I've decided to take the pledge,

that means that I fully accept it.

Gentlemen, please sit on both sides of the room!

The whole Seym is ours!

Long live the President Narutowicz!

Long live!

Long live!

Mr. Minister,

on December 9, the National Assembly

has elected you as the pr esident of the Republic of Poland.

I ask you: Do you accept it?

I do.

I call you to pledge according to the article 54 of the Constitution.

Please, r epeat after me the pledge formula.

I pledge to the Almighty God, One in the Holy Trinity

and I pledge to you Polish nation,

I pledge to the Almighty God One in the Holy Trinity

and I pledge to you Polish nation,

that on the post of the pr esident of the Republic of Poland, that I her eby take.

that on the post of the pr esident of the Republic of Poland, that I her eby take,

I will obey the law of the Republic of Poland

and foremost defend the Constitution,

I will obey the law of the Republic of Poland

and foremost defend the Constitution,

and to the common wealth of the nation with all my powers I will serve,

and to the common wealth of the nation with all my powers I will serve,

and all the wrong and hazard from the country I will keep away,

and all the wrong and hazard from the country I will keep away,

the dignity of Poland's name I will guard unswervingly

the dignity of Poland's name I will guard unswervingly

and the justice towards all citizens as the first deed I will possess,

and the justice towards all citizens as the first deed I will possess,

and that I devote absolutely to the responsibilities of the post

and service to the country.

and that I devote absolutely to the responsibilities of the post

and service to the country.

Please, help me God, and his Holy Agony, Amen.

Please, help me God, and his Holy Agony...

Amen.

I find the Pr esident of the Republic of Poland's pledge,

req uired by the Constitution, valid.

Long live the President!

Long live Poland!

You aren't fulfilling your r esponsibilities!

Why was the route for the president not secured?

You allowed for the idle observing of the crowd

blocking the way to the Seym!

Gentlemen, for this the responsibility

- bears the chief of the police! - No! You are r esponsible!

You are the Minister of Internal Affairs!

Why Daszynski and Limanowksi are still held in the custody?

Give me the numbers of the policemen who failed to fulfill their r esponsibilities.

- And give me the names of the guilty. - Get out!

You have nothing to do here!

Go out on the street where the unlawful acts are performed,

and then you can resign!

We can do without you and your police!

Mr. President Wiejska and Swobodna Str eets are cleared,

the route to Lazienki is clear.

Mr. President perhaps you should go with covered vehicle?

No. I will go leave the way I came.

The same carriage and the same r oute.

Don't break up!

Don't break up! We will gr eet the traitors MPs!

Long live the President Zamoyski!

Long live!

Long live!

The workers' flag is deepest r ed,

It shr ouded oft our martyred dead;

It shr ouded oft our martyred dead;

And ere their limbs gr ew stiff and cold

Their life-blood dyed its every fold.

-Then raise the scarlet standard high; - Let's free the MPs!

Look 'round, the Fr enchman loves its blaze,

The sturdy German chants its praise;

In Moscow's vaults its hymns are sung, Chicago swells its surging song.

Then raise the scarlet standar d high;

Within its shade we'll live and die,

Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer,

We'll keep the red flag flying her e.

Follow me! Dead to the Red!

''Sir, you will undergo the capital punishment

''Sir, you will undergo the capital punishment

if you don't instantly resign.'' A Patriot.

''Dear Mr. Minister, with regards to your election

for the president of the Republic of Poland

that was achieved with the votes of left wing and national minorities,

which bloc is an enemy to us

and being certain that you will compromise

and will have to reward the ethnic minorities

and you won't create the strong-arm government,

and finally that you had the guts to accept the post,

we threat you with the most fantastic political mur der.

Best regards, Polish Fascist.''

You have only 4 days for the appointed date,

and 1 2 hours.

Let me remind you that you'll die out of the natural cause,

that is the heart attack.

It's time to prepare the will.

Regards.

The third Reminder.

From the time of the pledge of the president

to the moment of passing on the power to the newly elected president,

I would like to know, am I the Head of State, or not?

If yes, then I demand from you from the Council of Ministers

the special authorizations to bring under control the situation,

because I see that the government is unable to deal with that.

I will make order here within 24 hours.

Take your decision, gentlemen.

