Original subtitles

Four generations of one family their lives and causes reveal 150

years of American history

1817, Quincy, Massachusetts.

A reunion of three Adams

generations.

Father John, a founder of the United States and its second president.

Son, John Quincy.

Returning after distinguished years abroad as minister to Prussia, Russia,

the Netherlands, and Great Britain.

And grandsons, George, John, and Charles Francis.

George?

And how was the voyage, John? How many days at sea?

Fifty. The weather was excellent on the whole.

The decanter's empty, son. Would you mind? Not at all, sir.

Four feet four.

Is that all?

Well, think of it this way, Charles. It's 52 inches.

Is it really, George?

Did you hear that?

52 inches.

That's so little. You couldn't catch a flea.

Gentlemen, the occasion calls for a toast.

Perhaps several toasts.

First, I give you our host and hostess, my mother and father, who in my heart

will always be president and first lady of these United States.

Thank you, Thomas.

But enough of yesterday.

Tonight the occasion is the return, may I say, the triumphant return

of my eldest son.

Gentlemen, John Quincy Adams.

John Quincy Adams, former minister, plenipotentiary to Britain, present

secretary of state.

And future president of the United States.

George.

George.

You'll oblige me by going to your room.

I had every right to be angry, George.

Our homecoming should have been a happy occasion.

Instead, I was humiliated.

George said what he said because he's proud of you, Father.

Well, quiet pride, family pride is one thing.

Boastfulness, another.

Now, let's hope the incident stays within the family circle.

A rumor that I have my cap set for the presidency would be intolerable

and false.

But, Father, it was George who said it. You didn't.

Charles.

When you jumped from that tree, I watched your shadow.

I had a fancy that the shadow was me.

Me, 40 years ago.

I swam here, too.

I jumped from that same tree.

While you were in the air, you and the shadow were separate.

Separate in time for a fraction of a second.

Then you sped together, converged.

became one as you plunged into the water.

All of us, my father, I, his son, you,

my sons, we are all each other's shadows, separate in time,

but part of a whole.

We are, therefore, accountable to each other for our conduct.

If one of us plays the braggart, it hurts us all.

Well, I have apologized, Father.

I hope the lesson endures.

We'll all be separated soon.

Harvard, the Boston Latin School, your mother, Charles, and I in Washington.

I expect the best from you in your studies and the highest standards

of conduct in the other aspects of your lives.

I know I ask a lot.

But remember, I ask nothing of you.

But I do not demand of myself.

Old age, son, narrows a man's choices.

For myself, I have considered various alternatives.

Should I become a fierce old man or...

Perhaps a gentle old man.

I have chosen a third alternative.

The role of wise old man.

A wise choice, Father?

Yes. And one which implies spreading a little wisdom.

Are you prepared to take a little well -intentioned advice?

Of course, sir.

Well, on a personal note, I have...

Been observing the boys these past few weeks.

George in particular.

They seem subdued. I miss the crises of boyhood,

the spontaneity.

Life seems to sit on them more heavily than it should.

You feel I'm too heavy -handed with them, don't you?

I do.

Is it just an opinion, or can you cite anything specific?

And I hark back to the evening of your arrival.

George and his toast.

Well, that was unforgivable.

Was it?

Let me speak as counsel for the defense with George as my client.

When he toasted your future presidency, he only voiced the possibility that was

in the mind of every man in the room.

Secretaryship of State is an acknowledged stepping stone to the

In the future, you may be considered a candidate, Johnny, whether you wish to

or not.

I therefore submit that George said only what every man in the room might have

said. Momentarily embarrassing, perhaps, but hardly unforgivable.

Perhaps I was too severe with him.

Which brings the wise old man to his second bit of advice.

As a possible candidate, your every move will be watched by your potential

rivals.

Now, temper your judgments in that knowledge.

Study your every move.

I can make only one promise.

To fulfill my duties as Secretary of State as best I can.

My business is to serve the country and the station assigned me.

Not too intrigued for further advancement.

Particularly since I do not and will never seek the presidency.

Perhaps she will.

In any case, good luck, Mr. Secretary.

General Andrew Jackson, hero of the War of 1812, pursued marauding Indians into

Spanish Florida.

Spain demanded return of the territory.

