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[♪]

[Wendy Brown] What did the Enlightenment promise us?

It promised us freedom

on the basis of being able to think for ourselves,

and thus govern ourselves.

That was really the premise.

That if we were released from constraints of myth

and tradition,

released to be able to think,

and reason,

and discover what was true for ourselves,

that that was the source of our freedom...

but something happened at the end of the 20th Century,

which was this new way of thinking about society

and human beings

as a market.

What does it mean to rule yourself

if we are all meant to think of ourselves

as commodities,

and everything is marketized?

What's really tragic

about the economization of every aspect of life

is that we're really seeing the Enlightenment dream

come to a kind of end,

where the mandates of a financialized society

all but extinguish the real freedom

to make yourself according to your own lights.

[Narrator] In the early 2000s,

we made a film,

"The Corporation."

We argued that large publicly-traded corporations

are programmed relentlessly to pursue profit and growth,

and have become the dominant institutions of our time.

We showed that the corporation is deemed, by law,

to be a person.

That it has the same rights as human beings,

sometimes even more.

So we posed the question,

if the corporation is legally a person,

what kind of person is it?

We analyzed it

the way a psychiatrist would analyze a patient.

We found its character

to be pathologically self-interested.

Now with the world in crisis,

climate change,

spiralling inequality,

a global pandemic,

we re-examine the corporation,

how it's changed,

how it's changing our world,

and how it's changing our very sense of who we are.

To begin this story,

we take you back to the 2000s.

At that time, the corporation was in crisis.

This meeting will come to order.

This is a case of America's largest corporate bankruptcy.

[Narrator] Enron and WorldCom

had collapsed in corporate scandals

of unprecedented magnitude.

Corporations were being called out for malfeasance

that was destroying lives and the environment.

Around the same time,

globalization was sparking worldwide protests

against the growing power and impunity of the corporation,

and our first film had just charged

that corporations are institutional psychopaths.

[John Coyne] I think calling corporations psychopaths

absolutely had an impact,

and I can say that for myself.

When I had to consume that particular thought,

that was, um...

that was interesting,

to use a very soft word.

Uh, it was outrageous.

Has it influenced it? Yes.

Are we on the road to recovery?

I hope... I hope we are.

[Peter Dauvergne] About 2005,

we started to see

many of the world's biggest branded companies

suddenly making very sweeping promises.

Promises such as 100% carbon neutrality,

zero waste to landfills,

zero deforestation,

100% recycling,

a real and significant shift.

[Narrator] Since that shift,

corporations have mounted a major charm offensive,

rebranding themselves

and rebranding the entire capitalist system

as having changed,

having evolved into something new and improved.

[♪]

[John Coyne] I think there is genuinely

a different dialogue that's taking place

about corporations

and the role that they play in society.

That cult of shareholder value has seen its day

as the narrow construct

for how companies operate in society.

[Narrator] Wait, what did he say?

[tape rewinding]

That cult of shareholder value has seen its day,

as the narrow construct

for how companies operate in society.

[Narrator] This idea

that making money for shareholders

is no longer the Corporation's only goal,

it's the essence of the new story,

the story Corporations now tell about themselves.

[Klaus Schwab] What is the purpose of a company?

Is it just to make money?

[Narrator] This is Klaus Schwab,

the man who first came up with the idea

of a new kind of corporation.

Companies recognize

that they have a special responsibility,

how we combine,

or how we blend money-making and social responsibility.

[Narrator] To advance his ideas,

Schwab built the world's most important annual gathering

of corporate titans and world leaders.

[Sandra Navidi] Every year,

Davos, in Switzerland,

hosts one of

the most important gatherings of the global super elite.

It's kind of the first stop

in the elite's yearly migration route.

People who are successful and make a lot of money

are a dime a dozen,

but these are the people who are the most successful.

[♪]

[Narrator] But Davos isn't only a meeting place

for the super elite.

It's also where corporate chiefs and government leaders

come together each year

to promote the story of the new corporation...

that corporations are conscientious now,

no longer greedy and selfish,

but poised to help make the world a better place.

Sandra Navidi is a Davos insider,

and author of a book

about the world's most powerful players.

[Navidi] These financial elites have great power,

and in some instances,

this power actually exceeds those

of democratically-elected people or institutions.

[Narrator] This is Jamie Dimon.

He heads the biggest bank in the United States,

and is a leading voice for corporate America.

So, the Jamie Dimon reception,

there will be some introduction to the clients, right?

[Narrator] This is Sanjay Jain,

one of Dimon's top executives at JP Morgan Chase.

He's advising a prospective client...

No, but I knew that, uh, we needed to be here,

because Davos is the place

where all these people come together for a week.

It's insane what happens here.

[Narrator] ...and here's the client,

Bibop Gresta.

Hi. Bibop Gresta, very nice to meet you.

[Narrator] He's looking for investors in his company,

that's developing a transportation capsule

that travels at the speed of sound.

Sorry.

[murmuring]

Sorry, excuse me. [chuckles]

Hi. It's Bibop Gresta, Chairman of Hyperloop.

Nice to meet you...

[voice inaudible]

Oh, good, yeah, I saw some of your colleagues.

Thank you. Good luck to you.

Hey, you're here!

How are you?

Jamie, thank you for inviting me.

Are you going, like, to a black tie tonight?

Well, yeah, they said--

Or are you just dressed like this?

[laughs] No, I was in the--

I was telling Tony Blair...

How are you? Nice to meet you.

...you, you guys have something in common.

-Yes. -You were in a rock band.

[laughing] Right.

He had his own rock band before he was Prime Minister.

That's true, that's true...

I don't know what I was expecting

from a person like Jamie Dimon.

I discovered a person

that installed a very great culture

inside their company.

They're starting programs trying to improve society,

creating a special program for Detroit,

reconstruct it completely,

I wasn't expecting that.

I knew what you've done for Detroit

and all the effort that you did to save it,

and it's not public yet,

but we are... we signed a deal with Ohio

to actually build a Hyperloop to Detroit.

We are trying to contribute,

following your example.

I think it's a very important project.

It's a big, big year for us.

It's exciting.

I'll see you in a couple weeks.

Okay, okay, thank you.

Thank you very much.

[Schwab] Davos is a place of interaction, of dialogue.

We look at the ecosystem of what's happening,

but always with a sense of responsibility

for us,

and "us," it means not just one country,

not just one person.

I think at the end,

we are all a globally interdependent humankind.

[Valerie Keller] So here in Davos,

we debated the motion,

is the business of business still just business,

and interestingly,

more than 80% said no,

in today's transformative age,

business has a wider accountability

and opportunity.

We're in a new age of doing business.

You need to give back.

You need to be part of the solution.

Society is demanding that companies,

both public and private,

serve a social purpose.

[Keller] There is a new possibility.

We can imagine something different.

It takes courageous leadership,

and it takes people who get it here,

and who get it here,

and who understand that life is short and precious,

and if we're in positions of power and influence,

that we should use that to help shift the paradigm,

and the possibility of what it means

to be a business on the planet,

and what it means to be a human being.

[Narrator] It all sounds so good,

this talk of a new kind of corporation,

in Davos and everywhere else.

[Paul Mason] For many businesses,

the commitment to the triple bottom line

of people, profit, and planet

is real.

The problem is the capitalist system as a whole

is not committed to that.

[Elizabeth May] There are CEOs and corporate boards

attempting to do good in the world.

There clearly are...

but the notion

that there's anything inherently socially responsible

about a corporation

is a counterintuitive proposition.

By law, the corporation exists for one reason--

to return benefits to shareholders.

There is no such thing

as corporate social responsibility.

Corporations don't have the leeway

to sacrifice shareholder returns

for doing whatever they want,

or whatever they believe is socially responsible.

[Narrator] What then do we make

of the corporation's new image?

Of the claim corporations have changed?

Since our last film,

the American Psychiatric Association

has added a new item to its diagnostic checklist.

You always have to come back, as a leader, to purpose.

Why are we here?

Why are we doing business?

And we want to do business for the long term.

Values are part of a purpose of a company.

[Narrator] John Browne is a leading voice

in today's

new corporation movement.

When he was CEO

of the world's second largest oil company,

he professed deep environmental beliefs

while achieving record profits and meteoric growth.

Basically, for the first time,

an oil company executive stepped forward to say

"Global warming is a problem."

It set BP apart.