I am going upstairs.

In half an hour I will be back to learn about your decision.

No.

The government was unable to accept the concept of Pilsudski...

thank you very much

- ...and his 24 hours. - Right decision.

We cannot allow for Pilsudski to show off his indispensability

and authority as the defender of the country again.

Government is the one to hold the power.

Speaker Rataj is correct.

In those cir cumstances Pilsudski should pass the power to Narutowicz

- as soon as possible. - Who will control the streets?

Police is helpless.

Narutowicz.

Police is not helpless, police is submissive,

it waits for the orders.

I demanded from Kaminski to resign.

The internal affairs will be taken by Darowski.

Tomorrow, Sirs, Warsaw will enter the army, but without Pilsudski.

I don't know if this will help the government.

The only ones to help government are us.

Tomorrow morning there are thr ee lar ge meetings of the workers,

and then 6.000 people will enter the streets,

in favor of Narutowicz and the Constitution.

Sir, I am trying to explain that

ther e is no way the government will accept the help from the streets.

The socialist party is not the str eets, Mr. Prime Minister.

Government can handle it itself, and won't allow for the demonstrations.

- We had the sample of that today. - What sample?

Today the workers went on the streets

to defend the Constitution and their MPs.

Chjena's hit squad started to shoot not ours,

and a worker got killed.

For tomorrow they have announced demonstration strike.

Sir, how can I convince you

that demonstrations are not necessary?

This is an appeal to the citizens of Warsaw, for keeping the peace.

Darowski will sign it.

In the case of resistance the army got an order

to force the obedience with weapons.

How is that?

Do you want to aim the guns at those, who want to defend the Constitution?

And what about those destructionists?

Who was shooting?

Who was attacking MPs?

Who killed the worker?

Tuesday, December 1 2, 1 922

The election of Narutowicz was only an excuse

for the fighting reactionists,

the most important goal of this performance

was provoking the nationalistic lark,

which for the bourgeois is always the best tool

for reaching its goal.

Therefore, the fascist performances of bourgeois

had to meet with strong opposition

of the whole working class,

reactionary designs had to break off

on combative and unified fr ont of the proletariat.

Against the fascist assassinations of the bour geois must take the stand,

row of self defendant workers,

which will be appointed by proletariat.

It must stand out with the whole absoluteness

against all the signs of the bour geois terror.

Away with the bourgeois terr or!

Long live the solidarity of workers!

Long live the socialism!

Long live!

Long live!

Workers you witnessed the first attack of the reactionary forces,

hid den behind the leader of Chjena they pushed to the first set

the University and high school students and paid tamers.

The gangs trustful in their impunity

have risen the hand on your workers paper

and at the same time they wer e trying to shake the Constitution.

In the mud they have rolled the solemnity of Poland

in the face of the foreign countries.

Workers of the whole Poland, be r eady, do not allow madness of Chjena

to lead us to the civil war.

When forming the government, your task won't be easy.

Unless, you'll consider only those who had supported your candidacy.

It was the majority, but...

...but accidental and unstable, you want to say.

Certainly.

I didn't give any pr omises to the parties that voted for me.

I don't want to enlarge the political diversity

that has been created because of my election.

Don't delude yourself that those who had attacked you

suddenly will change their minds.

You know I think about Prime Minister,

who would be supported by all the parties.

Besides, I would like to intr od uce into the government

outstanding political individ ualities:

Witos,Thugutt,

but foremost I want to do something,

that might surprise you.

I would like to offer the post of the Minister of the For eign Affairs

to Mr. Maurycy Zamoyski.

This is risky.

You won't gain the support of the right wing even the moderate one.

And you will alienate the left wing.

You think that I will always be alone.

In the government there is a fraction that used to be

In the government there is a fraction that used to be

under the Head of the State, during the war, this is the army.

When in 1 920 I was sent away from the d raught office

and from the recruitment office, d ue to my age,

I paid attention to the defense that I thought I can serve

with the same benefit or even greater when defending the country

with the help of the Minister Sosnkowski, I reached the Warsaw central

here was the most important inter change of the utmost r esponsibilities

and important matters besides the front ones.

Here I've expected to find for myself some beneficial role.

The selection of the personnel was the following:

chief of the personnel, cavalry captain, Dalewski, age 30.