Great Britain learned that Jackson had executed two British citizens, Arbuthnot

and Armbrister, for aiding the Indians.

A volatile English public talked of war.

It's an outrage.

An outrage, Mr. President, which can't have the direst consequences unless this

cabinet takes immediate action. What immediate action do you suggest, Mr.

Colonel? General Jackson's orders.

They should, by me as Secretary of War, have been flagrantly disobeyed. Thus

this government can and should disavow Jackson. He should repudiate his seizure

of the Floridas and his execution of the two British subjects and make his

conduct... The subject of an investigation by a military tribunal.

A court -martial. Exactly.

And are you of the same opinion, Mr. Crawford? Mr. President, I fear war with

Spain. It would ruin our trade and be disastrous to our economy.

As Secretary of the Treasury, it is my duty to advise, as Mr. Calhoun has

suggested, that Jackson be punished and the Floridas be returned to Spain. Now,

gentlemen, gentlemen, please, please be seated.

I have reservations.

But in the main, I agree.

Ah.

Mr. Adams, I had the feeling you might rise to dissent.

Oh, on the contrary, Mr. President.

I rise to add another voice to the general agreement.

I refer to the voice of the Spanish minister, Luis de Onís.

As you know, I have been meeting with him almost daily.

The Spanish minister, too, suggests that General Jackson should be disciplined

for flagrant disobedience to orders and that the Floridas be restored to

Spain. And your opinion, Mr. Adams?

I think that General Jackson's actions were justified. Justified? Justified

by the misconduct...

and the negligence of the Spanish officers in Florida.

I think that the argument that Jackson disobeyed his orders is an argument of

dubious merit.

Moreover, gentlemen, if the question is dubious, it is better to err on the

side of vigor than weakness, on the side of our own officer who has rendered the

most eminent services to this nation than on the side of ours. Bitterest

enemies.

Minister of His Most Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain, Don Luis de Onís.

Ah, Don Luis.

Congratulations, my friend.

Congratulations.

Rumor says, just rumor, that...

Single -handed, you can say the opinion of your cabinet and your government.

Indeed. Is the Spanish minister regularly informed of what goes on in

meetings?

I am my own intelligence network.

I add great strength to myself.

I attend a lot of dinner parties.

Oh, surely, Don Luis, you don't rely on gossip.

To a certain extent.

One thing is clear. In this new situation, it is you with whom I must

And you alone.

That distresses me.

It distresses me because we are somewhat alike.

You and I.

Stubborn men.

Hard to deal with.

You requested this meeting, Don Luis.

I did.

I am preparing a report for Madrid on the status of our negotiations for a

treaty.

In view of the extreme tensions brought on by General Jackson's outrageous

invasion, pardon me, in view of the new circumstances, I felt it necessary

to clarify your latest position on the western boundary.

This morning?

Well, let me see.

Let's say that I am on the Rio Grande.

In that case, I am on the Mississippi.

That doesn't seem so far apart. I hate to walk it.

Yes.

But this was your line as of our last discussion.

Correct. That is where I stand.

Adieu, sir.

And pray. What are your plans from there on?

Sense straight to the Pacific Ocean.

The United States liberated the Atlantic coast from the British Empire.

You now propose that Spain cede you half the Pacific coast.

That coast has been Spain since Juan de Fuca discovered it.

Do you really expect That in return for the treaty, we give you the Florida, all

this territory and that as well.

Your country needs the treaty, Don Luis.

By agreeing to my proposal, you will have retained Texas and gain

in respect to those South American possessions now in revolt against your

No, Mr. Adams.

I recommend negotiation ceased until Florida is restored to Spanish

authority.

Compensation is made and lawful punishment handed out to General

Madrid might not welcome the delay, Don Luis.

She may want to cede the Floridas.

While my country still admits she has the Floridas to cede.

Again, no.

The impact of General Jackson's reckless adventure has not yet been

felt in Europe.

When the shock is felt, powerful forces will be unleashed.

Forces powerful enough to jolt even you, my friend, into a more

reasonable position.

Good day, Mr. Adams.

Don Luis.

Are you counting on England?

Good evening, Mrs. Hawkins. Good evening, sir.

Where's Mrs. Adams?

In the drawing room, sir.

Master Charles is up in his room studying his lessons.

And your little niece?

