All language subtitles for The.Vietnam.War.2017.Part05.1080p.BluRay.H264.AAC-RARBG

- Original file by zfeet -
- Resynced by Ornlu Wolfjarl -

ROGER HARRIS: Soldiers adapt.

You go over there with
one mindset, you know,

and then you adapt.

You adapt to the atrocities of war.

You adapt to...

...killing and dying, you know.

After a while it doesn't bother you.

Well, I should say it
doesn't bother you as much.

When I first arrived in
Vietnam, there were some...

(sighs)

there were some interesting
things that happened

and I questioned some of the Marines.

I was made to realize that this
is war, and this is what we do.

And that stuck in my head.

This is war.

This is what we do.

And after a while you embrace that.

This is war.

This is what we do.

("Are You Experienced?" by the
Jimi Hendrix Experience playing)

This evening I came here to
speak to you about Vietnam.

There is progress in the war itself,

rather dramatic progress
considering the situation

that actually prevailed when we
sent our troops there in 1965.

The grip of the Viet Cong on
the people is being broken.

HENDRIX: d If you can just
get your mind together d

(rapid gunfire)

d Then come across to me

NARRATOR: In the summer of 1967,

the men overseeing the war in Vietnam

remained outwardly optimistic...

whatever private doubts they may have held.

HENDRIX: d But first

d Are you experienced?

(airplane flying overhead)

(explosion)

d Have you ever been experienced? d

NARRATOR: The American military
command in Vietnam, MACV,

claimed to have killed 200,000 enemy troops

and had told the president

that the all-important "crossover point"...

the moment when U.S. and
ARVN forces were killing

more Viet Cong and North Vietnamese troops

than the enemy could replace...
appeared to have been reached

in almost all of South Vietnam.

But the United States had suffered

nearly 75,000 casualties.

By July 4, 14,624 Americans had died,

and, off the record,

many officers were much less
sanguine than their commanders.

From Saigon, R.W. Apple of
theNew York Time s summarized

their views: "Victory is not
close at hand," he wrote.

In fact, "It may be beyond reach."

("Are You Experienced?" by the
Jimi Hendrix Experience playing)

(rapid gunfire)

It was true that the enemy
rarely won a battle

in the traditional military
sense that they drove

the Americans from the field.

But it was also true
that no American victory

seemed to matter.

Battered enemy units were
quickly reinforced and rearmed.

Pacification... winning the hearts and minds

of the South Vietnamese
people... was not working.

Saigon still controlled only
a fraction of a country

roughly the size of Florida,

and its government remained

unpopular and riddled with corruption.

President Johnson had been
forced to raise taxes

to meet the war's ever-climbing cost.

His ambitious social program...
his War on Poverty...

was in retreat.

HENDRIX: d Trumpets and violins
I can hear in the distance d

NARRATOR: That summer, racial
unrest would grip American cities.

HENDRIX: d Maybe now
you can't hear them d

d But you will

NARRATOR: The president would have
to send the Army into Detroit

to end five days of rioting

that left 43 dead and
hundreds of buildings razed.

Twenty-six more died in Newark, New Jersey,

demonstrating yet again how wide a gap

remained between black and white Americans.

Only a third of the country saw
any sign of progress in Vietnam,

and half of the country now disapproved

of the president's handling of the war.

Meanwhile, Le Duan and his comrades

who ran things in Hanoi,
were secretly planning

a new offensive that they
believed would destroy

what they called the puppet
government in Saigon

and convince the United States
the war could never be won

on the battlefield.

JAMES WILLBANKS: There's the old
apocryphal story that, in 1967,

they went to the basement of the Pentagon

when the mainframe computers
took up the whole basement,

and they put on the old
punch cards everything

you could quantify... numbers of ships,

numbers of airplanes, numbers of
tanks, numbers of helicopters,

artillery, machine gun, ammo...
everything you could quantify,

put it in the hopper and said,
"When will we win in Vietnam?"

Went away on Friday.

The thing ground away all weekend.

Came back on Monday and there
was one card in the output tray

and it said, "You won in 1965."

The only problem is the enemy gets a vote

and they weren't on the punch cards.

NARRATOR: There were nearly half a
million American soldiers in Vietnam

by the middle of 1967,

with thousands more on the way.

Only 20% would ever be in combat.

The rest served in support units.

None of them had been taught
very much about the people

against whom... and for whom...
they had been asked to fight.

Troops called the Vietnamese "gooks"...

a term first used by U.S. Marines to refer

to the people of Haiti and Nicaragua

during the American occupation
of those countries,

and then applied to the
Asian enemy in Korea.

Or "slopes," an epithet for the
Japanese during the Pacific War,

or "dinks," an Australian
term for the Chinese.

