All language subtitles for the_adams_chronicles_s01e08_secretary_of_state

Four generations of one family their
lives and causes reveal 150

years of American history

1817, Quincy, Massachusetts.

A reunion of three Adams

generations.

Father John, a founder of the United
States and its second president.

Son, John Quincy.

Returning after distinguished years
abroad as minister to Prussia, Russia,

the Netherlands, and Great Britain.

And grandsons, George, John, and Charles
Francis.

George?

And how was the voyage, John? How many
days at sea?

Fifty. The weather was excellent on the
whole.

The decanter's empty, son. Would you
mind? Not at all, sir.

Four feet four.

Is that all?

Well, think of it this way, Charles.
It's 52 inches.

Is it really, George?

Did you hear that?

52 inches.

That's so little. You couldn't catch a
flea.

Gentlemen, the occasion calls for a
toast.

Perhaps several toasts.

First, I give you our host and hostess,
my mother and father, who in my heart

will always be president and first lady
of these United States.

Thank you, Thomas.

But enough of yesterday.

Tonight the occasion is the return, may
I say, the triumphant return

of my eldest son.

Gentlemen, John Quincy Adams.

John Quincy Adams, former minister,
plenipotentiary to Britain, present

secretary of state.

And future president of the United
States.

George.

George.

You'll oblige me by going to your room.

I had every right to be angry, George.

Our homecoming should have been a happy
occasion.

Instead, I was humiliated.

George said what he said because he's
proud of you, Father.

Well, quiet pride, family pride is one
thing.

Boastfulness, another.

Now, let's hope the incident stays
within the family circle.

A rumor that I have my cap set for the
presidency would be intolerable

and false.

But, Father, it was George who said it.
You didn't.

Charles.

When you jumped from that tree, I
watched your shadow.

I had a fancy that the shadow was me.

Me, 40 years ago.

I swam here, too.

I jumped from that same tree.

While you were in the air, you and the
shadow were separate.

Separate in time for a fraction of a
second.

Then you sped together, converged.

became one as you plunged into the
water.

All of us, my father, I, his son, you,

my sons, we are all each other's
shadows, separate in time,

but part of a whole.

We are, therefore, accountable to each
other for our conduct.

If one of us plays the braggart, it
hurts us all.

Well, I have apologized, Father.

I hope the lesson endures.

We'll all be separated soon.

Harvard, the Boston Latin School, your
mother, Charles, and I in Washington.

I expect the best from you in your
studies and the highest standards

of conduct in the other aspects of your
lives.

I know I ask a lot.

But remember, I ask nothing of you.

But I do not demand of myself.

Old age, son, narrows a man's choices.

For myself, I have considered various
alternatives.

Should I become a fierce old man or...

Perhaps a gentle old man.

I have chosen a third alternative.

The role of wise old man.

A wise choice, Father?

Yes. And one which implies spreading a
little wisdom.

Are you prepared to take a little well
-intentioned advice?

Of course, sir.

Well, on a personal note, I have...

Been observing the boys these past few
weeks.

George in particular.

They seem subdued. I miss the crises of
boyhood,

the spontaneity.

Life seems to sit on them more heavily
than it should.

You feel I'm too heavy -handed with
them, don't you?

I do.

Is it just an opinion, or can you cite
anything specific?

And I hark back to the evening of your
arrival.

George and his toast.

Well, that was unforgivable.

Was it?

Let me speak as counsel for the defense
with George as my client.

When he toasted your future presidency,
he only voiced the possibility that was

in the mind of every man in the room.

Secretaryship of State is an
acknowledged stepping stone to the

In the future, you may be considered a
candidate, Johnny, whether you wish to

or not.

I therefore submit that George said only
what every man in the room might have

said. Momentarily embarrassing, perhaps,
but hardly unforgivable.

Perhaps I was too severe with him.

Which brings the wise old man to his
second bit of advice.

As a possible candidate, your every move
will be watched by your potential

rivals.

Now, temper your judgments in that
knowledge.

Study your every move.

I can make only one promise.

To fulfill my duties as Secretary of
State as best I can.

My business is to serve the country and
the station assigned me.

Not too intrigued for further
advancement.

Particularly since I do not and will
never seek the presidency.

Perhaps she will.

In any case, good luck, Mr. Secretary.

General Andrew Jackson, hero of the War
of 1812, pursued marauding Indians into

Spanish Florida.

Spain demanded return of the territory.

