All language subtitles for the_adams_chronicles_s01e05_vice_president

Four generations of one family, their
lives and causes reveal 150

years of American history.

In 1788 John Adams came home to a land
which in many ways was strange to

him. His years abroad had put him out of
touch with American ways and American

politics.

Adams sensed that the survival of his
young nation depended on walking a

tightrope between its former ally,
France, and its former enemy, Great

That delicate balance was to be
threatened by the outbreak of the French

Revolution.

I cannot believe my eyes.

Well, this is your new home, Mrs. Adams.

The Borland House.

Mansion of our dreams.

But it's so small.

And in such a state of disrepair.

Why, it's like a little rent house.

This is not an auspicious homecoming,
Mr. Adams.

I trust you will not find the United
States government so shrunken when you

confront it.

I told you, Abigail, I want nothing more
to do with government or statesmanship

again.

Now, now look at it, Abby, as it will
be. The room has good proportions.

The architecture has dignity and
balance. It will be fine.

I'm afraid the realities compare poorly
with my memories when abroad.

The thickness of our home clouds the
mind's eye.

Yes, but at least we are home.

It's back in America and reunited with
our sons.

Careful, boys. Charlie!

Oh, good gracious.

Did

you

hear the birds singing along the road
from Boston?

You can keep your French nightingales
and your English larks.

I'll take the sweet screech of a
Massachusetts blue jay any day.

Oh serenity Abigail is all I crave I
shall serve only the cause of peace and

quiet

Seclusion here in Quincy may be your
preference, Father. And I'm convinced

to Governor Hancock's liking as well.
He's afraid of your political

Where do you want this box, Father?

Be careful, Thomas. They're my books.

Put them safely in that corner.

If that were my fine English bone china,
your father would not be so concerned,

Tommy. For a man fearful of me, Johnny,
Governor Hancock was extraordinarily

hospitable to your mother and me when we
landed in Boston.

Of course.

He would be kind to you, Father.

He wants your support, not your rivalry.

I'm not of a mind to be anyone's rival,
Thomas. Father, you know it's a

certainty that General Washington will
be president. The prize everyone's

fighting for is the vice presidency.

Time enough to talk politics over tea,
boys.

Hancock in Massachusetts?

John Jay, George Clinton, and New York.
Heaven knows how many Southerners. If

New York's chosen as the capital, it may
boost Clinton's chances.

Poor John Jay's. In my opinion, the key
figure is Alexander Hamilton. He's the

power behind the Union.

A great economist.

And I understand an even greater
intrigue. He would not have so much

it not General Washington's protege,
Father.

I think it's unseemly for a man such as
Washington to have... such confidence in

an upstarter who's not even in the
government.

An upstarter? No. Hamilton can pull
strings and will, Father, for the

of his choice.

Rumor has it he's backing Hancock.

If you could get his support, Father,
there'd be no question of your election.

Well, give me time to catch my breath,
Charles.

I have given no thought to seeking any
office.

And I certainly have not considered
soliciting the aid of Mr. Hamilton.

From all that I have heard, General
Knox, Mr. Adams is both stubborn and he

vain.

He will be less pliable for being
stubborn, but more vulnerable for being

He is a true patriot, Mr.

Hamilton. Much respected.

You can't deny that.

He's irreproachable, sir.

And I always doubt irreproachable
politicians.

Now, there is Hancock.

But he's mighty ambitious.

They're all ambitious.

So am I, and so are you.

We took each other's measure in the war,
friend Knox.

We understand each other very well.

Come, Colonel Hamilton.

Shall you support John Adams?

A plain man who has tarried so long in
rich company may have developed notions

of grandeur.

To be vice president is a little too
close.

A little too close, friend Knox. You've
no reason to suppose he'd interfere with

any of your programs. He knows as well
as you do that we need a sound currency.

And besides, he's a man of wide
experience. He negotiated with both the

and English.

I would have preferred a man with less
experience.

Men with a long way to climb are usually
more amenable to assistance on the way

up. Who are the alternatives, then?
There are always alternatives.

Most governments are run by
alternatives.

Except, of course, when someone is
indispensable.

But let us take the measure of Mr.
Adams.

Go to him, friend Knox.

Sound out his ambitions.

Boys,

be careful with your mother's furniture.

You see...