I think people are much more convinced now,

at least around the world,

that there is a real case to take precautionary action

to avoid carbon concentrations

going to beyond a critical level

in the atmosphere...

My sense is that John Browne's concerns are genuine,

his interest in the environment is genuine,

his concern for workers

and for people's safety,

theoretically, is genuine,

but those desires are just inherently conflicting

with the need to make money,

because turning a profit for those corporations

is always going to come first.

[emergency call] I need

an ambulance and E.M.T.s right now!

There's people trapped in the trailer!

They need help!

[Browne] In 2005, when I was CEO of BP,

we had a terrible tragedy.

15 people died in a refinery explosion

in Texas City.

[news report] This is the second time

people have died at this plant

in less than a year.

In that time,

it has been fined

for more than 14 safety violations.

All of us at BP are very deeply saddened

by the loss of life

and injury suffered by so many people.

[Browne] After Texas City,

we were at pains--

at pains to say safety must never be compromised

for financial performance.

We were very concerned to make sure that safety,

operational safety,

process safety,

took primacy.

It's ridiculous for John Browne to suggest

that he had adequately addressed process safety

in the wake of the Texas City Refinery.

It was less than a year later

his company had a spill in Alaska,

on oil pipelines,

which, it turns out, were not maintained.

[news report] Technicians at Prudoe Bay

warned it was understaffed,

lacking in routine maintenance,

leak-prone, and vulnerable to explosions...

[Lustgarten] There was a specific decision

to save money by not running corrosion tests

in those pipelines.

It's the same kind of thing

that led to the Texas City explosion.

[Narrator] Yet BP claimed

it had learned its lesson from Texas City.

[Browne] In 2007, I left BP,

and I thought, "This is great.

This company has got it."

[explosions roaring]

[Browne] What was so depressing to me

was that yet again people died...

and while I wasn't there,

and I didn't know what had happened,

I could see some terrible echoes of history.

[Narrator] While John Browne had left BP,

some things hadn't changed.

The poor decisions that led to the Deepwater Horizon

echo and track what John Browne instituted in the company

a decade or two before.

John Browne pushed the largest cost cut

that I've heard of

at any corporation

in any kind of industry,

not just the oil industry.

You can't do that

without cutting corners on maintenance of equipment,

without pushing timetables.

That's the culture that he built.

When given that choice between doing good,

and doing well for your company,

the fact that publicly-held companies

have an obligation to deliver to their shareholders,

making those profits

will always be the highest priority.

Those trend lines are just headed in opposite directions,

and I think they always will be.

[Jamie Dimon] We are a-- just to make it clear--

a for-profit institution...

[laughter]

...and we are making an investment in Detroit.

[Narrator] Remember Jamie Dimon?

From JP Morgan Chase?

He's the CEO who wants to save Detroit.

Detroit was devastated by the 2008 financial crisis.

A third of its homes were abandoned.

Over the next five years,

it spiraled towards rock bottom.

[news report] When the 2008 financial crisis

hammered North America,

long-suffering Detroit was hit especially hard.

Detroit is officially the largest city in history

to file for bankruptcy.

[Narrator] After bankruptcy,

Jamie Dimon and his bank stepped in

with vast amounts of capital.

Why Detroit?

So obviously it's good for the bank,

but it's part humanity.

You're trying to help your city and your people come back,

and recover from what have been, basically, a terrible 20 years.

[Robert Reich] Jamie Dimon wants to rescue Detroit,

but what's misleading

is he wants America to believe

that he,

and, by implication, JP Morgan Chase Bank,

are somehow the good guys,

that they are leading us

in a direction we ought to be going in,

without--

without any memory

that he and the bank caused, in part,

a huge recession

that wrecked the lives of millions,

tens of millions of people.

[news report] At one point,

the market fell as if down a well.

The NASDAQ, everything and more

has been completely wiped out...

Three of the five biggest independent firms

on Wall Street

have now disappeared...

[George W. Bush] Major sectors

of America's financial system

are at risk of shutting down.

[Narrator] The 2008 financial crisis

was the result of corporate misconduct

and reckless speculation.

That malfeasance nearly destroyed the global economy.

It cost the American economy about 20 trillion dollars

in terms of lost housing value,

lost productivity from the recession.

Millions of people lost their jobs.

Millions of others were thrown out of their homes.

People were really hurt.

[woman sobbing]

[news report] The nation's biggest bank,

JP Morgan Chase,

has agreed to a $13-billion settlement

with the U.S. Government

for misleading investors and mortgage agencies

about the safety of mortgage-backed securities

it sold ahead of the financial crisis.

That would be the largest fine

ever paid by a single bank

to settle civil charges,

yet doesn't even resolve a possible criminal case.

[Narrator] But JP Morgan Chase's caring image

helped mask its self-interested nature.

[Anand Giridharadas] I think we have to acknowledge

that as a kind of private sector propaganda,

it has been remarkably successful.

[Narrator] This is Anand Giridharadas,

an expert on how corporate elites

cloak profit-making in virtue.

[Giridharadas] When you have someone like Jamie Dimon,

who is running an institution

that paid fines for its role

in helping to cause a financial crisis

that wiped out communities--

we're talking about obliterated certain communities--

when you have someone like that

who then turns around and says,

"We gotta save Detroit,"

what's so amazing is this kind of two-step

that this plutocratic group has been able to pull off.

You first create conditions

in which people in a city like Detroit

are shattered by your speculation decisions,

and then you have the gall

to market yourself to those folks

as their-- as their Christ.

We were here in the darkest moments

for everybody, at all times.

We didn't run, we didn't hide...

...and we figure, you know,

if we can help in Detroit,

you can help anywhere.

We participate in this game

that allows the very people abetting harm to our society,

or actively harming our society,

to reinvent themselves as saviours.

[applause]

[camera shutter clicks]

[Narrator] But that's part of a larger game

corporations now play.

Making feel-good promises with bright smiles,

appearing to be different than what they really are.

If the new corporation had a playbook,

what might it look like?

What would its key plays be?

I am here with Bill Gates.

I'd love you to tell our readers

what the heck creative capitalism is.

Can we take some of the caring and innovation power,

the resources of corporations,

and get them to focus more of that

on the needs of the poorest?

[Narrator] Bill Gates

put his idea of Creative Capitalism to work,

pouring billions into investments in Africa,

including a multi-million-dollar stake

in a start-up company

called Bridge International Academies.

Good morning, class.

[all together] Good morning, teacher.

[teacher] How are you?

[together] We are fine, thank you, teacher,

and how are you?

I'm fine, thank you.

[Shannon May] Bridge is a flagship

of creative capitalism.

We serve children living in poverty.

Even people who are living in poverty,

they are earning cash,

and they're earning cash for a reason.

They're earning it to be able to spend it

on things they need in their lives.

Five years ago,

my co-founder, Shannon, and I

decided that an aggressive start-up company

that could figure out

how to profitably deliver education at a high quality

could radically disrupt the status quo in education,

ultimately creating

what could be a billion-dollar new global education company.

Private schools for the poor

is a $51-billion-a-year market

no one's even thought about.

[Angelo Gavrielatos] In the global south,

what we've seen is the emergence of chains of schools,

for-profit schools,

to compete against the public education system.

One of the biggest players

is Bridge International Academies.

Venture capitalists invest in Bridge schools,

Pearson, the World Bank, Zuckerberg, Gates,

and the list goes on.

We hear of creative capitalism,

but that's promoting a world

where the market would dictate terms

with respect to the provision of education.

We take lessons

that other large global service providers use,

like McDonalds or Starbucks.

We build for scale,

we systematize, we standardize.

We call this vertically-integrated platform

our "Academy in a Box."

[Giridharadas] What is so interesting

about this social-business thing

is, on the surface, it seems incredibly noble.

They're saying

money-making should not be the sole goal of a business,

it should also have a social purpose,

but what it is also saying

is that the kinds of change

that we ought to pursue

are the kinds of change

that kicks something back to the winners.

But those interested financial reasons

are good for the world.

If we succeed in serving 10 million children,

which I know we will,

it's still only about 1% of children

who need improved services

in their government and community schools.

So I hope we not only get there,

but far transcede it,

and in so doing,

be a good partner for our shareholders,

and those who have entrusted us with their capital,

to try to make a big impact.

[Diane Ravitch] This is colonialism,

pure and simple.

Fundamentally, Bridge is saying

"Give us your education system,

we will take care of it."