Great Britain learned that Jackson had
executed two British citizens, Arbuthnot

and Armbrister, for aiding the Indians.

A volatile English public talked of war.

It's an outrage.

An outrage, Mr. President, which can't
have the direst consequences unless this

cabinet takes immediate action. What
immediate action do you suggest, Mr.

Colonel? General Jackson's orders.

They should, by me as Secretary of War,
have been flagrantly disobeyed. Thus

this government can and should disavow
Jackson. He should repudiate his seizure

of the Floridas and his execution of the
two British subjects and make his

conduct... The subject of an
investigation by a military tribunal.

A court -martial. Exactly.

And are you of the same opinion, Mr.
Crawford? Mr. President, I fear war with

Spain. It would ruin our trade and be
disastrous to our economy.

As Secretary of the Treasury, it is my
duty to advise, as Mr. Calhoun has

suggested, that Jackson be punished and
the Floridas be returned to Spain. Now,

gentlemen, gentlemen, please, please be
seated.

I have reservations.

But in the main, I agree.

Ah.

Mr. Adams, I had the feeling you might
rise to dissent.

Oh, on the contrary, Mr. President.

I rise to add another voice to the
general agreement.

I refer to the voice of the Spanish
minister, Luis de Onís.

As you know, I have been meeting with
him almost daily.

The Spanish minister, too, suggests that
General Jackson should be disciplined

for flagrant disobedience to orders and
that the Floridas be restored to

Spain. And your opinion, Mr. Adams?

I think that General Jackson's actions
were justified. Justified? Justified

by the misconduct...

and the negligence of the Spanish
officers in Florida.

I think that the argument that Jackson
disobeyed his orders is an argument of

dubious merit.

Moreover, gentlemen, if the question is
dubious, it is better to err on the

side of vigor than weakness, on the side
of our own officer who has rendered the

most eminent services to this nation
than on the side of ours. Bitterest

enemies.

Minister of His Most Catholic Majesty,
the King of Spain, Don Luis de Onís.

Ah, Don Luis.

Congratulations, my friend.

Congratulations.

Rumor says, just rumor, that...

Single -handed, you can say the opinion
of your cabinet and your government.

Indeed. Is the Spanish minister
regularly informed of what goes on in

meetings?

I am my own intelligence network.

I add great strength to myself.

I attend a lot of dinner parties.

Oh, surely, Don Luis, you don't rely on
gossip.

To a certain extent.

One thing is clear. In this new
situation, it is you with whom I must

And you alone.

That distresses me.

It distresses me because we are somewhat
alike.

You and I.

Stubborn men.

Hard to deal with.

You requested this meeting, Don Luis.

I did.

I am preparing a report for Madrid on
the status of our negotiations for a

treaty.

In view of the extreme tensions brought
on by General Jackson's outrageous

invasion, pardon me, in view of the new
circumstances, I felt it necessary

to clarify your latest position on the
western boundary.

This morning?

Well, let me see.

Let's say that I am on the Rio Grande.

In that case, I am on the Mississippi.

That doesn't seem so far apart. I hate
to walk it.

Yes.

But this was your line as of our last
discussion.

Correct. That is where I stand.

Adieu, sir.

And pray. What are your plans from there
on?

Sense straight to the Pacific Ocean.

The United States liberated the Atlantic
coast from the British Empire.

You now propose that Spain cede you half
the Pacific coast.

That coast has been Spain since Juan de
Fuca discovered it.

Do you really expect That in return for
the treaty, we give you the Florida, all

this territory and that as well.

Your country needs the treaty, Don Luis.

By agreeing to my proposal, you will
have retained Texas and gain

in respect to those South American
possessions now in revolt against your

No, Mr. Adams.

I recommend negotiation ceased until
Florida is restored to Spanish

authority.

Compensation is made and lawful
punishment handed out to General

Madrid might not welcome the delay, Don
Luis.

She may want to cede the Floridas.

While my country still admits she has
the Floridas to cede.

Again, no.

The impact of General Jackson's reckless
adventure has not yet been

felt in Europe.

When the shock is felt, powerful forces
will be unleashed.

Forces powerful enough to jolt even you,
my friend, into a more

reasonable position.

Good day, Mr. Adams.

Don Luis.

Are you counting on England?

Good evening, Mrs. Hawkins. Good
evening, sir.

Where's Mrs. Adams?

In the drawing room, sir.

Master Charles is up in his room
studying his lessons.