Just look at the condition of the
furniture.

It's all chipped and scarred.

We never should have tried to bring it
across the ocean.

I don't care if we have to sit on the
floor. It is the greatest feeling in the

world to be in our own home again, in
our own country at last.

Where shall I set it, ma 'am? Oh,
anywhere.

Oh, here, on this packing case.

Oh, thank you.

Thank you, Esther.

Here is a warming letter from Benjamin
Rush.

He says, I have laid the world and
posterity under great obligations and

will become the vice president.

Mr. Stiles writes in the same vein from
Yale.

Mr. Arthur Lee, who it seems is greatly
opposed to federal government, also

hopes I will be elected. Now, that's
surprising, isn't it?

It doesn't surprise me.

Well, I've been away for ten years. I
didn't expect it.

I'm not even sure I want it. I shall
oppose it with all my strength if it

interferes with getting this house in
order.

Shall I consider it, Abigail?

You've considered it ever since the
union was conceived.

I've been away for so long. There are
wheels within wheels that I do not

understand.

New factions and loyalties that I'm not
aware of.

Should I seriously consider it?

Oh, you enigma of the ages.

Have a bun.

You are to be envied.

Far from the noise and crush of the
city, New York's in...

You wade knee -deep through mud assailed
by smells and footpads.

Oh, and the pretensions of what passes
for society.

After London.

I think I would enjoy New York.

We would be near our daughter and our
grandchildren.

Besides, General, here in Braintree, I
have to compete with all the cows for my

husband's attention.

General Knox, you're concerned, are you
not, about my political intentions?

Of course I am concerned.

We're all concerned.

You have a great following.

And rightly so.

The name of Adams stands high among our
countrymen.

Thank you, sir, but your concern... Let
me be blunt.

In my opinion, you deserve the highest
honor, the worthiest tribute to the

service you have done this nation.

To be.

Vice president is to be little more than
a figurehead. It's to be second best at

most. An alternative.

I consider it no indignity to take
second place to Washington.

You should take second place to no man,
sir. You deserve the best.

May I be blunt, General?

There has been talk, a great deal of
talk for many quarters. I have paid

heed to it.

If it will reassure you, I shall not
seek office.

If, on the other hand, the people in
their goodness should offer me the vice

-presidency... You would not refuse it?

Well, the will of the people, sir, is
supreme.

I would consider it a signal discourtesy
to the nation if I refused.

I was not worried. I was secure,
whatever the outcome.

But you are happier this way.

Well, perhaps.

And perhaps not.

Oh, John.

You must allow yourself a little
comfort.

Even a little pride.

Well... Oh!

Yes, that's what this election boiled
down to, Abigail.

My pride or my serenity.

If I had not been elected, it would have
wounded my pride, but preserved my

serenity. As it turned out, they have
destroyed my serenity, but gratified my

vanity.

Now that, sir, is chop logic of the
highest order.

Admit it.

Admit you're pleased.

All right, I confess I am pleased to be
the first vice president of the United

States of America, whatever that office
turns out to be.

And it came about just as you said it
must.

The people had to seek you out and bring
the office to you.

It was one thing not to ask for support
here in Massachusetts.

Oh, I couldn't. It was remarkable that
people from as far away as Carolina and

Virginia voted for you and not their own
men.

You are the vice president, Mr. Adams.

And thank God for it.

But I'm still at a disadvantage having
been away so long. There are things that

I can only sense.

The new forces.

Men who call themselves anti
-federalists.

Faces I don't even recognize.

Charles will be with you.

Certainly that is not a new face to you.

And you must join me as soon as
possible.

I've never been very good alone without
you.

Your advice is something that I... Can
come by letter just as well.

You must admit we've been separated
before, and by many more miles.

Yes, but...

Having just moved into this new house,
the house of your dreams, there's still

so much work to be done.

It seems to me I am always leaving you
to join me when things are settled.

We are never truly separated, John.

You are always a part of my life.

Oh. And you always will be.

And soon you'll be able to see Nabi and
her children.

When I went to see the new baby, I must
admit, I found I quite like the city.

So much activity.

Oh, New York is the center of culture.

And government.

And society.

We must buy you some new clothes.

What for? I have enough for any purpose.

All those suits I had made in Europe.
You must dress to fit the office, Mr.

Adams.