Mrs. Adams' niece.

Whatever you say, sir.

Anyway, Mary Catherine's back from her visit, and she's brought a little friend

with her as companion.

And they're up in her room studying their lessons.

A commendably thorough report, Mrs. Hawkins.

Add to it that I'm in my study, studying my lessons.

Mary Catherine, come in.

Charles lured me in here and then tried to kiss me.

Charles, you are wicked.

It was also found that

information was afforded by Arbuthnot to the enemy about the strength and

movement of the American army.

Ah, did you hear that, madam?

Yes. This, of course, is the key to the treaty with Spain, to prove Arbuthnot

and Ambruster guilty.

You do understand?

No. Let me explain.

Spain knows that we can't back up our treaty demands, not if the British are

threatening us with war.

What is not clear is why you must, by dawn, prove guilty two men already

guilty and already executed. Those trials were in formal court.

This is written for the court of public opinion. To turn that opinion against

Spain and to sway the British public, stop them from clamoring for war because

we executed those two.

John, are you aware of the time?

I came down to suggest that you come to bed.

I know. The hours I keep are shocking, but you worry too much about my health.

No one ever dies from lack of sleep.

Or from loneliness.

What can't die is a relationship.

John, we're becoming strangers who share a house, who share a bed, and still are

strangers.

Our lives, instead of being intertwined, merely run parallel to each other, are

so destined never to touch.

I know, Louisa.

But the work, it's so important.

No doubt it is.

I'll leave you to your defense of General Jackson.

Oh, but this is no defense.

I'm on the attack.

Let me read you another paragraph.

The obligation of Spain to restrain the Indians of Florida from hostilities

against the United States is explicit, is positive, is unqualified.

If, as the Spanish officers maintain... They could not restrain the Indians

because of military weakness rather than will. That may serve in some measure to

excuse those officers. But that fact must demonstrate to the Spanish

that it must immediately attend to its territory or cede to the United States

that territory which she retains only nominal control.

That will be published?

Spread across half the world.

Will it not be something of a bombshell?

More than a bombshell, my dear.

A broadside.

Damn it, Bent, I told you no visitors. Adams, the President of the United

States.

Good morning, Mr. Adams.

Unexpected privilege, Mr. President. Well,

it's nice to see the old office again.

You keep it neater than I did.

Mr. Secretary, I have good news.

So good that I wanted to bear the tidings myself. It concerns that

yours. Well, a broadside it was.

Took down every enemy in sight.

Changed public opinion here and in Europe. Silenced all our critics in

And then there's this, finally.

From Rush in London, by special messenger, you...

Have it, no doubt, officially from the British ambassador in a day or two. What

it amounts to is this.

Lord Castlereagh, with your broadside on his desk, has decided that Britain will

not lift a finger to protest Ambrister and Arbuthnot, nor to demand a rebuke of

General Jackson.

That is indeed good news.

Spain is forced to continue at that bargaining table with no expectation of

help. I imagine now you can twist her.

Mr. Adams, something is wrong.

You're not even favoring your triumph.

I have had other news this day on a personal side.

I was just writing my father.

My mother.

Abigail Adams.

John,

I most acutely share your sorrow.

She was a great woman.

I will write to your father.

Immediately.

That line of ours.

Yes, sir?

Suddenly it looks quite real.

Westworld, the star of empire, takes its way.

The words are yours, Mr. Secretary, from a speech you made almost 20 years ago.

Congratulations.

It's a rare day when a man can be said to have fulfilled his destiny.

Or at least part of it.

Good day, Mrs. Hawkins.

George. Madam.

It's wonderful to see you, George.

A little present for you. All the way from Boston. I hope it traveled well.

hope? What is it?

Damn, I forgot to ask. I had a friend pick it out for me. George, you're

impossible. Of course.

I stopped at State, paid my respects to Father, bumped into my old friend

Freddy... What's his name? And he told me the heiress is playing at the

Stopped at the theater, picked up tickets, and here I am.

Tonight, I shall take my charming mother out to dinner into the theater. Oh.

It's all right. I checked.

Tonight, Father will be locked in his study, working. He only thinks he'll be

working, George. We have a dinner tonight, a diplomatic affair.

Oh.

All right, I'll take Mrs. Hawkins.

No, better still, Charles.