And so in basic training they taught you

that you were going to be fighting gooks.

It was part of the song that you sang

as you jogged down the road.

As you went through bayonet training,

you were not talking about Vietnamese.

You were always talking about gooks.

Vietnamese might be people,
but gooks are-are...

are close to being animals.

NARRATOR: Gis called
Vietnamese homes "hooches"...

a corruption of the Japanese
word for dwelling places

that they had learned during
the battle for Okinawa

in the Second World War.

Soldiers referred to older
Vietnamese women as "mama sans,"

the term they used for
women who ran whorehouses

in occupied Japan.

The Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese

called Gis "invaders," "imperialists,"

and (speaking Vietnamese)...

"American bandits."

South Vietnam had been divided
into four tactical zones.

By the summer of 1967,
American troops were fighting

in all four of them.

In IV Corps, the "Brown Water Navy"

patrolled the rivers and canals and marshes

of the densely populated Mekong Delta,

searching for the enemy.

In III Corps, the Army continued
to sweep the thick jungles

of the Iron Triangle,
the Viet Cong sanctuary

near Saigon that was supposed
to have been permanently denied

to the enemy by big American
operations earlier in the year.

In II Corps, a series of bloody battles

in the Central Highlands around
Dak To temporarily drove

North Vietnamese troops back
into Cambodia and Laos.

But some of the most intense
combat would take place

in I Corps... made up of the
five northernmost provinces

of South Vietnam... where
the Marines would bear

the brunt of the fighting.

More than two-and-a-half
million people lived there,

all but 2% of them within

the narrow rice-growing river valleys

along the South China Sea.

The Marines wanted to eradicate
the Viet Cong there,

and provide security to the people,

village by village, hamlet by hamlet.

The vast, largely empty
highlands that stretched

westward all the way to
Laos, the Marines argued,

could be left to the enemy.

"The real war is among the people,"

said Marine lieutenant
general Victor Krulak,

"and not among the mountains."

But General William Westmoreland,

the American commander,
feared that thousands

of North Vietnamese Army
regulars... the NVA...

were planning to seize the
two northernmost provinces.

Finding and destroying them
remained his first goal.

(helicopter blades beating)

He insisted the Third Marine Division

move north to meet that challenge,

establish a base at Dong Ha and
man strongpoints at Gio Linh,

Con Thien, Cam Lo, Camp Carroll,
the Rockpile and Khe Sanh.

Khe Sanh overlooked Route
9, the East-West highway

that Westmoreland hoped would
one day carry American troops

across the border into Laos,
where North Vietnamese men

and supplies were streaming
south on the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

But the thousands of Marines
monitoring the border

would find themselves within
range of highly accurate

North Vietnamese artillery
and rocket launchers

hidden within the DMZ.

("I'm a Man" by The Spencer
Davis Group playing"

(explosions)

JOHN LAURENCE: Tell me...

You came here at full strength?

I had 13 men when I came.

And it's four days later now
and how many are still here?

Six.

("I'm a Man" continues)

The rifles have been
jamming, the mud's been...

it slowed everything down.

And the artillery comes in everywhere.

And, ah, it just gets pretty futile

and frustrating sometimes.

("I'm a Man" continues)

I can't say that I'm scared
stiff, but I'm scared.

I mean, after a while, you
know it's going to come.

And you can't do nothing about it.

And you just look to God.

SPENCER DAVIS GROUP: d
Well, my pad is very messy

d And there's whiskers on my chin. d

NARRATOR: Private First Class John Musgrave

of Fairmount, Missouri, who
had volunteered to join

the 3rd Marine Division,

was sent to the battle-scarred
countryside around Con Thien,

a few kilometers south of the DMZ.

(explosion)

JOHN MUSGRAVE: For the Marines in northern
I Corps in the 3rd Marine Division

in the spring and summer
of 1967 we called the DMZ

the "Dead Marine Zone."

NARRATOR: Musgrave's 1st
Battalion had already suffered

so many casualties in a
series of bloody sweeps

that it was believed to
be a hard-luck outfit.

They were called the "Walking Dead."

SPENCER DAVIS GROUP: d I'm a
man, yes I am, and I can't... d

MUSGRAVE: I joined the Marine
Corps to be in the varsity.

And I felt like I wasn't
varsity unless I was up north

fighting the NVA.

I have never regretted that decision.

There were times when we
were under artillery fire,

where I thought, you know,
"What-what were you thinking?"

Here it is in a nutshell: if
I lived to be 63 years old,

I didn't want to look in
the mirror some morning

and have a guy looking back at
me that hadn't done everything

for what he believed,

that let somebody else do the harder part.

Every major contact I remember
with the NVA was initiated

by them ambushing us.

They wouldn't hit us unless
they outnumbered us.