Men judge the package by the wrapping.

Do you remember those many years ago
when you went to Philadelphia to the

Continental Congress?

Dressed so plainly, so severely.

And the first thing I laid eyes on was
Cousin Sam.

All fitted out in a new suit, strutting
around like a peacock.

Well, now it is your turn to strut a
little. No ifs or buts.

It shall be done.

You may be the vice president, but I am
your wife, sir.

I shall send you off respectable.

I know New York is only the temporary

capital, but it is the capital of the
nation.

Is this bet the city can afford its vice
president?

No carpets or curtains?

What are we, a nation of bankrupt?

Don't worry about it, Father. It's not
important. We can buy our own furniture.

This room is unworthy of the office.

Well, if I'm to be your secretary, I
must sit somewhere. Where do you think?

Well, I would suggest there, Charles.

Mr.

Vice President.

Mr. Izzard, how... Good to see you
again.

So you are a distinguished senator now.
Oh, indeed.

And I brought along two of my comrades.

They were most anxious to meet you.
Senator William McClay of Pennsylvania.

An honor, sir. It's a pleasure, Mr.
McClay. And John Langdon.

President Pro Tem of the Senate. My
heartiest congratulations, Mr. Adams.

you, Mr. Langdon. Gentlemen, this is my
son, Charles, who's going to serve as my

secretary. You may find us a bit rough
and ruddy after your time with those

polished Londoners. Oh, I have never
found Americans to be lacking in good

manners, Mr. MacLean.

My dear Vice President, let me introduce
myself. I am Alexander Hamilton. I had

to come at once to meet you.

Well, it is an honor to meet you at long
last, Mr. Hamilton.

What a happy day for America to see you
as the presiding officer of the Senate.

Not as yet officially, Mr. Hamilton, and
we must see to that. Come, gentlemen.

Let's see if the Senate is as yet
seated.

It will be my pleasure to present you.
You are most kind, Mr. Langdon.

I have looked forward to meeting the
young man who worked so hard for our

Constitution.

I have, of course, read your Federalist
papers.

You do me too much honor, sir.

Your communications from England were,
of course, invaluable to us here. Thank

you. But so much work remains.

I have plans for currency, trade, the
sovereignty of this country. Yes, as

as possible, Mr. Hamilton. I am most
eager to hear your ideas.

What a glorious moment this must be for
you, sir.

The Congress's confidence in you was
most impressive.

I have only one regret, that Mrs. Adams
and my other boys could not be here for

the inauguration.

And my friend, Mr. Jefferson.

Oh, Mr. Jefferson seems happily enough
engaged in Paris, cultivating the

nobility and extolling the masses.

Mr. Adams, the Senate awaits you.

Oh, my goodness.

Charles?

Will you excuse her?

Gentlemen, we must not forget that the
eyes of the world are focused

upon the United States.

We are to gain the respect of nations
who may in the future become our allies,

with whom we will sign treaties and
trade agreements. We must conduct

in a manner worthy of this august body.

I therefore crave your indulgence if I
approach this problem first with the

question of terms of address for public
officials.

In other words, the designation of
titles.

What's that? What's he coming to? The
inauguration of our first president will

be shortly upon us.

Now, in what manner are we to address
him?

In what manner is he to be addressed by
foreign ambassadors and heads of state?

As you know, in monarchies, it is the
custom to refer to the ruler as his

majesty. It is patently absurd to refer
to the president of a republic as his

majesty.

Yes, I am quite aware of that, sir. I am
merely enumerating the titles currently

in use. I have the strongest aversion to
all such European distinctions. And my

conscience would forbid me to call any
American...

Your Majesty, or Your Royal Highness, or
Your Royal Highness.

Would your conscience permit you to call
the president your elective majesty, as

they do in Poland?

Oh! They have the death most honourable.
Forget those that people drank.

Mr.

McClay. Gentlemen, gentlemen, are we the
same Americans who fought at Lexington

and conquered against a tyranny
supported by privilege?

of which such titles are the abominable
symbol.

Americans or not, Mr. McClay, we have to
call the president something.

Now, do I hear a motion?

When the Senate receives General
Washington, where should he be placed?

Should we stand or sit, Mr. Isard? As I
recall, sir, in Great Britain, it is the

custom to receive the king seated in the
Lords, but standing in the Commons.