This is not related.

I remind you to be brief.

Those are important issues, which I experienced myself

and they will shed the light on my attitude.

Extremely responsible authority, which should be set

by the selection of personnel became the place not resistant,

the place of the matters amazingly shocking for which is responsible

the one who is the highest in charge.

The tasks were entrusted to unsuitable people.

In two words I will describe few officials.

Witecki, fat cavalry man, always late for the meetings,

often not well r ested,

the second official, the secretary Szafranski,

with thick gold rings on his fingers, golden watch.

The third one, the friend of the cavalry man, rounded, fat face,

shaved, ruddy, cheerful.

- May I take a few minutes to rest? - Permitted.

Thursday, December 1 4, 1 922, the day of the handover of the state authority

Army at attention!

Present arms!

Present arms!

Present arms!

Right face!

The protocol of the state authority

hand over by the Head of the State, Jozef Pilsudski

to the president of the Republic of Poland, Gabriel Narutowicz,

on the day of December 1 4, 1 922,

at 1 2 at noon in Belvedere in Warsaw.

Attended by:

The Head of State, Jozef Pilsudski,

the President of the Republic of Poland, Gabriel Narutowicz,

the Speaker of the Seym, Maciej Rataj,

the Speaker of the Senate, Wojciech Trampczynski,

Prime Minister, doctor Julian Nowak.

The Prime Minister to the postulate of the Head of the State,

reads the pr otocols fr om the National Assembly,

dated December 9 and 1 1 , 1 922,

stating: the election of Gabriel Narutowicz

for the president of Republic of Poland and taking the oath.

After that the Head of State, Jozef Pilsudski hands over the authority,

which was given to him by the executive power of the Seym,

dated February 20, 1 91 9,

Gabriel Narutowicz takes over the post

of the president of the Republic of Poland.

This concludes the protocol, which is signed by the present ones

and sealed with the seal of the Republic of Poland.

The protocol will be signed by: the Head of State, Jozef Pilsudski,

the president of the Republic of Poland Gabriel Narutowicz,

the Speaker of the Seym, Maciej Rataj,

the Speaker of the Senate, Wojciech Trampczynski,

Prime Minister, doctor Julian Nowak.

Gentlemen.

Mr. President of the Respublic of Poland,

I am very happy that as the first in Poland

I have the honor to have in the house, which is still mine

and with my family, the first citizen of the Republic of Poland.

As the only officer of the active army in Poland,

who has never before stood at attention before no one,

I stand at attention before Poland, which you represent.

With this toast...

Long live the first president of the Republic of Poland.

We have r eceived a sudden appeal

fr om the MPs of National Populist Association,

Christian Democracy and Christian National Union

to select the investigation boar d

to investigate the or ganization and activity of the socialist hit squads.

We also received sudden appeal fr om the PPS and PSL-Liberty

regarding the organization by the right wing

of the riots and disturbances in Warsaw

on the day of the pledge of the pr esident of Republic of Poland.

Another sudden appeal of Jewish association

regar ding the street disturbances and negligence of the government

on the December 1 1 , 1 922.

May I take the floor?

The floor takes Mr. Barlicki.

I appeal for the suddenness to be motivated today.

Who votes for the appeal of Mr. Barlicki, please stand up.

The appeal unanimously accepted.

I worn you that all those appeal concern one matter,

therefore they will be treated together.

I can allow one vote for the suddenness and one against.

Mr. Daszynski takes the floor.

Upper House, not the party quarr el

or the class fights gives the content to our appeal.

This appeal

was driven by the feeling of the deep care

for the being of the independent Republic of Poland,

its Constitution

and the law towar ds its each citizen.

We understand exactly

the social and political backgr ound of the fierce fight,

which jerks and tarnish the insides of Poland.

We know exactly that the deepest

and the saddest background of this fight

is the political ignorance,

total lack of knowledge about the simple law functions

of organs of public life in the free Republic.

Petty bourgeois, mer chants, petty intelligentsia,

so called free professions,

often feel weakened

and therefore it is not surprising that fearful in nature

and mostly interested in the instant profits

have started to look for the slogans

which could be saint, if they had not been manhandled

and smeared in mud.

The leading banner,

the main slogan is the nationalism.