And we were fighting in their yard.

They knew the ground; we didn't.

They were just really good.

NARRATOR: The North Vietnamese
carried Soviet-made,

seemingly indestructible AK-47s.

The Marines had to fight with
newly issued M-16 rifles

that had for a time a
potentially fatal design flaw:

they needed constant cleaning

and often jammed in the
middle of firefights.

MUSGRAVE: Their rifles worked; ours didn't.

The M-16 was a piece of shit.

You can't throw your bullets at the enemy

and have them be effective.

And that rifle malfunctioned
on us repeatedly.

(gunfire)

My hatred for them was pure.

Pure.

I hated them so much.

And I was so scared of them.

Boy, I was terrified of them.

And the scareder I got,
the more I hated them.

MUSGRAVE: I only killed one
human being in Vietnam.

And that was the first
man that I ever killed.

And I was sick with guilt
about killing that guy

and thinking I'm going to have to do this

for the next 13 months.

I'm-I'm going to go crazy.

And I saw a Marine step
on a bouncing Betty mine,

and that's when I made
my deal with the devil

and that I said, "I will never
kill another human being

"as long as I'm in Vietnam.

"However, I will waste as
many gooks as I can find.

"I'll wax as many dinks as I can find.

"I'll smoke as many zips as I can find.

But I ain't gonna kill anybody," you know?

Turn the subject into an object.

It's Racism 101.

It turns out to be a very necessary tool

when you have children fighting your wars,

for them to stay sane doing their work.

NARRATOR: On one early
patrol, Musgrave watched

an American fighter swoop down
to drop napalm on enemy troops

hidden behind a hedgerow.

He could hear their AK-47s
firing at the plane

until the instant they
were engulfed in flames.

"If the enemy is willing to
die like that," he thought,

"this is going to be one very long war."

MUSGRAVE: They knew if they
would pop the ambush close

and then get amongst you,

we couldn't or would hesitate
to call in air on ourselves.

So that... firefights like
that we called brawls.

They were very intimate.

And they were very deadly.

And they were absolutely terrifying.

NARRATOR: The Marines were spread too
thin to hold any of the territory

they fought so hard to take.

Again and again, they were
sent out from one stronghold

or another along the DMZ,
looking for enemy soldiers.

MUSGRAVE: The disillusionment for
me began when I was going back

to fight at places we'd
already fought before.

We had fought, captured, and then left

and the NVA came right back.

You don't like getting wounded

in places you've already been before.

War is a real estate business.

We're supposed to take real
estate away from the enemy

and then deny the enemy
access to that real estate.

NARRATOR: On the morning of July 2,
1967, the 1st Battalion launched

yet another sweep of the
area northeast of Con Thien.

When they reached a crossroads
called "The Marketplace,"

barely a mile and quarter from
their base, they were ambushed.

One company was virtually annihilated.

John Musgrave's company rushed
to rescue the survivors,

only to be pinned down there as well.

It was one of the worst days the
Marine Corps endured in Vietnam:

53 dead and 190 wounded were
carried off the battlefield.

Thirty-four more dead
had to be left behind,

and when Marines fought their
way back two days later

to retrieve their bodies,
they found that a number

had died because their M-16s had
jammed as the enemy closed in.

Many had been executed, shot in the face

or back of the head at close range.

Some bodies had been booby-trapped,

others mutilated.

MUSGRAVE: Marine amphibious
force headquarters

was so desperate to get
North Vietnamese prisoners,

that they offered us
three day in-country R&R

if we'd bring a prisoner in.

Yeah, good luck.

You know?

Don't you know who...
what we're doing up here?

Do you know who we're fighting?

I want to make this clear,
we did not torture prisoners

and we did not mutilate them.

But to be a prisoner you had to
make it to the rear, you know.

If he was with... fell into our hands

he was just one sorry fucker.

I don't know how to explain
it that it would make sense.

("Green Onions" by Booker T.
& the M.G.s playing)

HARRIS: Roxbury, where I grew up,

was the African-American neighborhood,

and South Boston was the
Irish-Catholic bastion.

You know, there was a lot of hate.

South Boston folks hated us, we hated them.

And ironically, um...

(sighs)

You know, you end up in a war.

And the Vietnamese didn't care

whether you were from
Roxbury or South Boston.

They saw you as American.

And they wanted to kill you
because you're American.

NARRATOR: Private Roger Harris had
joined the Marines in part, he said,

because he wanted to be "a gladiator,"

a killer of his country's enemies.

On July 28, two weeks after

John Musgrave's badly mangled
1st Battalion was pulled back

to rest and recover,

Roger Harris and the 2nd
Battalion moved out of Con Thien

and into the southern half of
the Demilitarized Zone itself.

HARRIS: We wanted the North Vietnamese Army

to expose themselves.