And your little niece?

Mrs. Adams' niece.

Whatever you say, sir.

Anyway, Mary Catherine's back from her
visit, and she's brought a little friend

with her as companion.

And they're up in her room studying
their lessons.

A commendably thorough report, Mrs.
Hawkins.

Add to it that I'm in my study, studying
my lessons.

Mary Catherine, come in.

Charles lured me in here and then tried
to kiss me.

Charles, you are wicked.

It was also found that

information was afforded by Arbuthnot to
the enemy about the strength and

movement of the American army.

Ah, did you hear that, madam?

Yes. This, of course, is the key to the
treaty with Spain, to prove Arbuthnot

and Ambruster guilty.

You do understand?

No. Let me explain.

Spain knows that we can't back up our
treaty demands, not if the British are

threatening us with war.

What is not clear is why you must, by
dawn, prove guilty two men already

guilty and already executed. Those
trials were in formal court.

This is written for the court of public
opinion. To turn that opinion against

Spain and to sway the British public,
stop them from clamoring for war because

we executed those two.

John, are you aware of the time?

I came down to suggest that you come to
bed.

I know. The hours I keep are shocking,
but you worry too much about my health.

No one ever dies from lack of sleep.

Or from loneliness.

What can't die is a relationship.

John, we're becoming strangers who share
a house, who share a bed, and still are

strangers.

Our lives, instead of being intertwined,
merely run parallel to each other, are

so destined never to touch.

I know, Louisa.

But the work, it's so important.

No doubt it is.

I'll leave you to your defense of
General Jackson.

Oh, but this is no defense.

I'm on the attack.

Let me read you another paragraph.

The obligation of Spain to restrain the
Indians of Florida from hostilities

against the United States is explicit,
is positive, is unqualified.

If, as the Spanish officers maintain...
They could not restrain the Indians

because of military weakness rather than
will. That may serve in some measure to

excuse those officers. But that fact
must demonstrate to the Spanish

that it must immediately attend to its
territory or cede to the United States

that territory which she retains only
nominal control.

That will be published?

Spread across half the world.

Will it not be something of a bombshell?

More than a bombshell, my dear.

A broadside.

Damn it, Bent, I told you no visitors.
Adams, the President of the United

States.

Good morning, Mr. Adams.

Unexpected privilege, Mr. President.
Well,

it's nice to see the old office again.

You keep it neater than I did.

Mr. Secretary, I have good news.

So good that I wanted to bear the
tidings myself. It concerns that

yours. Well, a broadside it was.

Took down every enemy in sight.

Changed public opinion here and in
Europe. Silenced all our critics in

And then there's this, finally.

From Rush in London, by special
messenger, you...

Have it, no doubt, officially from the
British ambassador in a day or two. What

it amounts to is this.

Lord Castlereagh, with your broadside on
his desk, has decided that Britain will

not lift a finger to protest Ambrister
and Arbuthnot, nor to demand a rebuke of

General Jackson.

That is indeed good news.

Spain is forced to continue at that
bargaining table with no expectation of

help. I imagine now you can twist her.

Mr. Adams, something is wrong.

You're not even favoring your triumph.

I have had other news this day on a
personal side.

I was just writing my father.

My mother.

Abigail Adams.

John,

I most acutely share your sorrow.

She was a great woman.

I will write to your father.

Immediately.

That line of ours.

Yes, sir?

Suddenly it looks quite real.

Westworld, the star of empire, takes its
way.

The words are yours, Mr. Secretary, from
a speech you made almost 20 years ago.

Congratulations.

It's a rare day when a man can be said
to have fulfilled his destiny.

Or at least part of it.

Good day, Mrs. Hawkins.

George. Madam.

It's wonderful to see you, George.

A little present for you. All the way
from Boston. I hope it traveled well.

hope? What is it?

Damn, I forgot to ask. I had a friend
pick it out for me. George, you're

impossible. Of course.

I stopped at State, paid my respects to
Father, bumped into my old friend

Freddy... What's his name? And he told
me the heiress is playing at the

Stopped at the theater, picked up
tickets, and here I am.

Tonight, I shall take my charming mother
out to dinner into the theater. Oh.

It's all right. I checked.

Tonight, Father will be locked in his
study, working. He only thinks he'll be

working, George. We have a dinner
tonight, a diplomatic affair.

Oh.

All right, I'll take Mrs. Hawkins.

No, better still, Charles.