That is correct. They stand in the
Commons, sir, because they have no damn

chairs to sit on.

We have chairs, sir.

So for God's sake, sir, let us sit.

We are free Americans.

and they'd show deference to no man.

These matters may seem tedious

and inconsequential, gentlemen, but we
must remember that this government will

exist for many hundreds of years.

We must establish a sound and dignified
tradition.

I ask this august body, am I to be
seated beside him or above him or below

Shall I face him or present my backside?

What a spectacle. Adam's talk for two
hours. Adam's talk for two hours.

the one vital topic of where the
president should be seated.

But Mr. Adams has spent years in the
refined company of princes. He

the value of protocol.

Oh, yes.

And we vulgar souls in the Senate must
try not to disappoint him.

I must call this assembly to order.

General Washington has arrived.

Mr. Adams, it is an honor to welcome
you, Mr. President.

This is a great day for the nation, for
all of us.

It is all of you who do me too much
honor.

You do solemnly swear that you will
faithfully execute the office of

of the United States and will, to the
best of your ability, preserve, protect

and defend the Constitution of the
United States.

I do solemnly swear that I will
faithfully execute the office of the

of the United States and will, to the
best of my ability, preserve, protect

defend the Constitution of the United
States.

So help me God.

A new president for a new nation.

Prospects for both seemed bright on the
day of the inauguration.

But Washington himself recognized that
an ocean of difficulties lay ahead.

One of the greatest was steering a
neutral course between those historic

European rivals, Great Britain and
France.

Each country had its champion in
Washington's cabinet.

Secretary of the Treasury Alexander
Hamilton favored the British.

He believed the essential interests of
Britain and the United States,

politically and commercially, were the
same.

Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson
favored France.

His goal was to cement ties with the
French revolutionary government.

He disliked and distrusted the British
almost as much as he did Hamilton.

Don't forget the liaison, Polly.

You'll never learn to speak French. It
is impossible.

The most beautiful language in the
world.

You think everything French is the most
beautiful.

Look, Patsy, this is buckwheat.

You see what improved cultivation does
to the sea.

It's a valuable source of food for the
poor.

Mr.

Madison, to see you soon.

Is this an inconvenient time, James?

James, welcome back.

Tell us, what gossip do you bring us
from the capital? Oh, Mr. Madison, what

have you brought us for this day?

Oh, thank you. And this is for you, Miss
Patrick. Oh, thank you, Mr. Madison.

You spoil my mixes.

And now for you, Thomas, news from
Paris.

Oh, fine, fine.

I can't tell you how good it is to see
you again.

Now, may I get you some refreshment?

I fear they've drunk too strong a
draught of revolution, my friend.

Ah, yes, yes, well.

As Louis and Marie Antoinette have been
imprisoned, the king is to be tried. No

time is set yet.

And poor Madame Lambelle, brutally
murdered because she would not take an

against the monarchy.

My God, Thomas, they carried her head
about on a pike before the queen's

Well, some bloodletting was to be
expected.

But, James, it's bad blood.

Poisoned by centuries of false ideas.

What a fool he was.

He had a golden opportunity to sweep
away the whole rotten system and he let

slip through his fingers.

Hamilton will try to use these new
developments to discredit you.

Perhaps.

But the American people will not stand
for Hamilton and the Federalists making

our... government an imitation of the
British.

We must have a true Republican
government.

And you are the man to give it to us,
Mr. Jefferson.

Well, not this presidential election.

No one can win against Washington. He
must have a second term.

But Vice President Adams is in a weaker
spot.

He's my friend, James.

And a man of honor.

He is too much under Hamilton's
influence.

This is a fight. We must use any
weapons.

Mr. Adams should be unseated.

Washington and Adams were both elected
to a second term, which opened in the

shadow of a European war.

Elements of American political
dissension now coalesced into rival

parties. The Republicans, led by Thomas
Jefferson, and the Federalists, led by

Alexander Hamilton.

So now the fools have guillotined their
king.

The French have gone completely mad.

Total insanity.

Well, that is the kind of insanity our
Secretary of State believes in.

Citizen Jefferson is with us for another
term, I fear.

It should be some gratification that
Washington and Adams are safely

for another four years.

Did you note this?