Wait. Mary Catherine must be grown up enough by now.

Can she go if Mrs. Hawkins acts as our chaperone?

I imagine she'll be delighted to go with you, George.

You are Mary Catherine.

Indeed I am, sir.

What happened to the freckles?

The knobby elbows?

They went the way of your warts, George.

News from Kentucky, sir.

An attack on your policies.

Delivered in a speech by a...

Opponent, Mr.

Henry Clay.

Mr. Clay represents opposition to this administration.

That doesn't make him my opponent.

Sorry, sir.

I must have been thinking of him in the other context as your opponent in the

future presidential election.

I'm not running for any office, Mr. Bent.

Just doing my best to administer the Department of State.

Mr. Clay.

Seems to be calling for some sort of alliance with the newly liberated

in South America.

A force in balance against Spain and her allies.

Leave the material on my desk.

I'm even now preparing an address that will reflect on that matter.

America has, in the lapse of nearly half a century, and without a

single exception...

respected the independence of other nations while

maintaining and asserting her own.

She well knows that by enlisting under banners other than her own,

she would involve herself beyond the power of extrication

in wars of interest.

and ambition, and intrigue, which assume the colors and

usurp the standards of freedom.

John!

Anything the matter?

I hadn't expected to see another academic gown for a while.

Well, not till I go back to Harvard in the fall.

Oh, well, this is just for a speech next week.

Well, how did the term go?

What was your class standing?

Just fair.

Well, mediocre, I suppose.

I'm about 40th in the class.

What are we going to do about it?

I'll do better next term.

40th out of 85.

I suggest immediate steps, four or five hours a day on your books, and I'll

arrange for a private tutor.

Well, as you can see, I'm preparing an address.

Yes, sir.

Hello, John.

Oh.

Mary Catherine.

What did your father say?

He gave me my orders.

I'm to spend the holiday studying.

That expression is so tragically tragic.

I must do a drawing of you just that way.

Now, you know, John, there's always a bright side if you look for it.

Thank you.

That's the nicest thing anyone ever said to me.

This means you must go back to Washington soon.

I think the holiday is about over.

I'm afraid we're going to be pulled into this European mess. I hate to

interrupt, but...

We must talk about George and Mary Catherine. They're waiting for an

It's time for my afternoon rest, anyway.

We'll talk about this at dinner. Good.

All right.

George wants to marry the girl.

Do you approve or disapprove? The decision will have to be made without

refuse to participate.

May I ask why?

Because.

George and John are both my sons.

Mary Catherine is a flirtatious little minx.

We both know that.

While George was away, she kept in practice by flirting with John.

I can even remember her flirting with Charles.

Why is this so important?

Because John's in love with her.

Does George know any of this? Yes.

Well, then why the sudden proposal? I think he thinks that a formal engagement

would focus her attentions.

And you insist I make the decision.

Well... George?

Please, let's go.

I have just one question.

If we assent, when do you plan to marry?

When my financial situation warrants it. Say, two or three years.

In that case, I assent.

So does your mother.

Congratulations.

He said... They said yes.

George.

Darling.

Well, it, uh... It calls for a celebration.

Doesn't it?

Mr. Secretary.

Mr. President.

Have you had time to study the British proposal?

I have read it.

And your first reaction?

If we should make a joint declaration with Britain, a declaration of non

-intervention in South America, then we must be prepared to back it up.

We would be saying, in effect, that should any European country

seek to take power, in South America, then neither the United States nor

would stand by with indifference.

Now, in that last statement, I hear the rumble of war.

I remember Washington's farewell warning that we should stay out of the ordinary

vicissitudes of European politics.

Well, is it an ordinary vicissitude, and is it European?

Our concern is that Spain will reach out to repossess Mexico and the independent

countries of South America.

No, I do not believe that we face such an eventuality.

Well, the Secretary of War disagrees.

He thinks that Spain could recover Mexico and the South American countries

but 10 ,000 men. Now, how do you feel about that?

I think Mr. Calhoun is perfectly moonstruck.

Well, permit me to introduce further testimony. I thought it wise to write to

two old friends.

Here.

With the British power and Navy, combined with our own, we have nothing

In the great struggle of this epoch, between liberty and despotism, we owe it

ourselves to sustain liberty, in this hemisphere at least. That is signed

Madison.