Nationalism reaching the stage of barbarism.

Under the banner of this nationalism,

the first rule of democracy and the Polish Constitution

must go to ruin.

The rule by which the power belongs to majority of elected MPs.

Let him speak!

You are happy and at ease now because you think

that you have courts and offices to back you up.

That corrupted administration won't get at you

and you're safe when you dishonor the president of the Republic

and humiliate the National Assembly.

That's how it is!

Gentlemen, today, you can consider yourselves as the winners!

But who lives by the swor d will die by the sword!

- He is right! -To the point.

Bravo!

If you think that the shed blood yesterday

is a good subject for your ridicule,

you will be judged by contemporary and futur e generations.

Your fascism either dies in Poland, split the scull with democracy,

or Poland will face civil war.

The floor takes Mr. Stronski.

Intr od uce yourself first!

I am Levy Christian Jew!

This is your democracy, your liberalism!

Gentlemen, the reason for the regrettable incidences

- on the str eets of Warsaw... - What is that? Do you pity yourself?

We had Satur day's voting for the election of the president

of the Republic of Poland.

The left wing claims that the election was legal,

therefore all manifestations wer e illegal.

No one questions the legitimacy of election...

You are questioning it!

But I draw your attention to the fact

that the manifestations of the public are not only against the unlawful acts,

but also against manifestation of political life that the public

or its part considers undesirable.

When year ago in the Upper house

the existence of the Senate in the Polish Constitution has been enacted

this wasn't illegal,

then gentlemen from this side of the room

pr epared the street manifestation.

Befor e the fact! Not after it!

And the constitution wasn't there yet!

-They weren't violent! - But you have manifested on the streets!

You prepared the assassination! Not the manifestations!

You have done it!

There is no reason for different political customs

to be applied to only part of the society

and the other for the remaining.

As you all know, the first manifestations on Sunday

were peaceful, without disturbances of public or der.

Only Jews wer e thrown out of the streetcars!

Your cousins!

It is known to all that the men from this side of the room,

that were speaking on Sunday were calling

as one to accept the election of the president...

You should be wiser!

And have some smartness!

Like Father Nowakowski they've called not for disturbances

but for work - like General Haller.

Haller said that the weapons can be supplied!

But on Monday the repr ehensible violation took place,

because some MPs were not let into the Seym,

and some were attacked!

Shame on you in the face of the world!

Your colleagues were leading the crowd!

What this MP is saying that my colleagues and MPs fr om this side of the r oom

were or ganizing the demonstrations, so what you write and say

constantly is that the plan of those MPs was to forbid...

to forbid the new elected president to take the oath.

Yes, exactly.

If this side of the room organized the manifestations

it must have had some sort of plan...

Gentlemen, think for a while,

the plan wasn't to forbid the oath

of the newly elected president, Narutowicz,

but only to leave Pilsudski on the post.

You better write than speak!

You always lie!

The worst business we do on renaming!

If you don't believe those MPs fr om this side...

Let's go!

Friday, December 1 5, 1 922, the first working day of the President

I've started the talks regarding the creation of a new cabinet.

I asked to contact Zamoyski in Paris,

with the proposal of the post of the Minister of the international affairs,

I just wonder if they won't take this the wrong way.

The left wing that I seek the support in the right wing,

and the right wing that I want to break them up.

You can count on me in all the matters concerning the concordance

and r econciliation, where you don't want to impose anything.

Yes, this is all so complicated.

All my life I felt awkward, out of sorts, different.

Firstly in Switzerland as a Pole, now in Poland as a Swiss.

This puts a heavy pressure on me.

But I can't surrender.

I admire your strength and calmness, Mr. President.

I think the situation settles pretty soon.

Only today, the passions aren't as strong as days ago.

Gentlemen, please wait I will ask Mr. Car.

He's waiting for us, it's a good sign.

Car is my younger colleag ue. He has left the palestra

and now he is government dignitary.

I think as a special favor,

he could make it easier for us.

- One could think so. - Welcome, gentlemen.

Sorry to come with no notice,

but Mr. Pilsudski used to attend the openings.

We would be extremely happy for the pr esident

continued the tradition.

I understand you're coming on the behalf of the Zacheta management board.

- Yes, - On behalf of the management board.