Wait. Mary Catherine must be grown up
enough by now.

Can she go if Mrs. Hawkins acts as our
chaperone?

I imagine she'll be delighted to go with
you, George.

You are Mary Catherine.

Indeed I am, sir.

What happened to the freckles?

The knobby elbows?

They went the way of your warts, George.

News from Kentucky, sir.

An attack on your policies.

Delivered in a speech by a...

Opponent, Mr.

Henry Clay.

Mr. Clay represents opposition to this
administration.

That doesn't make him my opponent.

Sorry, sir.

I must have been thinking of him in the
other context as your opponent in the

future presidential election.

I'm not running for any office, Mr.
Bent.

Just doing my best to administer the
Department of State.

Mr. Clay.

Seems to be calling for some sort of
alliance with the newly liberated

in South America.

A force in balance against Spain and her
allies.

Leave the material on my desk.

I'm even now preparing an address that
will reflect on that matter.

America has, in the lapse of nearly half
a century, and without a

single exception...

respected the independence of other
nations while

maintaining and asserting her own.

She well knows that by enlisting under
banners other than her own,

she would involve herself beyond the
power of extrication

in wars of interest.

and ambition, and intrigue, which assume
the colors and

usurp the standards of freedom.

John!

Anything the matter?

I hadn't expected to see another
academic gown for a while.

Well, not till I go back to Harvard in
the fall.

Oh, well, this is just for a speech next
week.

Well, how did the term go?

What was your class standing?

Just fair.

Well, mediocre, I suppose.

I'm about 40th in the class.

What are we going to do about it?

I'll do better next term.

40th out of 85.

I suggest immediate steps, four or five
hours a day on your books, and I'll

arrange for a private tutor.

Well, as you can see, I'm preparing an
address.

Yes, sir.

Hello, John.

Oh.

Mary Catherine.

What did your father say?

He gave me my orders.

I'm to spend the holiday studying.

That expression is so tragically tragic.

I must do a drawing of you just that
way.

Now, you know, John, there's always a
bright side if you look for it.

Thank you.

That's the nicest thing anyone ever said
to me.

This means you must go back to
Washington soon.

I think the holiday is about over.

I'm afraid we're going to be pulled into
this European mess. I hate to

interrupt, but...

We must talk about George and Mary
Catherine. They're waiting for an

It's time for my afternoon rest, anyway.

We'll talk about this at dinner. Good.

All right.

George wants to marry the girl.

Do you approve or disapprove? The
decision will have to be made without

refuse to participate.

May I ask why?

Because.

George and John are both my sons.

Mary Catherine is a flirtatious little
minx.

We both know that.

While George was away, she kept in
practice by flirting with John.

I can even remember her flirting with
Charles.

Why is this so important?

Because John's in love with her.

Does George know any of this? Yes.

Well, then why the sudden proposal? I
think he thinks that a formal engagement

would focus her attentions.

And you insist I make the decision.

Well... George?

Please, let's go.

I have just one question.

If we assent, when do you plan to marry?

When my financial situation warrants it.
Say, two or three years.

In that case, I assent.

So does your mother.

Congratulations.

He said... They said yes.

George.

Darling.

Well, it, uh... It calls for a
celebration.

Doesn't it?

Mr. Secretary.

Mr. President.

Have you had time to study the British
proposal?

I have read it.

And your first reaction?

If we should make a joint declaration
with Britain, a declaration of non

-intervention in South America, then we
must be prepared to back it up.

We would be saying, in effect, that
should any European country

seek to take power, in South America,
then neither the United States nor

would stand by with indifference.

Now, in that last statement, I hear the
rumble of war.

I remember Washington's farewell warning
that we should stay out of the ordinary

vicissitudes of European politics.

Well, is it an ordinary vicissitude, and
is it European?

Our concern is that Spain will reach out
to repossess Mexico and the independent

countries of South America.

No, I do not believe that we face such
an eventuality.

Well, the Secretary of War disagrees.

He thinks that Spain could recover
Mexico and the South American countries

but 10 ,000 men. Now, how do you feel
about that?

I think Mr. Calhoun is perfectly
moonstruck.

Well, permit me to introduce further
testimony. I thought it wise to write to

two old friends.

Here.

With the British power and Navy,
combined with our own, we have nothing

In the great struggle of this epoch,
between liberty and despotism, we owe it

ourselves to sustain liberty, in this
hemisphere at least. That is signed

Madison.