The other reply is from Mr. Jefferson, and he, too, thinks that we should join

with Britton in making this statement.

A formidable weight of opinion.

Presidents Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe.

Despite which weight of opinion, Mr. Adams seems unconvinced.

Gentlemen, gentlemen.

As in our past meetings, the subject before this cabinet is the signing of

joint declaration with Britain.

It's clear to me that the will of this group, the will of the majority of this

group, is to accept the British proposal.

Mr. President.

Mr. Adams.

An opportunity has presented itself for us to take an alternate method toward

making... clear to the world where we stand.

The Baron von Twiel has delivered us a formal note on behalf of the

Tsar of Russia.

In brief, we are instructed to stay neutral towards South America.

And if we do not, the Tsar and the rest of his allies will wield their might on

the side of Spain.

Would not our joining with Britain in a declaration of non -intervention answer

that? Perhaps.

However, the Russian note affords a very convenient

opportunity for us to take an independent stand.

You are suggesting declining the joint declaration with Britain? Yes.

It would be advantageous for us to avow our principles directly to Russia and

France rather than come in as a cock boat in the wake of the British man of

Well, Mr. Adams, you made your point.

I have no desire to be the cockboat in the wake of a British man of war.

You will draft the note to the Baron von Tuile. Yes, I will draft the note to

Russia, England, France, and Spain.

We must make it clear that henceforth the American continents are not to be

considered as subjects for future colonization by any European nation.

Yes, but I do not intend...

to confine this statement merely to confidential diplomatic correspondence

the involved nations.

This is a new chapter in our foreign policy.

Let it be read as a presidential message to the Congress, to the people, indeed

to the whole world.

A triumphant career as Secretary of State for John Quincy Adams, capped by

concept of foreign policy now known as the Monroe Doctrine.

This same career included the acquisition of Spanish Florida and

to the Oregon Territory, extending the United States border to the Pacific.

It is also a period in which Louisa Catherine shines as a hostess, one whose

invitations are much sought after.

A grand ball at the Adams home, one of the social highlights of the season in

1824.

A strange irony, for while influential people dance and gossip, Adams enters a

new arena as contender for the presidency.

His chief rival is the man whose own career Adams had saved.

I see that all the most charming ladies in Washington are here tonight.

You flatter us, General, more than we deserve. The occasion flatters me,

more than I deserve.

This way, General. The guests wait to greet you on the anniversary of your

victory at New Orleans.

Everyone is here except the president.

Are you sure he's coming, Louisa?

President Monroe wanted to be scrupulously fair. He felt that his

in an election year might indicate a bias in Mr. Adams' favor.

Mr.

Clay. Mr. Crawford. General.

Your arrival makes the evening complete, General.

Did you think I wouldn't arrive?

Good God, man, I'm the guest of honor.

How goes the campaign, General?

Campaign?

I'm a retired soldier, Mr. Crawford. Practicing law occasionally, but mainly

retired out of grass on my plantation.

I've only just returned to the Senate.

Somebody should have sent you the word, General.

There's a presidential election in 11 months.

And you're one of the leading candidates.

This is not a political occasion, Mr. Crawford. Oh, I stand corrected, Mr.

Adams.

This is not a political occasion.

However, before this year is out, one of the four of us will be the next

president. I plan no campaign. If the people are foolish enough to vote me

the White House, it'll be without exertion on my part.

I hold with the general.

I will not elicit the nomination, nor will I lift a finger to support it.

You'll shame me, gentlemen.

I, for one, want the presidency very much, and I intend to do my damnedest to

get it.

Good luck to you, Mr. Crawford.

My attitude, best expressed by Shakespeare, remains firm.

If chance will have me king, my chance may crown me without my stone.

So bad I'm not campaigning, I could accuse you of royalist leanings.

It's just possible, Mr. Adams, that the man who waits for chance to crown him...

May find himself bareheaded.

What a lovely, lovely evening.

It's a shame George couldn't be here.

Do you mean that?

I don't know.

You look very nice, dear. A nosegay. Who's it for?

The flowers are from George.

He wrote from Boston to that friend of his, Freddie.

And Freddie just delivered them.

To my fiance.

What should I do?

Do as George intended. Deliver them.

Mr. Robert Letcher, representative from Kentucky.