Public education is one of the basic commitments

of a democratic society.

Education is not non-political,

it's not apolitical.

You teach a set of values when you're teaching.

You cannot rely on Mark Zuckerberg, Bill Gates,

the World Bank, to take over

and provide the education

that you should be providing yourself.

[Wilson Sossion] Bridge is in business.

When you want to utilize poor citizens of this world

as a source of income.

They're making money

out of utilizing unqualified teachers.

[May] We believe everyone is a teacher,

and everyone could be.

There are certain core skills you need to have.

You've gotta be able to read.

It might seem like a low bar,

but you have to start somewhere.

[Narrator] It's true,

Bridge teachers know how to read

but they're required to do

little more in thier classrooms

because they follow scripted les

read word-for-word from a tablet.

[May] It's telling you all of these different ways

to behave.

Move away from the board,

circulate in the classroom,

give them one-on-one coaching.

You cannot have teachers who behave as robots,

who follow a scripted curriculum

that tells you walk three steps to the blackboard,

walk around the classroom,

and that's just...

A teacher ought to be a natural teacher.

From an investment point of view,

that because of a tragic failure of our existing systems,

there's an incredible need for services

to solve these problems.

People have just kind of said,

"Well, hopefully, the government will fix it,"

but fix it with what?

[Narrator] Government can't fix problems.

It's a defining idea of the new corporation,

a key play in its playbook,

and it goes back nearly half a century.

[Ronald Reagan] In this present crisis,

government is not the solution to our problem.

Government is the problem.

[crowd applause]

[Margaret Thatcher] We believe

that government should be severely limited

in the way in which they say

that they're entitled to impose their judgement

on what the people want.

If you look at the real problems of poverty

and denial of freedom to the people in this country,

almost every single one of them

is a result of government action.

[applause]

[Wendy Brown] In the 1980s,

corporations were frustrated

by the limits on profits

that they felt were imposed upon them

by the combination of labour unions,

increasing regulation,

taxation,

and that combination of things led to a kind of rebellion--

one that wouldn't overthrow democracy

in some overt way

but choke it, leash it,

tone it down,

and, above all, replace it with markets.

[Narrator] Corporations formed alliances

with governments they had helped elect,

governments that were in fact anti-government,

and that happily lifted limits on corporate freedom.

Profits soared, but a price was paid,

and not by corporations.

What you get is this profound anti-government program

to create deficits

through the combination of tax cuts

and military spending,

so as to make it impossible

to use government in a positive and constructive way,

to deal with our social problems.

[Klaus Schwab] Mr. President,

on behalf of the business leaders here in the room,

let me particularly congratulate you

for the historic tax reform passed last month,

greatly reducing the tax burden of U.S. companies,

providing a tremendous boost

to the global economy.

I cannot wait to sign these giant tax cuts.

It'll be the largest tax cuts by far

in the history of our country.

JP Morgan Chase,

they just announced earnings,

and they were incredible.

Where are you?

They were very substantial.

Will you say,

"Thank you, Mr. President," at least? Huh?

"Thank you, Mr. President," may be in order.

Apparently, he believes he played a strong role

in JP Morgan's blow-out quarter.

Best profit for any bank, ever in history.

[Tim Ryan, C-Span] Corporate profits

are the highest they've been in decades.

Fast forward a few months,

global pandemic,

the rich keep getting richer,

and our friends on the other side said,

"What do we do now?

Let's do a tax cut!"

36 million people unemployed,

40% of families

who have a worker that makes $40,000 a year or less

lose their job last month,

four million people didn't pay their rent,

and the Republican Party says,

"We don't have any money to help you!"

Are you kidding me?

Where do you guys live?

[Narrator] And while corporations lobby for

and profit from tax cuts at home,

they further avoid taxes

by stashing their profits abroad.

[Navidi] The corporate elite is best positioned

to use the system that we have to their advantage

and one manifestation of that is tax havens.

[Narrator] Every year,

corporations squirrel away billions of dollars

in tax havens,

and when that's combined with tax cuts,

guess what happens?

60 of some of America's biggest companies

reportedly paid no federal income tax for 2018

despite earning billions of dollars in profits.

This is my first time at Davos,

and, uh, and I find it quite a bewildering experience,

to be honest.

I mean, 1,500 private jets flown in here

to hear Sir David Attenborough speak

about, you know, how we're wrecking the planet,

and, uh, I mean, I hear people talking

the language of participation, and justice,

and equality, and transparency,

but then, I mean, almost no one raises the real issue

of tax avoidance, right,

and of the rich just not paying their fair share.

We gotta be talking about taxes.

That's it, taxes, taxes, taxes.

All the rest is bullshit,

in my--in my opinion.

-[woman] Thank you. -[audience applauding]

Government used to have a lot of power

to extract wealth in the form of taxes,

and then be able to use that wealth

for the betterment of the society as a whole,

but what's happened now

is that we have given more power to corporations

to control their wealth

and to take it out of the tax system.

[Giridharadas] So what happens as a result of that?

First of all,

companies and rich people get a lot richer,

not paying those taxes you might've been paying.

Second thing that happens

is the government has less money.

The government's capacity is sort of contracted,

and then social problems start to grow,

in part because the government has less money.

Now with that background,

rich people step onto the scene

and say, "Oh, my gosh, this is a shame.

This situation we see here is a shame.

We got all these social problems,

and government, my gosh,

the government should be solving this stuff,

but it isn't.

That is embarrassing.

Well, I'm happy to solve these problems,

but of course when we do solve it,

we're going to do it my way.

We're going to privatize the solution."

[Gavrielatos] The privatizer's blueprint,

often also called "Starve the Beast."

You create a crisis of confidence...

How much money do we need to be investing right now

in the United States in water infrastructure?

[Susan Story] By 2020,

44% of all water infrastructure in the United States

will be classified as poor, very poor, or beyond life.

[Gavrielatos] You deny resources

for quality public services...

[Story] In the 1970s,

there were a lot of pools of free federal money.

That has really, no pun, dried up.

[Gavrielatos] ...and lo and behold,

the answer is privatization.

[Story] What we believe

is that private industry is part of the answer,

which is very consistent

with what the President's plan is.

[Narrator] American Water Works

is one of the world's largest water corporations.

It takes over public water systems,

and runs them for profit,

and around the world,

there are many other companies doing the same thing.

[Grand Chief Stewart Phillip] It's an absolutely

terrifying notion,

privatization of water.

Moving in exactly the wrong direction.

Access to potable, clean drinking water

is a fundamental human right.

It's just insidious

that the corporate mind could even conceive

or imagine the notion of privatizing it.

[Weissman] Corporations have figured out

that there are really big business opportunities

in these public sectors,

in part, because they've been walled off

from corporate influence in the past.

[Ravitch] The private sector is voracious

in seeking to privatize almost everything.

[Juan Gonzalez] First, privatize government services

as much as possible...

and also the seizure and the commodification

of the public commons--

your parks, your public schools,

your streets.

How can we get more money out of the public commons?

[Diane Ravitch] The for-profit motivation

is always a very bad reason for providing public services.

There's a conflict of interest

between whether you're going to pay off the shareholders,

or whether you're going to invest in the public system.

Many responsibilities and obligations must be public

in order to maintain equal access

to the basic necessities of life.

A healthy democratic society has a thriving private sector,

and also a thriving public sector,

and as we permit the private sector

to encroach upon

and to, literally, absorb the responsibilities

and obligations of a democratic society,

we lose our democracy.

[Narrator] And the rise of big-tech corporations

is now accelerating this process.

For example, in schools.

Not only in Africa, but elsewhere, too.

[Ravitch] Corporations have decided

that they should remake education

by using technology.

They want to have teacher-less classrooms...

but the teacher is the single most important

and expensive part of education,

and the tech industry's dream,

if the teacher is removed from the equation,

then you can cut costs dramatically.

[Paul Mason] These companies monopolize everything.

First of all, monopolize their sector,

and the next thing is to look, "Where's left?"

These giant corporations are frantically searching

for new sources of profit

because it's drying up.

They say, "We need to take the education system,

take the health-care system,

take the transport system,

and own it,

or we die."

[Giridharadas] Silicon Valley is the new Rome of our time.

The valley has become this extraordinary power centre

that has a huge say

over what kind of media and information we have

in a democracy,

over, you know, frankly,

how many of our biggest problems are solved,

over how election campaigns are run,

et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.