Pr esident is not in right now, but I will pass on the information to him.

We are really keen on that.

And I ask you to please, be kind enoug h, to back up our request.

When can we expect the final decision?

I'll contact you by phone.

If President decides to come, he will be at noon.

If he won't show up at 1 2.1 5 that means he won't come at all.

Thank you for the invitation, gentlemen.

And one more thing.

Please, be discreet with this information.

The situation is not so peaceful yet.

This is a great honor for us, Sir.

We have to let people know.

Alright, you can tell the artists.

But I can speak in Polish.

Please, go on, I am listening.

Mr. President, you were chosen for this honorable post

as the result of the battle of the two fighting each other parties.

How do you see your r ole in this complicated situation?

Sir, the authority that was handed over to me

I consider as the responsibility before the country.

But the role of the president of the Republic of Poland

is to lead to the agr eement.

President must be above the parties.

Are you saying that you will create the non-parliament government?

Does this mean that you want go beyond the governments

that have the support of the parliament?

You want what we call the technical government.

Yes, certainly, now I have to create non-parliament government,

ther e is no other possibility, but this is only temporary plan.

Later I want, and I will have to go back to the parliament government.

It is important for the Seym to take part

of the r esponsibility for the future government

and for the parties called for the forming of the cabinet

were supporting one another in solidarity.

Otherwise ther e is no constancy and stability of the country.

I expect some calmness, which I will work on,

among the political activists of different parties.

Who needs a weak arm, honest citizens,

people with clean conscience are not afraid of strong arm.

Everything that lived in Poland what existed was noble,

clearly thinking, has demanded the strong hand for four years.

Weak arm is necessary but not to rule the country.

Weak arm is needed by thieves,

pr ofiteers, manhandlers of public money,

peasantry which avoids tax paying.

Jews, traitors, conspirators,

they need weak arm, political swind lers,

Loehr, Horowitz, Okon, Daszynski, Osmolowski,

it is needed by all the enemies of Poland.

They all clamor for the weak arm.

Pilsudski new about it, he must have knew it,

despite this he has recommended the weak arm.

He was looking for the man and had found him.

You know in every disease ther e is a moment of crisis.

Something must reach the critical point for the r ecovery of the or ganism.

I feel, Sir, that we are passed beyond that moment.

We'll see what Zamoyski answers.

If you r eceive an answer at night, please wake me up.

Mr. President I wonder if it's correct

for the first public appearance of the president

to be at art exhibition in Zacheta.

The Prime Minister Nowak will be there and General Haller.

Perhaps you are right.

Though I feel I should be ther e.

I haven't been to an art exhibition for a long time.

And for General Haller to be ther e...

I will call for the security measures in the Gallery Zacheta.

What for?

It will be safer, if police doesn't know about it.

Good night, Sir.

Good night, Mr. President.

Saturday, December 1 6, 1 922, 7 a.m.

Finally, some fresh air to end up this difficult week.

How is your horse, Sir?

It has rested well for a week.

And it doesn't feel the weight of the president at all,

who during that week got older a bit, doctor.

Today, you have a hard day, as well.

No.

Return visit at car dinal's, then Gallery Zacheta with Mr. Car,

rather pleasant day.

I had a call from the commissioner of the first district.

He was asking, if it is true that the president

will be at the opening of the art exhibition at Zacheta Gallery.

How come the police know about it? We haven't informed anybody.

- Did he introd uce himself? - No, he didn't

Therefore, I said that I know nothing about it.

-That I'll call, if I know something. - Please, don't call anywher e.

President didn't want the police to be notified.

He thought it will be safer.

Yes, of course, at 1 2 o'clock I will be with the president at Zacheta.

Unless the visit at Kakowski will prolong, but I don't think so.

I am at the office, Sir.

Very well, thank you.

Narutowicz, as a man, didn't exist for me.

Narutowicz, as a man, didn't exist for me.

I didn't know him, I haven't spoken to him even once;

not me, nor...

I stress this particularly, no one fr om my family.

All the speculations regarding this issue are pur e imagination.

I believe that as a man, as aprofessor,

as a husband he was a good honored man.

I believe that deeply, but for me he existed not as a man

but as a symbol of the political situation.

The symbol totally detached from the man,

I highlight this for the sake of his family

for what I say isn't painful for them.