So, basically, you put the bait out there,

and then we could call in
and rain hell on them.

NARRATOR: Roger Harris's
battalion advanced into the DMZ

along a rough cart track that
led to the Ben Hai River.

But planners had failed to
see that a concrete bridge

over an impassable stream

was too narrow and too weak
to carry armored vehicles.

Now the Marines had no choice
but to violate a cardinal rule

of infantry tactics...

turn around and try to go
back the way they had come.

The enemy was waiting.

(explosion, rapid gunfire)

Massive ambushes and...

(gunfire, shouting)

...and, um, a lot of death.

And...

...craziness.

NARRATOR: The Marines were forced to
run a bloody gauntlet of mortars,

machine gun fire and
rocket-propelled grenades.

HARRIS: I had the utmost respect for
the North Vietnamese Army soldiers.

When you see someone jump out
and confront a tank, you know,

with a big 50-caliber machine gun on it

and a 90-millimeter cannon on it,

and an individual takes on the tank,

I think that says something.

NARRATOR: Roger Harris's
company held up the rear,

hounded by enemy soldiers on all sides.

The Marines staggered back out of the DMZ

alongside the battered armored vehicles

heaped with dead and wounded Americans.

The battalion suffered 214 casualties.

HARRIS: Wasn't a good
day for Marines at all.

A lot of people died.

People got their legs shot off.

People got run over by tanks.

I don't want to talk
about it because it's...

it's not a good day, wasn't a good day.

This is "bau cu", the day
of voting in Vietnam,

and it's a solemn day in the
village of Hung Thao Phu

and in other villages
throughout the country.

And these people have dressed
up in their Sunday best for it.

NARRATOR: South Vietnamese
prime minister Nguyen Cao Ky

had crushed his Buddhist opponents in 1966,

but he had been forced by the Americans

and his political rivals to
make at least tentative moves

toward democracy... election
of a national assembly,

a new constitution, and
a promise of elections

for president and vice president.

But when Ky's old adversary
Nguyen Van Thieu declared

he wanted to challenge Ky for the top spot,

things in Saigon had threatened
to come apart again.

PHAN QUANG TUE: We were watching
the rivalry between Thieu and Ky.

And that was a game.

In Vietnam, the country
was watching like a...

we were watch... watching a movie.

And Thieu and Ky was watching as to,

not whoever had the support of the people,

but who had the support of the
Americans and the White House.

NARRATOR: Ellsworth Bunker,
the American ambassador,

called both men to his
residence and warned that

the United States would not
tolerate another power struggle:

Thieu and Ky needed to meet
with their fellow generals

and decide who would run for president

and who would be his running mate.

Thieu emerged on top.

He was unassuming and unflappable,

interested largely in accumulating power

and personal wealth and
was thought unlikely

ever to embarrass Washington.

Ky would be his vice president.

Together, they won with
only 35% of the vote.

No one who had called for an end to the war

had been allowed to run.

Many Buddhists had boycotted the election,

and Viet Cong intimidation had
kept many more from the polls.

But the State Department
immediately declared

the election an important "step forward."

Some South Vietnamese did
believe that a measure

of stability had finally been achieved.

Others were not so sure.

TUE: In terms of corruption,
yes, they were corrupt.

Both Thieu and Ky, they
abused their position.

We pay a very high price for having leaders

like a Ky and Thieu.

And we continue to pay the price.

("Soul Dressing" by Booker T.
& The M.G.s playing)

EVA JEFFERSON PATERSON: My father
was in the United States Army.

And then when the Air Force
came about he switched over

to the Air Force.

I grew up out of the country
in desegregated settings.

I was usually the only little
black girl in the class.

If you look at my class pictures I look

like the little chocolate chip
in the vanilla ice cream.

I was always a good student.

I remember people saying,
"Oh, you speak so well."

And the unstated part
is "for a black girl,"

probably a Negro girl or
colored girl, at that point.

NARRATOR: Eva Jefferson's father
had served a year on airbases

in Vietnam and returned home
convinced the United States

had no business being there.

But when his daughter entered
Northwestern University

in the Chicago suburb of
Evanston in September 1967,

the war was not uppermost
in students' minds.

PATERSON: The war was not really an issue.

It's like, "Well, no, the president has

"our best interests at heart.

"He, of course, would only prosecute a war

that made sense."

And I think most of America felt that way.

("Strange Brew" by Cream playing)

NARRATOR: At the University of Nebraska,

Jack Todd also supported the war.

He had felt so strongly about it
in 1966 that he had signed up

for Marine officer training.

I went into the Marine Corps

thinking this was all I wanted to do.

I mean my... my goal was to be commander,

a platoon commander in Vietnam.