The other reply is from Mr. Jefferson,
and he, too, thinks that we should join

with Britton in making this statement.

A formidable weight of opinion.

Presidents Jefferson, Madison, and
Monroe.

Despite which weight of opinion, Mr.
Adams seems unconvinced.

Gentlemen, gentlemen.

As in our past meetings, the subject
before this cabinet is the signing of

joint declaration with Britain.

It's clear to me that the will of this
group, the will of the majority of this

group, is to accept the British
proposal.

Mr. President.

Mr. Adams.

An opportunity has presented itself for
us to take an alternate method toward

making... clear to the world where we
stand.

The Baron von Twiel has delivered us a
formal note on behalf of the

Tsar of Russia.

In brief, we are instructed to stay
neutral towards South America.

And if we do not, the Tsar and the rest
of his allies will wield their might on

the side of Spain.

Would not our joining with Britain in a
declaration of non -intervention answer

that? Perhaps.

However, the Russian note affords a very
convenient

opportunity for us to take an
independent stand.

You are suggesting declining the joint
declaration with Britain? Yes.

It would be advantageous for us to avow
our principles directly to Russia and

France rather than come in as a cock
boat in the wake of the British man of

Well, Mr. Adams, you made your point.

I have no desire to be the cockboat in
the wake of a British man of war.

You will draft the note to the Baron von
Tuile. Yes, I will draft the note to

Russia, England, France, and Spain.

We must make it clear that henceforth
the American continents are not to be

considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European nation.

Yes, but I do not intend...

to confine this statement merely to
confidential diplomatic correspondence

the involved nations.

This is a new chapter in our foreign
policy.

Let it be read as a presidential message
to the Congress, to the people, indeed

to the whole world.

A triumphant career as Secretary of
State for John Quincy Adams, capped by

concept of foreign policy now known as
the Monroe Doctrine.

This same career included the
acquisition of Spanish Florida and

to the Oregon Territory, extending the
United States border to the Pacific.

It is also a period in which Louisa
Catherine shines as a hostess, one whose

invitations are much sought after.

A grand ball at the Adams home, one of
the social highlights of the season in

1824.

A strange irony, for while influential
people dance and gossip, Adams enters a

new arena as contender for the
presidency.

His chief rival is the man whose own
career Adams had saved.

I see that all the most charming ladies
in Washington are here tonight.

You flatter us, General, more than we
deserve. The occasion flatters me,

more than I deserve.

This way, General. The guests wait to
greet you on the anniversary of your

victory at New Orleans.

Everyone is here except the president.

Are you sure he's coming, Louisa?

President Monroe wanted to be
scrupulously fair. He felt that his

in an election year might indicate a
bias in Mr. Adams' favor.

Mr.

Clay. Mr. Crawford. General.

Your arrival makes the evening complete,
General.

Did you think I wouldn't arrive?

Good God, man, I'm the guest of honor.

How goes the campaign, General?

Campaign?

I'm a retired soldier, Mr. Crawford.
Practicing law occasionally, but mainly

retired out of grass on my plantation.

I've only just returned to the Senate.

Somebody should have sent you the word,
General.

There's a presidential election in 11
months.

And you're one of the leading
candidates.

This is not a political occasion, Mr.
Crawford. Oh, I stand corrected, Mr.

Adams.

This is not a political occasion.

However, before this year is out, one of
the four of us will be the next

president. I plan no campaign. If the
people are foolish enough to vote me

the White House, it'll be without
exertion on my part.

I hold with the general.

I will not elicit the nomination, nor
will I lift a finger to support it.

You'll shame me, gentlemen.

I, for one, want the presidency very
much, and I intend to do my damnedest to

get it.

Good luck to you, Mr. Crawford.

My attitude, best expressed by
Shakespeare, remains firm.

If chance will have me king, my chance
may crown me without my stone.

So bad I'm not campaigning, I could
accuse you of royalist leanings.

It's just possible, Mr. Adams, that the
man who waits for chance to crown him...

May find himself bareheaded.

What a lovely, lovely evening.

It's a shame George couldn't be here.

Do you mean that?

I don't know.

You look very nice, dear. A nosegay.
Who's it for?

The flowers are from George.

He wrote from Boston to that friend of
his, Freddie.

And Freddie just delivered them.

To my fiance.

What should I do?

Do as George intended. Deliver them.

Mr. Robert Letcher, representative from
Kentucky.