Technology's neutral,

and, in many ways, it's great,

but there's a difference

between a technology,

and allowing a few powerful players

to manipulate it for their own ends.

So we've gone from this wide-open world

that opened up all of these possibilities

for people to create things,

to share information, to share ideas,

and it has collapsed into these walled gardens

that are controlled by a few very powerful players.

[Weissman] We're seeing Amazon, for example,

gobbling up every kind of business in sight.

They're interested in getting into pharmaceuticals,

and they're making a big move into food.

[Mitchell] They capture about half of everything

that Americans spend online,

and they're growing into all these different directions.

They control 35% of the world's cloud-computing capacity.

They're building out shipping and logistics infrastructure

that is scaled to take on the postal service and UPS,

and, increasingly,

they are the intermediary for all of our smart devices,

Alexa, their voice system, is 70% of the market,

and on it goes.

They're making investments in finance, in healthcare,

in hit movies and television shows.

Amazon is increasingly setting the rules

for what happens in its marketplace,

and pretending like that's a real market,

but, of course it's not.

You know, that's a direct threat to democracy,

a very fundamental threat to democracy.

[Narrator] Though elected by no one,

corporations are now starting to be treated like governments.

[news report] We're joined now live

by the world's first ever tech ambassador.

Can I start simply by asking you

what exactly does a tech ambassador do?

Well, we're basically

trying to treat technology and the tech companies

in a way which is similar

to the way we treat a bilateral relationship

with countries all over the world.

The value of their stocks

is more or less the same as the GDP of France,

and we think that that is being translated

into influence over political affairs.

We think it is necessary

to treat them in a way which is similar

to the way we treat other countries.

[Giridharadas] A lot of folks in the valley

believe that the companies they are building

are kind of replacements of government.

I think if we don't push back

against the kind of agenda that these companies have,

we're going to live in a world

in which they are governing us privately

through the profit motive.

But governing us.

The deal that the corporations want from us

is to hand everything to them,

all the value to them,

and we get a little bit of utility.

We get usefulness.

It becomes easier to study,

or easier to get to work,

or easier to take a health test.

That is a dangerous deal,

because nobody can guarantee

what is going to be done with the information.

We're handing our data

with no checks, no balances, no control over it.

I think that's going to be one of the new challenges

of life in the 21st Century.

[Heidi Boghosian] I'm going to call them

the super social media corporations,

the entities that really run our lives right now.

The scope of their reach cannot be underestimated.

They know everything about us.

Every single aspect of what we do,

who we do it with, where we do it, what we buy,

is a goldmine for aggregators.

It lets them mold their policies and their products,

predicting how you are going to live

the rest of your life.

They're trying to influence the decisions that you make

from now to when you die,

so that it will best serve, ultimately,

the corporate bottom line.

[♪]

[Sun-Ha Hong] Technology provides us

such a seductive fantasy.

Our smart phones, our data driven systems,

our social-media platforms,

they are all designed to conceal

the true cost of these technologies

to our society as a whole.

Privacy is usually the value that we use

to think through these issues,

but for me, it's not about privacy,

it's about control.

The drive to make data profitable

leads these companies to say who we are,

and define who we are to other people.

Let me use a real-life example of a hiring algorithm.

You'll do an interview.

They'll analyze your video footage,

and they'll say,

"You challenge the status quo.

You are a change agent.

Don't hire this person,

because they are more likely to cause trouble at work."

As far as the algorithm is concerned,

you are not a human being,

you're just a collection of data points,

and this is one of the dangers that we face today,

because we are now saying

we need to stop using human reason,

and we need to rely more

on these kinds of algorithmic decision-making systems.

We are increasingly surrendering our capacity

to rely on human experience

and to trust in each other.

So, the question

that these technologies are really raising for us

is what does it mean to be human?

And this kind of technology of strangers

is one of the ways

in which we are moving away from the genuine heritage

of the Enlightenment.

[Chris Hedges] We're taught that it is all about me.

Narcissism, the cult of the self,

the idea that consumption

can somehow help us overcome our alienation,

make us important...

[woman] I thought, you know,

what better way to cure the darkness,

than to go shopping.

You know, help stimulate the economy.

These were all...

I hesitate the word "values,"

but these were all consciously instilled in the public.

It upends traditional values of thrift,

self-effacement,

communitarianism,

and replaces them with the values

that we now define as American values,

but which should properly be called corporate values.

[Michael Sandel] In recent years,

we've drifted, almost without realizing it,

from having a market economy

to becoming a market society.

The difference is this.

A market economy is a tool,

a valuable and effective tool

for organizing productive activity.

But a market society is a place

where almost everything is up for sale.

[echoes of crowd shouting]

We are so steeped in this commodification

that it's hard to distinguish between being a consumer

and being a citizen.

I'm not much of a believer in political citizenship.

I actually believe much more in the power of the marketplace.

[Narrator] This is Richard Edelman,

one the world's most influential business gurus.

[Edelman] I think companies

actually have filled a void

left by government.

Business is at the top rank.

Government and media really are

at the back end of the trust rank.

These are big changes

in reliability of business as potential "good actor."

It's a brilliant strategy.

They're going to present themselves as good actors,

and use that as part of their image

and as part of their branding.

When we see a big corporation doing something,

it creates a sense of hope

that maybe we can solve the climate crisis,

or inequality,

or other kinds of problems.

We maybe even think of their huge power

as being a plus,

because we know that the scale of these challenges

are so big,

and we feel so powerless and frustrated

about the ability of our government systems

to actually solve them,

that we start to sort of put our faith in corporations,

but of course, in the process of doing that,

we're going further down the path

that led us here.

[Ravitch] I grew up in the 1950s,

and at that time,

there was a sense that our society

would continually progress towards greater equality

and greater opportunity,

that there would continue to be social mobility

for those at the bottom.

The average pay for a CEO in the 1950s

was 20 times that of the average worker.

Today the average pay of a CEO

is 270 times

that of the average worker.

[Narrator] In some cases, that gap is much greater.

For example,

Jamie Dimon makes more than 1,000 times the salary

of one of his lowest-paid employees.

[Katie Porter] Mr. Dimon,

you're an expert on financial statements,

and you run a $2.6-trillion-dollar bank.

I went to Monster.com

and I found a job in my hometown of Irvine

at JP Morgan Chase.

It pays $16.50 an hour...

[Narrator] This is U.S. congresswoman Katie Porter

providing an example of a hypothetical employee,

a single mother working as a teller

at one of Jamie Dimon's banks.

... she rents a one-bedroom apartment.

She and her daughter sleep together

in the same room.

In Irvine, California,

that average one-bedroom apartment

is going to be $1,600.

She spends $100 on utilities...

[Narrator] Congresswoman Porter

itemized typical monthly expenses,

and showed they greatly exceed the employee's salary.

My question for you, Mr. Dimon,

is how should she manage this budget shortfall

while she is working full-time at your bank?

I, uh, don't know that all your numbers are accurate.

That number is a starter-- is generally a starter job.

[Porter] She is a starting employee.

She has a six-year-old child.

This is her first job.

You can get those jobs out of high school,

and she may have my job one day.

[Narrator] But the widening gap

between CEOs and their employees,

is just one symptom of rising inequality

more generally.

[Heather McGhee] Right now in the United States,

the richest country on the planet,

half of American families

couldn't pay a $400 bill

that landed on their doorstep

without going into debt

or selling something.

That's because corporate executives

and corporate lobbyists

are constantly able to change the rules of the game

in the favour of the people who are already wealthy

and powerful,

making it harder to form a union,

making it easier for mega-corporations

to shut out competition from smaller businesses,

slashing the taxes

on wealthy people and corporations,

and shifting more of the responsibility

on working-class people.

[Marshall Ganz] The result is economic inequality.

It's a real moral outrage,

and it can't be dealt with separate from race and gender.

We can't really deal with these inequalities separately

because they're all so interwoven.

The Black and brown people

who are impacted by police brutality,

women who are impacted by sexual harassment

in the workplace,

the enormous numbers of workers

who are struggling with poverty and homelessness,

and all the degeneration that we see under capitalism

for no fault of theirs.

We're talking about a global economy

that, for all the wealth that was generated last year,

a trillion dollars of that new wealth

went to just 500 individuals.

I know you have a lot of--

[Dimon] I'd love to call her up

and have a conversation about her financial affairs

and see if we can be helpful.