It is thought that a coalition of
European powers will mobilize against

French revolutionary regime.

If they don't crush the rebellion now,
it will sweep through all of Europe.

It will be Holland next, then England,
then Prussia.

I have no faith in the mob, Pickering.

I know it is your fear that they will
get power here.

That would be the end of your carefully
built banking system, the end of

investment, the end of commerce.

The end of all prosperity.

Surely with your weight in the cabinet,
Mr. Hamilton.

If Mr. Hamilton... We can no longer
delay, gentlemen. Monsieur Jeunet has

reached Charleston.

He will be upon us soon.

Do we recognize him officially or do we
not? Mr. President.

Mr. Secretary.

If it were not for France's help, we
should not be gathered round this table,

free men in a free republic.

To withhold the hand of brotherhood in
their supreme crisis would be an

ignominious betrayal.

We must receive Monsieur Genet with the
full respect due a minister.

Mr. President. Mr. Hamilton. In my
opinion, no recognition can be given a

government which is empowered solely by
the right of violence.

The atrocious crimes committed recently
under its authority, culminating in the

lawless murder of Louis XVI, stamp it as
savage and irresponsible.

We have a treaty, sir, and obligations
which must be honored.

Our duty is to the French nation, not to
a cruel and unjust monarch who happened

to be in power when a piece of paper was
signed.

I have not yet finished, Mr. Jefferson.
Go on, Mr. Hamilton.

Even your old friend Mr.

Adams refused to receive the
representative of this revolutionary

regime which is currently engaged in war
against the united powers of Europe,

Great Britain, Holland, Prussia, and the
Austrian Empire. Exactly my point.

To repudiate the treaty with France puts
a dangerous weapon in the hands of

England.

Oh, I'm most sorry to have interrupted
Mr. Hamilton's oration.

When the coalition is victorious, which
is inevitable, the monarchy will be

restored to the French throne. We must
preserve our relations with the

legitimate regime to receive the envoy
of the current temporary revolutionary

government. would be a political blunder
of the most far -reaching kind. I'm

afraid Mr. Hamilton has misunderstood
the entire point of our discussion.

listen to me. Mr.

Hamilton obviously does not understand
what we've been saying. Mr. President!

Mr. President!

Mrs.

Bingham, ma 'am.

Mrs. Bingham.

My dear.

I'm so sorry.

I didn't know there had been a
bereavement in your family.

Do sit down.

I am in mourning for the Queen of
France, who was so brutally executed by

ruffians who seized power.

I'd hoped to find you likewise.

Well, that was very tragic, but... My
dear Mrs. Adams, ladies in our position

must make their loyalties quite plain,
and you are the Vice President's lady.

I dislike violence as much as anyone,
but after all, we are first and foremost

Americans. For how long?

There's so much unbridled support for
those monsters.

Do you know that my maid, my personal
maid, had the effrontery to appear

me in a liberty bonnet?

One of those cats those terrible women
wear in Paris. Thank heavens for Mr.

Hamilton. All of us who have property
and social position should be down on

knees in gratitude that there's one man
with common sense in the government.

There are plenty of men with common
sense in the government, including the

president and my husband.

Frankly, Mrs. Bingham, I have little
patience with these theatrical

Posturing?

Well... My dear.

Mrs. Bingham.

Good day, ma 'am.

Mrs. Bingham has come to call because
she is so upset about the execution of

Marie Antoinette.

And with reason. It was a brutal and
unnecessary act.

I've been trying to convince your wife
of the extreme seriousness of our

situation, Mr. Adams, but she seems to
prefer a flippant attitude.

Now I must be on my way.

Good afternoon.

Support Mr.

Hamilton in all he does.

Without him, I tremble for this nation.

One would think the French Revolution
were being fought here in the streets of

Philadelphia. I am weary of hearing
about it.

And I am weary of Mr.

Alexander Hamilton, the savior of the
upper class.

Well, if he is their savior, Thomas, Mr.

Jefferson is their scourge.

The two are like boys quarreling over a
game of marbles. Yes, and their

differences threaten to tear the fabric
of government apart.

Jefferson's faction are now calling
themselves Republicans. They're setting

an opposition party to Washington and
the Federalists. While Mr. Hamilton puts

himself about as a defender of commerce
and the economy.

If I were president... When you are
president.