NARRATOR: But as time went
by and the war went on,

Todd and many of his fellow students

began to change their minds.

TODD: All young people go through changes.

But we were going through
astronomical changes

at such a rapid rate.

All the music, the culture,
everything that we listened to,

everything that we thought was transforming

and the core of it all was
Vietnam, Vietnam, Vietnam.

It just kept going in the background.

First, it was kind of
like a background noise

and then it got to be the
elephant in the room.

And then it was the elephant
sitting on your head

and we... we couldn't escape this.

NARRATOR: Todd attended
officer training school

at Camp Upshur in Quantico, Virginia.

But doubts about the war
followed him there, too.

TODD: I guess the emotional
things that were happening

on the ground, the photographs
that we saw, the news images,

and the fact that there was
no discernible progress,

that really started to eat
away at what we thought.

In the summer of '67, I was
at Camp Upshur, you know,

wanting to go kill Vietnamese people.

And in October, I was
completely against the war.

JOHNSON: Westmoreland came
in last night to me...

And he says that he has
concentrated more firepower

and bombing in the last week on the DMZ

and they've concentrated more
on us than has ever been

concentrated in any equivalent period

in the history of warfare...

EVERETT DIRKSEN: Yeah.

JOHNSON: ...much more
than was ever poured on

Berlin or Tokyo,

and that his only defense
of the DMZ to stop

this aggression up there
with the North Vietnamese

trying to come in is bombing
their gun positions.

DIRKSEN: Yeah.

JOHNSON: And it would just be
suicide if we stopped the bombing

as these idiots talking about.

When you say stop the bombing

you say, "Kill more American Marines."

That's all it means.

DIRKSEN: Yeah.

JOHNSON: Now if we stop
bombing, without their talking

and without any reciprocity on their part,

it just means we kill more
Americans, that's all

DIRKSEN: Yeah.

NARRATOR: Neither the ongoing
bombing of the North,

nor the concentrated
bombing around the DMZ,

nor the behind-the-scenes offers

made by President Johnson to stop it

had any discernible effect on Le Duan

and the other men who ran North Vietnam.

But Le Duan, like Lyndon Johnson,

was in trouble that summer.

The war with the Americans
had produced little more

than a bloody stalemate.

Some Viet Cong commanders in the South

resented Hanoi's insistence
on directing their tactics.

Many North Vietnamese civilians
were weary of the war

and of the bombing that
had disrupted their lives

and destroyed so much of
their infrastructure.

The country's most revered figures,

Ho Chi Minh and Vo Nguyen
Giap, were urging patience,

continuing to wage a war of
attrition, they still believed,

would pay off in the end.

Hanoi's Soviet and Chinese patrons offered

conflicting advice, as well.

To silence his critics
and break the stalemate,

Le Duan began to devise and promote

a new and riskier version
of the plan for victory

he had tried in 1964.

He called it the "General
Offensive, General Uprising."

North Vietnamese and Viet
Cong units would launch

scores of coordinated attacks
on South Vietnamese cities

and towns and military bases.

That offensive, Le Duan believed,

would ignite a mass civilian uprising.

These simultaneous blows would
destroy the Saigon regime

and leave Washington with
no choice but to withdraw.

WILLBANKS: We talk about our own hubris.

There's some hubris on their side as well.

And once they had convinced themselves

that this was going to be a great success,

it is what some wags have called
drinking your own bathwater.

They decided it's going to be a victory,

even though there are
people in the South saying,

"Hey, this is not a great idea."

But these people are
charged with subjectivism

and basically are told to
shut up and keep rolling.

NARRATOR: Le Duan neutralized
those who opposed his plan.

Members of General Giap's
staff were arrested.

So was Ho Chi Minh's secretary.

NARRATOR: Hundreds of less prominent
figures... journalists, students,

even highly decorated
heroes of the French War...

were also rounded up.

Many were locked up in
the old French prison

that the American POWs
also confined there called

the "Hanoi Hilton."

The date eventually chosen
for the attack would be

January 31, 1968,

the first day of the Vietnamese
Lunar New Year celebration,

known as Tet.

Hundreds, then thousands, of
North Vietnamese regulars

in civilian clothes began
slipping southward

to join tens of thousands of
Viet Cong already in place.

NARRATOR: In preparation
for the coming offensive,

the North Vietnamese hoped to lure American

and South Vietnamese
forces away from cities

and big military bases.

To do that, they would
mount a series of assaults

on remote outposts near
Cambodia, Laos, and the DMZ.

These preliminary attacks became
known as the "Border Battles."

Con Thien would be the first.

In September and October,

John Musgrave's and Roger Harris's outfits

took turns defending Con Thien

as the North Vietnamese tightened
the noose around them.

The only way in or out was by helicopter.