[Porter] See if you can find a way

for her to live on less than the minimum

that I've described?

[Dimon] Just be helpful.

[Giridharadas] The 1% and 0.01%

is a group of folks

who talk an extraordinary game,

and also act an extraordinary game,

of trying to help out in an age of inequality,

and who are willing to do absolutely anything to help

except stepping off the backs

of the working people of this country

who have been screwed

and, and, and passed over by four decades worth of change.

[Ray Madoff] There's a great quote

that was attributed to Justice Brandeis

that said you can have democracy,

or you can have large accumulations of wealth,

but you can't have both.

That wealth gives them a tremendous amount of power,

both in promoting our political leaders,

in promoting a legislative agenda,

in every aspect of our society.

[Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez] If I want to run a campaign

that is entirely funded

by corporate political action committees,

is there anything that legally prevents me

from doing that?

No.

So now I'm elected, now I'm in,

I've got the power to draft, lobby, and shape the laws

that govern the United States of America.

Are there any limits on the laws that I can write

or influence?

There's no limit.

So there's none,

so I can be totally funded by big pharma,

come in, write big pharma laws,

and there's no limits to that whatsoever?

That's right.

Is there anything preventing me

from holding stocks, say, in an oil or gas company,

and then writing laws to deregulate that industry

and potentially cause the stock value to soar,

and accrue a lot of money in that time?

-You could do that, yes. -Oh, okay, great.

[Vandana Shiva] I think we've seen the disappearance

of independent governments,

with the rise of corporate rule.

We have seen more and more takeover of government,

takeover of electoral processes.

The problem is a corporate system

and a political system,

where governments see their main role

as facilitating private corporations

to basically do whatever the hell.

Nothing more starkly illustrates this

than our Federal Treasurer picking up a lump of coal

and carrying it around Parliament House.

Mr. Speaker.

This is coal.

Don't be afraid, don't be scared.

[Speaker] The Treasurer knows the rule on props!

It's coal.

Mr. Speaker, those opposite

have an ideological, pathological fear of coal.

Affordable energy

is what Australian businesses need

to remain competitive.

[Narrator] This is Scott Morrison.

He later became Prime Minister.

He heads a group of high-level politicians

with deep ties to the major coal companies.

Take note of this one-- Adani.

We'll return to it later.

What's happening in Australia

is just one part of a larger global story.

[May] It's become accepted that corporations are in charge.

Governments are incredibly subservient

to corporate rule.

[Weissman] In the United States,

we've seen, under the Trump administration,

the wholesale corporate takeover of government

on a scale with no historic precedent.

It's beyond the wildest dreams of the corporate sector,

especially in the area of deregulation.

I pledged to eliminate

two unnecessary regulations

for every one new regulation.

We have succeeded beyond our highest expectations.

Instead of two for one...

we have cut 22 burdensome regulations

for every one new rule.

I'm willing to bet that those are made-up numbers.

But the issue in regulation or deregulation

is not the number.

I mean, that's really absurd.

What you want to know is, you know,

do you want to have another financial crisis?

Well, if you do,

let's get rid of the financial regulations.

[Reich] Corporations have said, repeatedly,

"We are responsible now,

we understand the public interest,

so we don't have to be regulated,

we can self-regulate."

Well, they've got obvious self-interest in saying that.

The reason they can't self-regulate

is that that's not what they're about.

They're about trying to make profit.

Routinely,

when government regulation fails,

companies in the pursuit of profit

endanger people,

and that's not a hypothetical.

It means people get poisoned,

they get diseases, they get sick.

Corners will be cut,

and people will be injured, and people will be killed.

We see it over and over again.

[♪]

[♪]

[♪]

[Lustgarten] Every industry has fought regulation.

They all resist oversight by the government

because regulation increases their cost of operating,

but I've never seen an industry that's fought it

more than the oil and gas industry...

[tape rewinding]

[explosion roaring]

[Narrator] Remember this?

This, too, was a consequence of deregulation.

[thud]

[♪]

As a result

of the Deepwater Horizon catastrophe,

nearly 200 million gallons of crude oil

spilled into the Gulf of Mexico,

making it one of the worst

environmental and deregulation disasters

in history.

But deregulation wasn't the only problem.

BP was also recklessly breaking the law.

And they're not alone in being corporate lawbreakers.

[Weissman] Corporations will certainly do things

that are wrong, that are unethical,

if they're legal and permissible.

And all the empirical evidence

says that they will also violate the law routinely,

either intentionally

or because they'll just go over the lines,

if there's profits to be made.

[Brad Beckworth] This opioid crisis is a killer,

and it's a killer that does not discriminate.

[♪]

[Narrator] Lives are being destroyed

as corporations profit from their playbook moves...

...as they play to win.

[Hedges] These corporate forces have no limits

and these forces have...

put the very human species itself at risk.

[♪]

[plastic clattering as waves rumble]

[♪]

[Shiva] The giant ecocidal corporations--

they're literally playing casino with life on Earth.

Their logic of profits,

their process of profits

is the death of nature.

[Announcer] Whenever you mess with nature,

you don't know for sure what the exact impact will be.

[Announcer 2] We chop down forests,

we bring livestock into new regions,

and we spread these new diseases.

We're at the source of this problem.

[Announcer 3] The major cities all around the world

are vulnerable to a disease arriving in the city

and then causing a major epidemic.

Again, we're seeing that more and more.

[Shiva] The rate at which new disease epidemics

are originating,

many of them moving from forests and wild species

to humans,

is partly because of

corporate invasions into ecosystems

and violence to animals.

The attack on other species

is bouncing back as an attack on us.

[♪]

[Announcer] All of Italy is now effectively a red zone.

[Announcer 2] Warnings from Sao Paulo are dire.

[Announcer 3] In the United States,

disaster's been declared in all 50 states.

[Narrator] When the coronavirus hit

in the spring of 2020,

it laid bare

the unjust and dangerous faultlines

of corporate capitalism.

[Announcer] African-Americans

have been hit hardest by the virus.

Despite for accounting for 14% of Michigan's population,

they represent 41% of its COVID victims,

I'm praying that's it's not...

I haven't been in contact with nobody that has it.

[woman] We got a possible COVID,

52-year-old male.

10 minutes out.

[man] I'll be honest with you, I can barely keep track.

[Stacy Mitchell] This is the culmination

of decades of tilting policy,

tilting public resources

in favour of the biggest corporations.

Fewer hospitals, fewer hospital beds,

less capacity to be able to be able to respond

in an emergency like this.

[♪]

Other systems are also breaking down right now.

Essential workers,

people who are on the frontlines

of getting our groceries to us,

are really putting their lives on the line

without any kind of real backing

from the companies that employ them.

This is partly the product

of the absence of labour protections,

unions, and so on.

[♪]

What we're seeing is a continuation

of the ways that corporations have undermined

ordinary people's ability

to have any say over their lives.

This is actually not a crisis full of novelties,

it's a crisis full of revelation.

For example, the same exact dynamic

of the 2008 financial crisis bailout,

where the most powerful gained power

as a net result of those bailouts,

that is literally happening again-- maybe worse.

[♪]

[Narrator] As ordinary people suffered

the despair and harsh effects of economic breakdown,

giant corporations were thrown a lifeline.

[McConnell] Madame President, I have an update.

At last, we have a deal.

[Ocasio-Cortez] What did the Senate Majority fight for?

One of the largest corporate bailouts,

with as few strings as possible,

in American history.

Shameful!

The greed of that fight is wrong,

for crumbs for our families,

and the option that we have

is to either let them suffer with nothing

or to allow this greed and billions of dollars,

which will be leveraged into trillions of dollars,

to contribute

to the largest income inequality gap

in our future.

[Reich] Once again,

the very wealthy big corporations

did extraordinarily well.

Over the last year and a half,

they've spent over a trillion dollars

buying back their shares of stock

to artificially boost their share prices,

so that the top executives and major investors

would benefit.

They could've used that trillion dollars

as a cushion against the big rainy day,

the storm that we now have.

They didn't.

Instead, they got bailed out!

It's socialism for the rich, corporate socialism,

but also the harshest form of capitalism

for most working people and the poor.

[Weissman] The crisis is highlighting

that we're absolutely unprepared

to deal with disasters

like what we're facing right now,

and we also have this other, even bigger looming crisis,

which is the climate catastrophe.