I shall exile them both to a very small
island and let them argue themselves

into oblivion.

What has happened, John?

Mr. Jefferson was so beguiling in Paris.

He had the most expansive mind in the
world, then.

His rigid politics have imprisoned his
mind. He's become quite inflexible and

obdurate. Mr. Jefferson is here, sir. He
asked to be received.

Jefferson? Of course.

Please show him in.

How odd that he should come just as we
were talking of him. I was hoping for

evening without a political argument.

Is it all right?

Am I acceptable?

I'm never sure nowadays.

You are always acceptable here. I bring
you refreshment from Monticello. Such

beautiful pears. Look, John.

Oh, he is a wizard with those
greenhouses of his.

Mr. Vice President. Mr. Secretary. Oh,
let's dispense with titles for one

evening. Who in the Senate would believe
John Adams ever said that?

Mrs. Adams was reading me just the other
day a letter we received from Patsy. My

fondest turtle dove. Far from the nest
now, John.

But happy.

Oh, yes, yes, quite happy.

We must be growing old, ma 'am, when our
infants present us with infants of

their own. The grandchildren can be the
greatest joy of all.

You'll stay to supper.

If you're sure I'm not intruding. It
will be simple fare, not like those

we used to have in Paris.

I dream of them still.

Would you care for some barley water?

No. It's very helpful to the digestion.

No, thank you.

Sit down, Tom.

It's hard, isn't it?

When old friends attain high office, the
friendship becomes stretched and

strained. One wants to be simple and
sincere as one used to be, but altered

positions put one on stilts, and one
talks at a disadvantage.

It isn't high office. It's the design of
politics.

You know why I've come.

Yes, to win me over to the support of
the French government.

You realize my position has been
weakened by the Genet affair.

I need your help.

Are you persuadable?

No.

We cannot afford a war, Mr. Jefferson.

And should we support France with the
blood of her king still reeking from the

guillotine scaffold, we would be drawn
into a war with every monarchy in

The French gave us aid when it seemed we
were fighting against impossible odds.

Yes, but when we won, we did not execute
Generals Howe and Cornwallis.

We did not bind young couples together
and roast them alive in the public

square. How could you defend the trial
of Marie Antoinette? That was an outrage

to human decency. That was the work of a
handful of fanatics. That was the work

of a vicious mob.

Hamilton is right in his suspicions of
the mob.

How can you find Hamilton right in
anything?

There is much good sense in what he
says, sir. He argues from a moral and a

legal position which I admire.

There must be laws to prevent anarchy.
We cannot allow the wild men of France

jeopardize our newly won security.

Hamilton says all that, and he is right.

Will you come, gentlemen?

Our meal is served.

Mrs. Adams, I must beg you to excuse me.

I see I'm no longer welcome here.

Oh, come now, Thomas. Can we not argue
like grown men? This is not a debate,

sir. This is the life of our nation.

I now know I have no recourse but to
leave the cabinet.

Well, I wish we could part with our
friendship intact.

But I see that is impossible.

Politics have severed the bonds between
us.

Yes.

John Adams,

like the United States, was caught
between conflicting forces.

The country was buffeted between France
and England, Adams between the

ideologies of his once dear friend
Jefferson and those of the leader of his

party, Hamilton.

In February 1793, France declared war
against Great Britain.

Federalist leaders tilted toward
America's one -time enemy until

the British reinterpreted international
law and gave naval commanders power to

seize all neutral ships carrying
provisions to the French West Indies.

Gentlemen, England has terrorized our
borders, slaughtered our citizens,

plundered our settlements.

She has sequestered our properties,
subjected our ships to seizure and

And now, now she casts odium and insult
upon our flag.

I say there can be no other remedy but
war.

The voices of the people echo the voices
of their leaders.

Once again, the populace cries for war
against British oppression.

Once again, effigies of King George III
burn in the streets of American cities.

insults. We're ready to fight them now.

We'll sink every one of their ships and
we'll string up every one of their

soldiers. We want war! We want war!

I turn to your homes. He's a friend of
the king.

You serve no purpose by these riotous
demonstrations.

The government is well aware of the
situation and will make the best

due time. We won't wait for the
government. We want war now!

He's in the pay of the British. Always
has been.

I have to write the declaration that
gave you your independence.

Now return to your homes.