Con Thien in Vietnamese
means "Hill of Angels."

(explosion)

MUSGRAVE: Time at Con Thien
was time in the barrel.

(multiple explosions)

We were the fish, they had the shotguns,

they stuck in the barrel and blasted away.

And they were gonna hit
something every shot.

Because Con Thien was such a small area,

and they pounded it with that artillery

from North Vietnam, they couldn't miss.

I've never been, uh, as afraid.

In fact that's why I'm not
afraid of anything now.

I mean...

there's nothing you can do.

You just listen to the sounds
of the rockets coming over.

And you just pray that
they don't land on you.

The big question really
seems to be whether or not

the North Vietnamese intend
to overrun Con Thien.

The Marines have tripled
the number of troops

guarding the outpost,

and they've moved up more
battalions to be ready

to reinforce.

MUSGRAVE: I sat in water.

I slept in water.

I ate in water, because
our holes were full.

I mean a flooded foxhole
could drown a wounded man.

HARRIS: Spend your day
filling up sand bags,

trying to create barriers that
you just put another layer on,

put another layer on.

A lot of mud, blood, uh...

and artillery.

MUSGRAVE: It's red clay up there.

And it's real sticky and it
could just grab onto you

and pull your boots off.

It's hard to run in that stuff.

And running, when you're at a place

where they're firing
heavy artillery at you,

running's pretty important.

During the siege in the fall of 1967,

we were getting newspaper
articles in the mail

from our families and we
were being called the Alamo.

You know, hey, we knew what the Alamo was.

We knew what happened there.

(explosions)

(men shouting)

(explosions continue)

HARRIS: Like almost like every
hour there'd be a barrage.

People get blown to bits,
literally blown to bits.

You find a... a boot
with a leg in it, right.

And so is the leg white or black?

So who... who was the white
Marine that was here?

Who was the black?

So then you try to remember and you tag it

and put that in the green bag.

And that's what goes back, you know,

as Marine Lance Corporal so and so.

And so, but sometimes you're
not even sure because the body

has literally been blown to
bits, and the only thing

that's left is a foot or a piece of an arm.

MUSGRAVE: I carried a wallet calendar
from Clifford Forlow Insurance.

He was my dad's insurance agent.

And I marked off each of
the days religiously.

And then in October, we
went up to Con Thien again.

I just stopped, because I
thought, "This is pointless.

"I'm not getting... I'm not gonna go home.

"I'm not gonna make it home.

What... you know, what's the point?"

So I just quit marking them off.

HARRIS: I had the opportunity
to call my mother, you know.

And I was telling my mother
what was happening over there

and I was telling her how
she shouldn't believe

what she sees in the newspaper
and-and sees on television

because we're losing the war.

And I said, "You'll
probably never see me again

"because we're the most northern
outpost that the Marines have,

"you know.

"We could literally could look
right into North Vietnam.

We could see the sparks
when the guns fired on us."

And I said, "And everybody in
my unit is dying, you know.

And I probably won't be coming back."

And my mother said, "No,
you're coming back."

She said, "I talk to God every
day and you're special.

You're coming back."

And I said, "Ma, everybody's
mother thinks that

"they're special, you know.

I'm putting pieces of
special people in bags."

And I was feeling that
my mother's in denial.

She just doesn't want to face
the fact that her only son

is gonna die in Vietnam.

And I said, "Ma, this isn't a joke."

I said, "Everybody's dying
over here, you know.

Everybody's dying."

And she said, "You're not gonna die.

You're not gonna die."

And, uh, the last thing she said to me was,

"God has a plan for you."

And I said, "Yeah, right."

And I hung up.

(explosion)

Mr. Stout, during what period
of time were you in Vietnam?

I was in Vietnam from September of 1966

to September of 1967, one year.

And with what unit?

With the 1st Brigade of the 101st Airborne.

During the time that you were in Vietnam,

did you personally witness any atrocities

on the part of American troops?

Yes, I did.

NARRATOR: Dennis Stout from
Phoenix, Arizona, had enlisted

in the Army at 20, and served
nine months in combat.

Wounded three times, he
became an Army reporter

covering the 327th Regiment
of the 101st Airborne.

He would spend most of his time
with a unique commando platoon

called "Tiger Force"...

small, handpicked teams,
capable of remaining

in the jungle for weeks at a time,

fast-moving and deadly,

intended to "out-guerrilla the guerrillas."

Tiger Force fought in six
different provinces,

repeatedly suffering heavy losses.

(rapid gunfire)

RION CAUSEY: If you've lost your
best friend and you want revenge,

it's the officers who say,
"No, you can't do that."

And if you do it, then
there's consequences.

But when the officers, and it
includes the platoon leader

and the battalion commander,
are telling you that this is

what you're supposed to do, then
it gets completely out of hand.