That's not going anywhere.

[♪]

[McGhee] It's no exaggeration to say

that the greed economy is killing us.

It's killing off species.

It's depleting our natural resources.

It's poisoning our people.

A handful of corporations

are allowed to put next quarter's profits

ahead of the next generation.

When our children and grandchildren

look back in the history books

and ask the question,

"Why didn't we stop the crisis of climate change?"

The only answer we'll have for them

is that it was profitable for a handful of corporations

to keep polluting our planet.

[fires raging]

[Lustgarten] The changes that we fear are coming faster

than anybody thought.

The impacts from them

are going to be far worse than we thought.

It's also going to change

the entire global dynamic around equality.

The world is going to divide in ways

that we have a difficult time imagining now.

We're headed for a world

that sees a protected, privileged few

surrounded by an immensely impoverished

majority of the global population.

[Narrator] With the impacts of climate change

now in plain view,

fossil-fuel companies

have stopped actively denying that's it's happening.

[Anjali Appadurai] They've discovered

that a better strategy for them now

in the age of active climate breakdown,

is to charm us all

into believing that they're part of the solution,

saying, "Okay, we're going to invest in renewables,

but meanwhile,

we have to keep using fossil fuels for a long time,

so, you know, we can use lighter fuels, like natural gas,

but we have to be realistic."

It is impossible--

impossible--

to displace carbon fully for a very long time.

Gas is a very good carbon fuel.

[Lustgarten] You have to see this

as one more arrow

in the large quiver of delay tactics

and ways to preserve

what's really the core of their business,

not the core of the best interest of society.

We need to transition

to the cleanest form of carbon-free energy

as quickly as possible.

If we were to do this by tomorrow,

it wouldn't be fast enough.

I mean, we'd just be stupid,

if we looked to the coal and gas and oil industry

for a clean-energy future.

That's not what they do.

They have a business model.

They're going to pursue that business model

until the end of time,

and they may do that

if we're not able to control them.

The fossil-fuel industry

actually doesn't plan to stop increasing production

and increasing extraction

anytime soon.

In fact, they're doubling down on it.

Their goal is to extract as much as possible

before it becomes just completely unviable

for them to do so.

[Narrator] The fossil-fuel industry

is ramping up new mega-projects.

[ding]

Some companies are pursuing profits

from even the dirtiest fuels.

Like Adani.

[Hepburn] Around 2011,

there were plans for nine new coal export ports

up and down the Great Barrier Reef Coast.

Adani's proposed Carmichael Mine

would be a 60-million-ton-a-year thermal coal mine

in the middle of the Galilee Basin.

[Murrawah Johnson] It's the largest new proposed

coal project in the world.

40 kilometres by 13 kilometres,

entirely encompassed

within Wangan and Jagalingou country.

[Sam La Rocca] It is on the doorstep

of the Great Barrier Reef,

an already very stressed and vulnerable ecosystem,

and what we're gonna see

is 500 more coal ships

every year,

trudging through a stressed reef

that, what scientists are telling us,

is already half-dead.

The Adani Carmichael Mine would drive global warming,

it would destroy habitat for endangered species,

it would destroy groundwater,

and it would disenfranchise Wangan and Jagalingou,

traditional owners of that country.

[Johnson] Wangan and Jagalingou,

we're a problem for Adani,

so they're gonna do whatever they can

to try and get rid of that problem.

We know that the mechanisms of the state

line-up to work for mining companies and corporations,

essentially to roll over aboriginal people,

to get past us.

[Chief Judy Wilson] The government and the state

and the corporations

devise ways, saying,

"Oh, we want to put this mine in,

we just want to do it,

we just want to put this pipeline in,"

and "oh, these people are in our way,

we need to remove them."

[protesters shouting]

[blows landing]

You know, they use their security,

they use our own aboriginal police against us,

they use every means they can.

[Chief Phillip] To indigenous people,

it is clearly a life-and-death struggle.

That's what you're witnessing happening around the world--

this destructive corporate agenda

that is completely out of control.

[guns firing, people shouting]

[♪]

When a society begins to understand

that that good job that they had or their parents had

is never coming back,

that they are going to be working 70 hours a week,

and still be consumed by crippling debt peonage...

that all of their dreams

that Oprah and everyone else has told them

can come to fruition

are never going to arrive...

and they scream for vengeance and moral renewal,

and they look

for the internal enemies that have thwarted

the possibility

of their own aggrandizement.

So then you turn on the vulnerable.

You turn on Muslims,

undocumented workers, homosexuals,

feminists, intellectuals, liberals...

...all of those forces

that you are told have thwarted

the possibilities that were your "right" to have.

[Shiva] What you see is a frustration

that grew out of economic disempowerment,

turning into a new wave of hate.

There's no question

that a lot of people around the world

have a feeling that we've lived in this age

that is incredibly abundant in innovation

but short on progress,

if progress means most people's lives getting better.

I'm right-wing and I'm proud of it!

[crowd jeering and cheering]

[Giridharadas] It's only a matter of time

before people want to shatter the system.

[police radio crackling]

[Giridharadas] There's no guarantee

when people rise up to shatter a system,

whether you get Medicare for all

or a wall on the Southern border.

[♪]

[crowd]

Build the wall! Build the wall!

[Ganz] It's akin to the fascist movements

of the 1920 and '30s,

where the alienated can feel a sense of empowerment

by identifying with "the great leader,"

often in these big rallies.

[Donald Trump speaking, crowd roaring]

[crowd cheering]

[Ganz] But it really is like snapshots out of the 1930s,

this kind of politics

of hatred and reaction and division.

[Nick Hanauer] Donald Trump wasn't the problem.

Donald Trump was

the symptom of the problem.

The problem

is a breakdown in the social cohesion

that makes democracy and civil society possible.

And that breakdown in social cohesion

in turn was created

by 40 years of rising economic inequality,

by the evisceration of the middle class.

[heated shouting, indistinct]

[Hanauer] Collectively, the nation lashed out

by electing the candidate who was lashing out, too.

Fuck you!

Go fucking make my tortilla, motherfucker!

And build that fuckin' wall, for me!

[roars] Trump!

[Brown] This angry right-wing eruption

completely agreed

with the free market fundamentalism

of this new order,

and represented themselves

as a people

whose whiteness, whose traditional values,

whose Christianity, whose nativism

should be at the heart of the country's concerns.

[Steve Bannon] Let them call you "racist."

[woman interpreting in French]

Let them call you "xenophobes..."

[woman interpreting to French]

Let them call you "nativist."

[woman interpreting to French]

Wear it as a badge of honour,

because every day,

we get stronger and they get weaker.

Parts of the population

are actually leaning toward "strongmen"--

Donald Trump.

a large part of the Turkish population

is supporting Erdogan,

or we're seeing it in Hungary with Orban.

We are proud to stand together with United States

on fighting against illegal migration,

on terrorism,

and to protect and, um,

help the Christian communities all around the world.

[Michael Hardt] All of these right-wing regimes

represent a continuation of privatization,

of the destruction of welfare,

undermining labour unions, et cetera.

Unchained by the kinds of restrictions

that workers' rights posed,

or that environmental protections posed,

or that even structures for providing for the poor posed.

So now, corporations have freer reign.

Money has replaced the vote.

America is dominated by a system of legalized bribery.

Our three branches of government

are wholly captive to corporate power.

So you have corporate forces

that purport to pay fealty to electoral politics,

the constitution,

the iconography and language of American patriotism,

and yet, internally,

have rendered the citizen impotent.

I don't think that you can honestly grasp

the forces we're up against,

including the unraveling of the ecosystem,

and not be filled with despair.

The greatest existential crisis of our time

is to at once understand the reality before us,

and then find the capacity to resist.

[♪]

[Micah White] So much of our lives

is about the stories we tell ourselves.

And corporations have done a very effective job

at defining the limits of possibility

and defining what we can expect out of life.

So if we believe

that we are in a dog-eat-dog world,

and this patriarchal-machismo view of reality,

then that constrains how we act and how we behave.

Social movements are created out of a contagious mood

and a new tactic.

Part of what that new tactic does

is it wakes people up,

and part of what that mood does is gets them to dream again.

[♪]

[Narrator] In 2011,

mass movements for change swept across the globe

in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis.

[Hardt] There was a cycle of struggles--

sometimes called "the movement of squares."

It starts in Tunisia...