Wait until President Washington makes
his decision.

Will I be war?

Mrs. Adams.

No letters, huh? No, sir, but there is
someone waiting to see you in the

Who is it?

Johnny. Oh, my dear Johnny.

Oh, what a wonderful surprise.

When did you get here? You sent no word.
I came on an impulse, Father.

You look tired. Is your practice
overworking you?

Well, what news of your mother? Have you
been to visit her?

She's in great fettle, running the farm
like an admiral from the flagship.

Her rheumatism pains still bother her,
but your absence bothers her much more,

Father. Oh, my dear boy, there is no
purgatory on earth like being a

Marry at all costs. A house without a
woman is like a desert.

I come home to empty rooms, evenings
that never end.

You go out, you dine with all the fine
folks in town.

Well, Vanity Fair has no pleasures for
me without your mother.

Did you come through New York? Did you
see Charles or Nabby? Yes, they both

their love.

They're in good health and happy.

The city has gone mad with war fever.

The Jeffersonians rattle their sabers
and the mobs call out day and night

against Hamilton.

Yes, as they do here.

My name also echoes in the streets.

How does the Congress react to all this,
Father?

The opposing factions threaten to bring
us to the brink of disaster.

Jefferson's followers think to punish
the British with this new non

bill.

They would suspend all trade and
diplomatic relations with Great Britain

we have been compensated for the ships
and cargoes that they seized. And until

our neutrality has been recognized for
good.

Do you feel the bill will pass in the
Senate, Father?

Well, if it does, it will certainly mean
another war with England that could end

all we have accomplished.

The planning and building of the nation.

God knows the British have given us
cause.

Cause is enough for a war?

Well, many think so.

I feel for the sufferers, but war would
mean an even greater burden. Hamilton is

right in some respects.

We are unprepared and ill -equipped for
battle.

We have no standing army, no navy, and
no allies to come to our assistance.

Father, what will you do?

Well, I have little voice, Johnny. I am
merely the vice president.

The most insignificant job ever
conceived by the mind of man. I sit and

over the Senate and watch our nation
move into its greatest peril.

Unable to intervene.

Well, I mustn't sound like Cassandra.

Now, why have you come so suddenly?

I needed advice, but it seems now rather
unimportant.

Nothing is unimportant where you are
concerned.

Are you in debt?

No.

You're in trouble?

Father, we can talk tomorrow.

You've got too much on your mind now.
Come now, come.

You tell me what's troubling you.

How to begin.

I'm 26.

And yet I make no progress.

I seem unable to get ahead.

I plod.

I'm diligent, but nothing of importance
seems to come my way.

I don't seem able to impress the clients
of the courts.

I don't blame anyone, Father. It's
something in me that's wanting. I'm sure

it. I doubt that.

What then?

I'm well grounded in my profession, but
the prizes all seem to go to the others.

Even Charles, with that easy charm of
his.

I don't begrudge him, Father.

I set out to be a thoroughbred, and I'm
hopelessly a cart horse. Oh.

I feel ashamed to tell you this.

Now, in whom should you confide if not
in me?

Johnny, I know something of the world,
and I have few

illusions.

Now, men are fools for the most part.

Greedy, vain, ambitious, and frightened.

You don't need much to win them over.

You have to cut a figure for them,
that's all.

You should dress more elegantly. Go out
more.

You're handsome and you have good
manners. Go to balls and dinners.

Take some part in local politics. Make
speeches.

Put on a show for them.

And you will be surprised how eager they
will be to take you at your own

evaluation.

I lack the confidence for all of that.

And the patience.

At 26.

than twice your age.

And I'm still trying.

But you've had a great career.

You could be president if you set your
mind to it.

Oh, that takes thoroughbreds.

There are only two in the nation.

And they have both gone mad.

But let me tell you something.

Cart horses have their purpose, too.

Those in favor of this bill.

Those opposed.

The tally?

It appears to be evenly divided, sir.

Are you certain?

Thirteen in favor, thirteen against.

Gentlemen, the vote is tied.

As you know, in such circumstances, the
President of the Senate is allowed a

deciding vote.

I have made no secret of the fact that
from the first, I favored negotiation

with England rather than war.

I therefore cast my vote against this
non -intercourse bill.

Then it has been decided Chief Justice
Jay will head a mission to London.