NARRATOR: Some at MACV worried
that such a freewheeling outfit,

operating on its own, would
be difficult to control.

(gunfire)

But General Westmoreland and
commanders in the field

admired Tiger Force for
its reliable ferocity.

In the summer of 1967, Tiger Force was sent

to the fertile Song Ve Valley.

The entire population
had already been herded

from their homes and crowded
into a refugee camp.

But some had come back
to resume the farming

they had always done.

The valley had officially been
declared a free-fire zone,

and Tiger Force's officers
took that literally.

"There are no friendlies,"
one lieutenant told his men.

"Shoot anything that moves."

Over a seven-month period,
they killed scores

of unarmed civilians.

Among their victims were
two blind brothers;

an elderly Buddhist monk;
women, children, and old people

hiding in underground shelters;

and three farmers trying to plant rice.

All were reported as
"enemy... killed in action."

STOUT: These atrocities
were committed by soldiers

of units I was assigned to as a reporter

for the Army newspapers, such as...

NARRATOR: Tiger Force was
not the only platoon

Dennis Stout covered that crossed the line.

One such incident was the rape and killing

of a Vietnamese girl.

She was captured, kept for interrogation.

Over a two-day period, she was raped, then,

on the morning of the third
day, she was killed.

Was she raped by more than one person?

Yes, all but the medic and myself,

and possibly one other
man from the platoon.

Did you protest?

Did you try in any way
to have them stopped?

Yes. After the rape incident, I complained

to the battalion sergeant major,
and his response was that

this type of thing happens in all wars,

and that I was not to mention
it; it was a common occurrence.

Then later, I went to the
chaplain, told him about it,

he made an investigation himself,

found that this was true, went with me

to the sergeant major.

The sergeant major then said that...

well, he told the chaplain
to stick to religion,

sent him away, and then
he told me to keep quiet,

that I did nothave t o return
from the next operation.

NARRATOR: Years later,
another soldier came forward

with more allegations of war crimes,

and an Army investigation
would find probable cause

to try 18 members of Tiger
Force for murder or assault.

But no charges were ever brought.

The official records were
buried in the archives.

WILLBANKS: They should
have all gone to jail.

They were guilty of murder.

Period.

At the same time, I felt
like that incident,

which I think was an
aberration, not the norm,

tarred all veterans, and there
are hundreds of thousands

of veterans who went and did their duty,

and as honorable as they possibly could,

and they're tarred with the same brush.

KARL MARLANTES: One of the things
that I learned in the war is that

we're not the top species on
the planet because we're nice.

We are a very aggressive species.

It is in us.

And people talk a lot about
how, "Well, the military turns

kids into killing machines" and stuff.

And I'll always argue that
it's just finishing school.

What we do with civilization
is that we learn to inhibit

and rope in these aggressive tendencies.

And we have to recognize them.

I worry about a whole country
that doesn't recognize it.

'Cause you think of how
many times we get ourselves

in scrapes as a nation because
we're always the good guys.

Sometimes, I think if we
thought that we weren't always

the good guys, we might
actually get in less wars.

(static humming)

REPORTER: Mr. Rubin,

how do you realistically expect
to shut down the Pentagon?

The Pentagon represents
the murder of people

throughout the world.

And the American people have no control

of what their government's doing.

And so we're going to go there
in the scores of thousands,

and block doors and fill hallways,

so the work of the Pentagon stops.

Because the work of the
Pentagon should stop.

The only thing to do with the
Pentagon is to shut it down.

("Waist Deep in the Big Muddy"
by Pete Seeger playing)

d It was back in 1942

d I was a member of a good platoon d

d We were on maneuvers in Louisiana d

d One night by the light of the moon d

d The captain told us to ford a river d

d That's how it all begun

d We were knee deep in the Big Muddy d

d The big fool says to push on

BILL ZIMMERMAN: There was a major
demonstration either in New York

or in Washington every
fall and every spring.

We decided that we would
go to the demonstration

in Washington at the Lincoln
Memorial in the fall of '67,

but we would take as many people
out of that demonstration

as we could and lead them to the Pentagon.

And at the Pentagon, try to
do something more militant

than simply stand around and
make speeches opposing the war,

which is what these
demonstrations had become.

SEEGER: d No man will be able to swim.

ZIMMERMAN: And when the time
came to lead people away

from the Lincoln Memorial
toward the Pentagon,

50,000 people marched.

SEEGER: d Men, follow me, I'll lead on

d We were neck deep in the Big Muddy d

d The big fool says to push on. d

NARRATOR: Bill Zimmerman, now an
assistant professor of psychology

at Brooklyn College, had
been against the war

since the beginning.