To me he was a symbol of the political situation!

And the symbol of dishonor.

Your appeal is to pardon.

I think we should Mr. President.

There are also serious political reasons for that.

This Ukrainian sentenced to death is not an ordinary criminal,

it is clear in the documents.

I am happy to start my work with the act of forgiveness.

It is 1 1 o'clock, Mr. President.

Yes, this is not only an act of pardon for the criminal,

but an act of tolerance for the ethnic minorities,

which we have more than 8 millions in Poland,

but not everyone wants to remember it.

Especially the ones attacking me for not being the Polish pr esident.

Welcome, Leopold.

- What about our hunting? - We can go today or tomorrow.

Yes, exactly.

You see, Mr. Car always finds new tasks for me.

But in the evening, I will let you know for sure.

In case of some misfortune, Leopold, you'll take care of the children.

What ar e you talking about, Sir? What misfortune?

I am waiting in the evening.

I wait for your call.

Good morning, Sir.

- Good morning. - Good morning to you, too.

Please, come in.

Please, clear the way.

Welcome, Sir.

- Is the Prime Minister alr eady her e? - No, not yet.

Ladies and gentlemen clear the way, please.

Let's make the way for the president.

He will be here any minute.

- Good day, Sir. - Next guest of your Excellency.

Good day.

Welcome.

Please keep your coat on. It is cold in the r ooms.

Thank you.

Welcome, General.

Welcome. Good to see you, General.

I am happy that you're her e.

Please, stand on the side, thank you.

Please, clear the way.

President is coming.

Welcome, everybody.

Long live the President Narutowicz!

Long live!

Long live!

Good morning.

It is cold in the rooms, Mr. President.

ANNUAL EXHIBITION 1 922-1 923 DECEMBER JANUARY

Description will be provided

by the members of our committee. The artists.

Besides, Prime Minister Nowak

is also very competent as far as the the paintings go.

I am also interested in painting myself,

even though I haven't been her e for two years.

- Whose painting is that? -This one?

Excuse me. Can I see the catalogue?

Page 5.

What's the name?

What's the name?

And this is the fr ont of Zacheta by Kopczynski.

As busy in the front as today.

Yes, exactly.

Mr. President, English MP, Mr. Miller.

Here we have the painting of the same author.

And this is "Frost'" by Ziomek.

I won't be shooting to anyone else.

Don't be afraid, I won't shoot.

Get the doctor! Do we have the doctor here?

This is impossible.

Gentlemen, help!

Let's move him onto the couch. Quickly!

Be careful.

He won't fit.

Let's leave him on the floor.

Carefully.

He is br eathing.

- He is still breathing. - Give the way to the doctor!

He is dead.

Wait Sir, I will get the police.

You are responsible for what happened.

Your stirring up speeches made this murder to happen.

Now you are acting out indifference. And you're not interested.

May I see your I.D.?

I am the Minister.

- But I don't know you. Your I.D. please. - Leave me alone.

Why in the God's name have you done it?

Prosecutor has stressed it correctly that I haven't enough stressed

the r elation between planned assassination of Pilsudski

and assassination of Narutowicz.

Certainly the relationship is quite loose.

The first one comes from the several psychological necessities

that might have been and should have been.

The second one is quite coincidental, if Narutowicz was elected

by the Polish majority, or if he wouldn't have accepted the post,

the assassination wouldn't take place.

Common for both those cases is only the emotional background.

I took it the simplest way, if someone is dishonoring my mother,

my wife, or my daughter, I don't reason - but I strike.

The fact of dishonor was pr esent, the dishonor of our mutual mother,

the dishonor of the homeland.

Narutowicz wasn't the one to dishonor it,

but he was the symbol of it.

I have committed the assassination of Pr esident Narutowicz.

Premeditated murder.

I must admit he wasn't guilty.

He was the victim of the situation, the cir cumstances beyond him.

I took his life, I've committed murder,

and I don't show remorse for that.

The next day, after the burial ceremonies, the National Assembly had elected

the new President of the Republic of Poland.

In the first voting Stanislaw Wojciechowski had been chosen.

Eligiusz Niewiadomski was sentenced to death on December 30, 1 922.

The new President didn't exer cise the clemency of power.

The sentence has been executed.