Let us hope that, with God's help, he
will achieve a just and honorable

Mr. Adams?

I've not had the chance to tell you how
I've come to rely on your judgment on

many occasions.

This cabinet has not always been marked
by its unity.

Mr. President, only you could have held
this cabinet together.

It's a pity that e pluribus unum seems
not to be the favorite motto of certain

gentlemen.

There's another matter on which I would
be grateful for your advice.

I have been making inquiries.

about a relative of yours.

Oh? Mr. John Quincy Adams.

Oh, I've had excellent reports.

It seems that his legal briefs are
models of lucidity.

Well, I think I can say that he is
gifted and conscientious.

But why, sir? It has occurred to me that
we need someone with the right

diplomatic background to represent us at
the Hague.

Would you be in favor of such an
appointment?

Mr. President.

May I assume you would give it your
endorsement?

If you will not think me guilty of
nepotism.

Send him to me, will you?

Yes, sir.

You are fortunate to be blessed with
sons.

More tea, Dr. Topps.

I can't tell you how grateful we are for
news of our friends in Boston.

And they for news of you and Mr. Adams.

Mr. Otis, what makes you think President
Washington won't run for a third term?

At his age, I understand he's eager for
retirement. Yeah, well, we're all eager

for retirement.

But somehow we don't retire.

The elections of 96 are upon us, Mr.
Adams. One can't believe that either

Jefferson or Hamilton intend to stay out
of government long.

Well, certainly not Jefferson.

Mr. Hamilton may choose to conduct his
party from behind the scenes.

If either of them should be elected when
President Washington's term expires, it

would lead to endless dangerous
disputes, and perhaps worse.

It might well lead to the end of Union.

We shall need a leader who has proved
himself to be above party politics, who

can unify the country.

You have considered the presidency.

I've considered many things, Mr. Otis,
including passing my remaining days at

peace with my wife, my books, and my
farming. I'm glad for once you put us in

the right order.

In my opinion, and in the opinion of
many of my friends, you, sir, are the

obvious choice.

There can be no obvious choice for the
presidency, but I... I do appreciate

your confidence.

Will you not give us some assurance?

When President Washington makes his
intentions known, I will make my

known.

Yes,

look at that sunset.

The clouds are like flaming banners.

By some twist of fate, they have elected
me their president.

I'm no longer young. I do not know if I
am of a temper to

serve the nation properly in such an
office, Mrs. Adams.

We belong to this land, and we must
serve it as best we can.

You have never shirked your duty, Mr.
Adams.

Whether it be tedium or triumph.

It is great relief to me, Mr. McHenry,
to know that my friends will not desert

me or their country now that Mr. Adams
is formally elected, even though some of

them may be asked to stay on in his
cabinet.

You may depend upon me, Mr. Hamilton.

I intend to remain in the cabinet, if
requested, as do...

Pickering and Walcott.

Splendid. Mr. Adams will need your help
in this new crisis with France.

As we may continue to need your help,
sir, we could never have performed so

creditably during the final years of
General Washington's administration had

not known that we could turn to you for
advice.

I realize the president was in ill
health.

The public service had become too much
for him.

I was glad of the opportunity to serve
both him and the country.

If I was forced to serve anonymously...

It was a small price to pay.

Should similar situations arise during
the course of Mr. Adams' administration,

might you be willing to so serve again?

Indeed.

But care must be taken.

Mr. Adams no longer considers me his
friend.

He will not look with favor upon any
advice that comes from me.

Nor upon any member of his cabinet who
seeks that advice.

However, should the secretaries of state
and war feel that I can be of help...

Mr. Adams is inherited in a hornet's
nest, and we are caught between the

and the French. We know our enemy, the
French.

However much may I agree with you, Mr.
McHenry, we can afford war with no one.

We have neither army nor navy.

For the time being, we must defend our
honor against the French insults with a

firm stand and skillful negotiations.

And the aid of Alexander Hamilton.

If that should be the case, I am your
servant, Mr. McHenry.

Yours.

and the country.

You do solemnly swear you will
faithfully execute the office of the

the United States and will preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of

United States.

I do solemnly swear.

that I will faithfully execute the
office of the President of the United

and will, to the best of my ability,
preserve, protect, and defend the

Constitution of the United States.

So help me God.