Mr. Adams?

I just got the electoral votes from Louisiana.

Adams, two.

Jackson, three.

That makes the results final.

Total vote for president.

Clay, 37.

Crawford, 41.

Adams, 84.

Jackson, 99.

There we have it. Nobody elected.

The first three will go to a vote to the House of Representatives, and Clay will

be eliminated.

Eliminated strikes me as a somewhat imprecise word.

Isn't it?

Seems like my friend Clay and his 37 votes are going to be the...

Well, let's just say that Mr. Clay is going to be mighty influential in

the outcome.

Mr.

Adams, what are your sentiments toward Clay?

Despite past differences, I harbor no hostility.

Just by coincidence, he harbors no hostility toward you.

Why, he's told one and all you're a man of real sincerity.

Now, as we both know, Clay is not for Jackson.

But back in Clay's home state of Kentucky, the folks in the legislature

well, with Clay out, they'll want Jackson.

Yes, I think.

Of course, it could be solved.

Mr. Clay is so popular back there, I'm sure he could change their minds if he

had a good enough argument.

What would be the nature of the argument, Mr. Letcher?

Well, now, suppose we could tell him Clay would hold an influential position

your administration.

How influential?

Let's say as influential as your position in Monroe's administration.

Mr. Clay wants you to know that he'd welcome a conversation with you on

affairs.

Confidential, of course.

Whenever it suits Mr. Clay's convenience.

Have you seen these terrible things they're saying about you?

John, I can't stand all these false accusations. I feel ashamed, degraded.

Well, I'm afraid you'll have to put up with it.

Have you any idea of what I'm putting up with?

Those men out there, all of them seeking political favors at the price of

supporting me?

Now, how many times have you heard me say that I wouldn't lift a finger?

Wouldn't campaign.

Wouldn't run for any office. I do not keep count. Yes, well, people say I'm

running now.

Running up every back alley of the political world.

Cutting corners.

Making compromises. Being evasive.

Doing everything but remaining true to the principles that I have lived by.

Is it worth it?

I believe that what I'm doing, I do for the country.

To Clay, sir.

Send him in.

And as I've said publicly, my personal preference among the candidates is for

you.

Word hadn't reached me.

Well, I have said publicly that I'm dead set against General Jackson.

He would put his region and his state before the interests of the nation.

He would destroy everything you've worked for.

our past differences, I find myself much more in sympathy with your views, Mr.

Adams.

I am gratified, Mr. Clay.

Before lending my support, however, I feel we should discuss some principles

public importance.

I understand.

Without any personal consideration for myself, of course.

But friends of Mr. Crawford have approached me in a most indiscreet

Excuse me one moment.

Bargains and politics at times are synonymous, particularly when a

at stake.

History does not record the details of Mr. Adams' conversation with Mr. Clay,

but subsequent to their private meeting, Clay lent his support to Adams' cause.

in the recent election of a president of the United States, no person having

received a majority of all the votes of the electors appointed, and the choice

having consequently devolved unto the House of Representatives, that House,

proceeding in the manner prescribed by the Constitution, did this afternoon

choose John Quincy Adams.

to be president of the United States for four years, commencing on the fourth

day of March next.

Would Mr.

Adams care to respond?

Mr. Webster.

Gentlemen.

I beg leave.

Sit down, Mr. Adams. Whatever you have to say, say it from a comfortable

position. I will stand.

He's going to decline.

On only one previous occasion in the history of our country

has the House of Representatives...

I've been called upon to choose a president.

I beg leave of the committee to avail myself of the

precedent set by Mr. Jefferson at that time.

In reply, in writing, I need

hardly say

And yet I feel I must say that if there were any

immediate opportunity for the people and the people themselves

to form and to express a nearer approach to

unanimity, I would not hesitate to decline this office

and submit the decision

to the people.

But the Constitution itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would

arise in the event of my refusal.

Therefore, I shall repair to the post assigned to me

By the call of my country.

That duty was to be shadowed throughout Adams presidency.

by the towering and popular figure of Andrew Jackson.

It had been on February 9th, 1825, that the House of Representatives, on its

first ballot, elected John Quincy Adams, the sixth president of the United

States, by a majority of one state.

It was a clouded victory, beset with doubts,

unanswered questions.