Mr. Adams?

I just got the electoral votes from
Louisiana.

Adams, two.

Jackson, three.

That makes the results final.

Total vote for president.

Clay, 37.

Crawford, 41.

Adams, 84.

Jackson, 99.

There we have it. Nobody elected.

The first three will go to a vote to the
House of Representatives, and Clay will

be eliminated.

Eliminated strikes me as a somewhat
imprecise word.

Isn't it?

Seems like my friend Clay and his 37
votes are going to be the...

Well, let's just say that Mr. Clay is
going to be mighty influential in

the outcome.

Mr.

Adams, what are your sentiments toward
Clay?

Despite past differences, I harbor no
hostility.

Just by coincidence, he harbors no
hostility toward you.

Why, he's told one and all you're a man
of real sincerity.

Now, as we both know, Clay is not for
Jackson.

But back in Clay's home state of
Kentucky, the folks in the legislature

well, with Clay out, they'll want
Jackson.

Yes, I think.

Of course, it could be solved.

Mr. Clay is so popular back there, I'm
sure he could change their minds if he

had a good enough argument.

What would be the nature of the
argument, Mr. Letcher?

Well, now, suppose we could tell him
Clay would hold an influential position

your administration.

How influential?

Let's say as influential as your
position in Monroe's administration.

Mr. Clay wants you to know that he'd
welcome a conversation with you on

affairs.

Confidential, of course.

Whenever it suits Mr. Clay's
convenience.

Have you seen these terrible things
they're saying about you?

John, I can't stand all these false
accusations. I feel ashamed, degraded.

Well, I'm afraid you'll have to put up
with it.

Have you any idea of what I'm putting up
with?

Those men out there, all of them seeking
political favors at the price of

supporting me?

Now, how many times have you heard me
say that I wouldn't lift a finger?

Wouldn't campaign.

Wouldn't run for any office. I do not
keep count. Yes, well, people say I'm

running now.

Running up every back alley of the
political world.

Cutting corners.

Making compromises. Being evasive.

Doing everything but remaining true to
the principles that I have lived by.

Is it worth it?

I believe that what I'm doing, I do for
the country.

To Clay, sir.

Send him in.

And as I've said publicly, my personal
preference among the candidates is for

you.

Word hadn't reached me.

Well, I have said publicly that I'm dead
set against General Jackson.

He would put his region and his state
before the interests of the nation.

He would destroy everything you've
worked for.

our past differences, I find myself much
more in sympathy with your views, Mr.

Adams.

I am gratified, Mr. Clay.

Before lending my support, however, I
feel we should discuss some principles

public importance.

I understand.

Without any personal consideration for
myself, of course.

But friends of Mr. Crawford have
approached me in a most indiscreet

Excuse me one moment.

Bargains and politics at times are
synonymous, particularly when a

at stake.

History does not record the details of
Mr. Adams' conversation with Mr. Clay,

but subsequent to their private meeting,
Clay lent his support to Adams' cause.

in the recent election of a president of
the United States, no person having

received a majority of all the votes of
the electors appointed, and the choice

having consequently devolved unto the
House of Representatives, that House,

proceeding in the manner prescribed by
the Constitution, did this afternoon

choose John Quincy Adams.

to be president of the United States for
four years, commencing on the fourth

day of March next.

Would Mr.

Adams care to respond?

Mr. Webster.

Gentlemen.

I beg leave.

Sit down, Mr. Adams. Whatever you have
to say, say it from a comfortable

position. I will stand.

He's going to decline.

On only one previous occasion in the
history of our country

has the House of Representatives...

I've been called upon to choose a
president.

I beg leave of the committee to avail
myself of the

precedent set by Mr. Jefferson at that
time.

In reply, in writing, I need

hardly say

And yet I feel I must say that if there
were any

immediate opportunity for the people and
the people themselves

to form and to express a nearer approach
to

unanimity, I would not hesitate to
decline this office

and submit the decision

to the people.

But the Constitution itself has not so
disposed of the contingency which would

arise in the event of my refusal.

Therefore, I shall repair to the post
assigned to me

By the call of my country.

That duty was to be shadowed throughout
Adams presidency.

by the towering and popular figure of
Andrew Jackson.

It had been on February 9th, 1825, that
the House of Representatives, on its

first ballot, elected John Quincy Adams,
the sixth president of the United

States, by a majority of one state.

It was a clouded victory, beset with
doubts,

unanswered questions.