...and passes to Egypt,

passing then

across the Mediterranean

to Spain...

[shouting Spanish]

...to Greece...

[shouting Greek]

...before it finally arrives at Zuccotti Park,

in the United States.

And what were these movements about?

They were really about the demand

for a new kind of democracy.

[♪]

[White] During "Occupy Wall Street,"

we suddenly thought, "What?

We can have a democracy in this country

that's not run by corporate finance capitalism?"

Like, "that's amazing," you know?

And the moment was so ripe that, within 24 hours,

activists in New York City took up the idea

and ran with it.

[crowd shouting]

These movements were a kind of refusal

of corporate culture or consumerism,

and that was their essence.

[crowd shouting]

[Narrator] The Occupy Movement

quickly spread from Zuccotti Park

to cities across the United States,

and then the world.

[♪]

[Kshama Sawant] The Occupy Movement captured the...

the feeling that ordinary working people had

that, when the recession happened in 2008,

the very banks

that had caused the financial collapse

were the ones being rewarded,

and the rest of us had got sold out.

[Weissman] What was so important about Occupy

was to crystallize the public anger.

Occupy did that,

and put an explanatory narrative around

"the 99% versus the 1%."

[helicopter rotors beating overhead]

[protester] We're just trying to figure out a way

that we can change the system--

an economic system that is fundamentally--

fundamentally misaligned in the corporate interests

and against the people's interests.

And that's all we're doing here.

[crowd shouting]

[teargas canisters pop and clatter]

[crying out, indistinct]

[White] Occupy Wall Street was a constructive failure,

but it taught us something very important.

We need to pair protests with gaining sovereignty,

which means either pairing protests

with winning elections,

or pairing protests with winning wars.

And you can choose, as an activist.

I would advocate elections.

[Mason] There's only so many times

you can have tear gas fired into your face

and get hit over the head by a police baton

or be dragged off to jail.

And after a while, you say, you know,

"we're gonna do something at the level of politics now."

But all those movements face the challenge--

"what do you stand for?"

Are you actually going to challenge

the power of corporations?

This is what the 2020s will be about.

[♪]

[newscaster] We turn now to Seattle, Washington,

where a former Occupy Wall Street activist

is being sworn in today to the city council.

We have shown that it's possible to succeed

as an independent, grassroots openly-socialist campaign,

not taking any money from big business.

This moment belongs to that way of organizing.

Kshama becomes the first socialist

elected to the Seattle City Council

since the early-20th century.

Her signature issue

was $15-an-hour minimum wage.

[shouting, indistinct]

[Sawant] There were

courageous workers of McDonald's and other fast-food outlets

who went out on a one-day strike.

"15 and a union" was their slogan.

[Narrator] On the 15th of May, 2014,

thousands of fast-food workers

flooded the streets of 150 U.S. cities,

striking to demand a $15 minimum wage,

better working conditions,

and the right to form a union.

[Sawant] We organized ordinary people--

workers, rank-and-file union members,

and activists

who wanted to fight for 15.

[♪]

If you are actually going to be true to the movement,

if you are going to be accountable

to all these people you claim to represent,

once you're elected,

it does require you to take a bold and strong stance

against the corporate politicians.

If they are not on your side,

then you have to fight against them.

You're duty-bound!

Of the over a billion dollars in taxes

that Amazon owes to the IRS,

they now get a break of $789 million.

[Gonzalez] Her campaign wins so many supporters

that Seattle becomes the first major city in America

to adopt a $15-an-hour minimum wage.

And that starts the ball rolling

as more and more cities across the nation

have followed the example of Seattle.

[Sawant] If you empower workers

by giving them a better standard of living,

it's not going to stop there.

It raises their sights, the confidence

of working people

towards a different kind of society.

You don't need a Ph.D. in Economics to know

that your life sucks under capitalism,

and we've got to build a movement to fight for it.

Four more years!

[Narrator] In 2019,

Kshama Sawant was elected to a third term

on Seattle City Council,

despite Amazon spending $1.5 million

to try to unseat her.

[Gonzalez] Kshama was pioneering

the new urban Renaissance.

Starting around 2013 and '14, especially,

a whole new movement developed

of grassroots organizations from various movements

that then united

to elect for the first time

representatives of their perspectives into office.

You had a whole wave of people,

all of whom were not expected to have a chance.

All of them are running

on more or less the same platform--

that income inequality is the moral issue of our time,

and they were not just part of a U.S. movement,

but you had Sadiq Khan,

the first Muslim elected to the mayoralty of London,

you had Anne Hidalgo,

a leading environmentalist and socialist of Europe,

winning the mayoralty of Paris,

Carmen Yulin Cruz, the Mayor of San Juan, Puerto Rico,

and you had Ada Colau in Barcelona.

[♪]

[battering ram thudding, wood splintering]

In the wake of the mortgage meltdown worldwide,

there were thousands of Spanish homeowners

being evicted from their houses by international banks,

and Ada Colau begins to lead a resistance movement

of the homeowners.

[Gonzalez] Through mass protests

and civil disobedience,

she gains a name for herself as a defender of the homeowners.

[crowd applauding]

[Gonzalez] What's different about this movement

is that the progressives have seen the necessity

to actually capture office,

then also, once they get into office,

they've understood the necessity for continuing

to be connected to the grassroots movements

that got them there.

[Narrator] In 2019,

more than 200 leading thinkers and activists

endorsed Colau's bid for re-election.

"Barcelona has become a beacon of hope," they wrote,

proving that we don't have to be afraid

of standing up to corporate power,

that there is another way of doing politics

that puts people at the centre."

Colau was re-elected Mayor in June, 2019.

[♪]

Seeing the documentary The Corporation,

it opened my eyes.

[Narrator] This is Chris Barrett.

He appeared in our first film,

featured as one of the first

corporate-sponsored college students.

[McCabe] We saw Tiger Woods on TV with a hat

with a Nike logo on it,

and we figured,

you know, he probably gets, like, millions of dollars

just to wear the hat on a press conference,

and therefore, we figured we can do that for someone else

and hopefully get money,

in turn so we could go to school.

[Barrett] You guys were poking fun at us,

but we were 18-year-old kids.

Seeing The Corporation,

my mind just, like, kind of exploded.

It was just, like,

I had never been exposed to this mindset before.

I was having lunch with my grandfather

and I asked him "Who should the Democratic nominee be?"

And he told me at the time

that "Bernie Sanders looks pretty good."

I went home,

and I researched Bernie's platform,

and I realized that, internally,

like, I align with a lot that Bernie says.

This great nation and its government

belong to all of the people,

and not to a handful of billionaires.

[crowd erupts]

[Barrett] When I got connected to "Grassroots for Sanders,"

they offered me the position

of Assistant Fundraising Manager,

where I could be able to do the fundraising asks on Reddit.

[♪]

We were able to raise over $10 million

directly to Bernie Sanders' campaign.

At some of the field offices,

people would come through the door

and they would say, "How do I get involved?

I have never voted in my life."

[♪]

One of Bernie's messages,

after he lost his Presidential run,

was that local people could take back the power

and we could run for office.

I met a local political organizer

in my town of Collingswood.

He was putting together

a slate of progressive candidates.

I thought that was a brilliant idea.

It was exactly what Bernie wanted us to do,

and we-- I signed the form,

and we were running for office.

I don't think,

when I was out there getting a corporate sponsor,

that I realized that, in 16 years,

I would be an elected official in New Jersey.

I'm gonna stay on this path,

and I'm gonna continue down this political route

until we have the progressive party of the future.

[♪]

[Jonathan Tasini] Historically,

progressive movements

were more interested about building power in the streets--

which is an important thing--

and they kind of neglected running for office.

I think, now,

progressives are starting to see the nature of power,

where it lies,

and the reason to contest for it.

Now we have thousands of people saying,

"Hey! I want to run for office."

[crowd cheering]

[Noam Chomsky] It's common to say now

that the Senator's campaign failed.

I think that's a mistake.

I think it was an extraordinary success.

Completely shifted the arena of debate and discussion.

Issues that were unthinkable a couple years ago

are now right in the middle of attention.

[Narrator] The Sanders campaign

took to the larger political stage

the kind of politics

being practiced by local politicians,

like Sawant,

Colau,

and Barrett--

electoral politics interwoven with grassroots activism.

[♪]

[Chomsky] Some form of "Green New Deal"

is essential for the survival of humanity,

now it's part of the general agenda.

Why?

Activists' engagement.

Young people,

they received support

from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other young legislators,

who came into office

as part of the Sanders-inspired popular wave.

[♪]

[White] I think the next wave of revolutions

really is gonna be this kind of strange thing

where we wake up and we're like,

"Oh, my gosh, there's this social movement.

They're in the streets,

but they're running election campaigns.

They have candidates and they're winning?"

[♪]

[Narrator] Whatever form it takes,

change always begins with organizing.

[Hepburn] 2018 is going to be

the year that we take

the toxic, stultified politics of climate change

and turn it on its head,

and it starts with stopping Adani!

[La Rocca] Our aim

is to move the world away from fossil fuels

as fast as possible.

The Wangan and Jagalingou people

have a different struggle,

which is to protect their land and to win land rights.

[crowd] No means no!

[Johnson] Adani has tried to rip our people apart.

It's actually brought our people together as well.

And we've been able to think about,

"What is our alternative future?

What do we want to build?"

And it's not extractive industries

that governments

and other corporations would like it to be.

What we've set out to do

is support a whole range of organizations and individuals

to work together,

to achieve much bigger change

than any one organization could achieve working alone.

We want to lose control of as many people as possible,

headed in the right direction.

[Hepburn] We figured that the only way

we could really stop the project

is stopping them getting financed.

[La Rocca] Yes, they need the permits and the approvals,

but Adani also needs money.

[Narrator] Both "Stop Adani"

and the Wangan and Jagalingou people

pushed to halt funding of the Adani Coal Mine.

[Johnson] We met with some of the largest banks in the world

and said,

"You need to acknowledge

that any investment in the Adani Carmichael Coal Mine

will be a breach of your obligations to us

as the indigenous people who have said no."

Within a month,

Standard Chartered came out publicly

and said that they would not be giving any money to Adani.

That was after they'd already given them $680 million.

[Narrator] The two campaigns together succeeded

in stopping funding from all banks worldwide.

Then they won again,

blocking the Australian government's attempt

to fill the gap with a $1-billion loan.

It was a huge victory for us

because we were told

it was something that couldn't be done.

[Narrator] Adani and its government allies

continue their push for the mine to go forward.

And yet,

not a single lump of coal has been mined to date.

The resistance continues.

[Johnson] All of my life,

I have been told who I am through stories

about the people that I come from.

Without their resistance and their resilience,

I would not be here.

It's come down to me,

and I refuse to be the broken link in the chain.

[Hepburn] The fight over the Adani Coal Mine

has become a symbol

whether corporations can continue to ride roughshod

over the wishes of the community,

and create a future

that is in their financial interests alone,

or whether the community actually can build enough power

to say, "No, that is not the future we want.

We want a safe future with a safe climate for everybody."

[♪]

[Hepburn] There is this global network.

There's a big fight brewing

in Argentina against fracking corporations,

against coal expansion in South Africa

and the Philippines,

in India,

in Poland.

There's campaigns against pipelines in Canada--

Kinder Morgan, Keystone XL--

the fight at Standing Rock.

[water cannons blasting]

[Chief Wilson] Our indigenous people

have been on the front lines way before my time.

It's about the land, the water...

our inherent jurisdiction as caretakers of Mother Earth.

[♪]

[Chief Phillip] But it's not just an indigenous struggle,

it's a struggle of humanity.

We need to come together

to push back the corporate agenda.

All people,

all races are beginning to realize

we're in this together.

[crowd] We will rise! We will rise!

You cannot unring a bell.

[ding]

Our civilization is being sacrificed

for the opportunity

of a very small number of people

to continue making enormous amounts of money.

We have not come here

to beg world leaders to care.

You have ignored us in the past

and you will ignore us again.

We have run out of excuses

and we are running out of time.

We have come here

to let you know that change is coming,

whether you like it or not.

The real power belongs to the people.

[♪]

If they're really wanting

to address the deep problems

of social, racial, and gender injustice in our society,

then we need to think of lessons from history.

[♪]

[Hardt] One thing that's remarkable

is just that people keep struggling.

That, in the worst situations,

people always fight...

[♪]

...even when you thought "nothing's possible,"

you look at the political situation

and think how bad it is,

then something beautiful and inspiring comes up.

[♪]

[Narrator] In the spring of 2020,

the world shut down,

but people's hearts opened wide.

[all cheering]

[applauding and cheering]

[♪]

[sirens wailing, people cheering]

[Hardt] One of the most beautiful things

I've seen during the crisis

is the way workers in a variety of sectors

have refused--

have refused to go along with putting workers in danger.

Amazon workers striking,

FedEx workers walking out,

also health-care workers put in dangerous situations.

This foresees the kinds of struggles

that will emerge from this crisis

that confront the inequalities of this economy.

[♪]

[Mitchell] The pandemic

has revealed that there is broad support

for the idea that we need to contain corporate power,

so that we live in a society

where we reinvigorate democracy,

where we have a sense of the public purpose,

and that we're not simply at the mercy

of a few corporations that increasingly run our lives.

[Reich] This can

change the way people think about the system.

We owe one another certain things,

certain minimum things.

That's been lost in the last 40 years

of deregulation and privatization

and corporate takeover of our political culture

and our political system.

[Sawant] It is starting to dawn on society as a whole

that we're not going to go back to the old normal,

there's no such world,

because the pandemic has revealed

that the system is incapable

of addressing even the most basic needs

of our society.

[Narrator] Then, as this film was being finished,

George Floyd is brutally killed by police--

a flash point that ignites an uprising.

[British newscaster] Thousands took to the streets,

demanding justice for George Floyd.

[female reporter] ...The death of a Black man pleading

that he can't breathe

as a white officer was kneeling on his neck.

Justice!

Now!

[Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor] Imagine how angry and desperate

you would have to be to come out and protest

in the historical pandemic

that has had

a disproportionately horrendous impact

in Black communities.

Take your knee off our necks!

[crowd] Take your knee off our necks!

[William Barber] The democracy is just trying to breathe.

Because of the weight of poverty on our neck.

The denial of health care on our neck.

'Cause what's happening

is metaphorically the whole culture is saying,

"We can't breathe!"

[♪]

[Narrator] Despite sometimes- brutal police repression,

the protests grew

and began to target broader injustices

and distorted priorities.

[Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor] Look at the gear

and the equipment that they have,

compared to hospital workers,

dressing themselves in garbage bags,

being forced to use the same N95 masks

for weeks at a time.

[Narrator] The protests

quickly became about more than racist policing...

confronting the echoes

of corporate capitalism's racist past.

[Angela Davis] Capitalism is racial capitalism.

The Industrial Revolution,

which pivoted around the production of capital,

was enabled by slave labour in the U.S.

[crowd roaring]

[female newscaster] There are calls to rethink

who we choose to honour from our past.

Monuments to men who were once honoured

now viewed by a new generation

as symbols of racism and colonialism.

[Barber] People are protesting

because they know it doesn't have to be like this.

People only protest

what they believe can be changed.

If folks didn't protest,

that'd mean we really would be in trouble.

[Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor] I don't believe

these are just protests against police brutality.

We're seeing the convergence of a class rebellion,

with racism at the centre of it.

[Justin, protester] I believe, without a doubt,

that change will come from the protests.

It is not just Black people.

[Barber] We can't be the same coming out of this.

Too many people are suffering.

We must make our political system respond.

We must do it

in our deepest moral and non-violent traditions,

but it must not it be weak.

It has to be strong.

It has to last for the election and beyond an election.

[♪]

There is a whole new spirit out there

that's saying

500 years of colonialism is enough,

200 years of corporate rule is enough,

200 years of the building of a fossil-fuel age

is enough.

I see people who are waking up to the realization

that, no, you don't go start an app

if you want to change the world.

You actually try to change the world

and de-rig a rigged system.

And, in a moment like this,

if you're not working

at that level on those kinds of things,

you have to really ask yourself,

what was your role in this moment of history?

We've been here before.

We've been at a place

where my ancestors

were bought and sold for profit.

We've been at a place

where people routinely died on the job.

And over time,

movements of ordinary people have broken the chains

and have held corporations and powerful people accountable

and changed the rules,

so that more people can flourish and feel truly free.

I think we are in the midst

of another one of those movements

right now,

where a lot of people, all across the world,

are saying "Enough is enough."

[♪]