ZIMMERMAN: Then we found when we got
there concentric defense perimeters

that had been set up around
the Pentagon to keep us

at a distance from the building.

We pushed against them, we
tore down their fences.

SEEGER: d With the
captain dead and gone d

d We stripped and dived
and found his body. d

LESLIE GELB: I was working
that weekend day.

The secretaries who were working
in my area were frightened

to hell what these Vietnam
protesters would do.

They thought they were going
to come into the building

and rape them.

Some of them actually came over the walls.

SEEGER: d The big fool
said to push on. d

GELB: It was a sense of revolution.

(crowd yelling)

SEEGER: d Waist deep in the Big Muddy

d The big fool says to push on

d Waist deep in the Big Muddy

d The big fool says to push on. d

ZIMMERMAN: God knows what we were going
to do when we got in the building.

Some people, the hippies,

said they were going to
levitate the building.

Other people wanted to commit
vandalism in the building.

Other people wanted to
distribute antiwar literature

in the building, talk to people.

Just the idea of getting
into the headquarters

of the United States military...

It was the first time that
antiwar demonstrators

had confronted active-duty
military personnel.

We didn't consider them the enemy.

We considered them victims of the war.

But we began to see our own
government as the enemy.

NARRATOR: President Johnson believed
that international communism

was somehow behind the demonstration.

He had directed the CIA to
come up with the evidence,

and was furious when it found none.

DWIGHT EISENHOWER: Mr. President?

LYNDON JOHNSON: Yes.

This is General Eisenhower.

How've you been, Mr. President?

I'm doing fine under the circumstances.

But we just had hell, and
these college students,

I've had Hoover in after them.

They came marched here, and
we arrested 600 of them,

and we gave 29 of them pretty tough times.

We found most of them really
were mentally diseased.

Hoover's taken 256 that turned
in supposedly their draft cards.

So, you're dealing with mental problems,

I think that we talk too damn much

about civil liberties and
constitutional rights

of the individual and not enough

about the rights of the masses.

EISENHOWER: That's why we have it.

We have freely elected
people and we've got to

stand behind them.

JOHNSON: I think your
government's in trouble, General.

I think it's in... I
don't want to say this.

But I think we're in more danger

from these left-wing influences now

than we've ever been in
37 years I've been here.

And they're working in
my party from within.

And Bobby thinks he's going
to get the nomination.

NARRATOR: Allard Lowenstein, a
38-year-old attorney from New York,

shared the antiwar fervor
of the protestors,

but he believed the most effective way

to end the fighting was to work
within the political system,

not outside it.

The answer, he said, was
to stop Lyndon Johnson

from getting a second
full term as president.

He had traveled the country
all year in search of someone

willing to challenge the
president in the upcoming

Democratic primaries.

He asked Senator Robert
Kennedy of New York,

who had begun to criticize
the Johnson administration

over the war.

He asked Lieutenant General James Gavin.

He asked Senator George
McGovern of South Dakota.

They all turned him down.

Lowenstein kept looking.

At Fort Sill, Oklahoma,
on November 17, 1967,

friends and family of a
fallen soldier gathered

for a funeral, one of
five military funerals

held there that month.

First Sergeant Pascal Cleatus
Poolaw had been killed

as he tried to drag one of his wounded men

off the battlefield near
the village of Loc Ninh.

He was a remarkable soldier, had
been awarded one Silver Star

in World War II, two more in
Korea, and was awarded a fourth,

posthumously, for his gallantry in Vietnam.

He was a Kiowa Indian.

He and three of his sons were among

the 42,000 Native Americans
who would serve in Vietnam,

the highest per capita service
rate of any ethnic group

in the United States.

Pascal Poolaw's widow
spoke at the ceremony.

"He has followed the trail of
the great chiefs," she said.

"His people hold him in
honor and highest esteem.

"He has given his life for
the people and the country

he loved so much."

("Somebody to Love" by
Jefferson Airplane playing)

d When the truth is found

d To be lies

d And all the joy

d Within you dies

d Don't you want somebody to love? d

d Don't you need somebody to love? d

d Wouldn't you love somebody to love? d

d You better find somebody to love d

d Love.

MUSGRAVE: I didn't hear the word
"hippie" until I was at Con Thien

and we got aPlaybo y, somebody
got aPlayboy in the mail,

which was obviously very important to us.

And there was an article on Haight-Ashbury

and pictures of the girls running around

without their tops, you know, free love.

And they were hippies.

And we thought it was "hip
pie" cause it had two Ps.

You know, "Hey, I'm gonna go home

"and be one of these hip pies

"because the girls don't wear no clothes.

You know, and they'll go
to bed with anybody."

You know, even I could score.

But the only information I
had of the peace movement

came fromStars and Stripes.

And that wasn't a real objective newspaper.

And so I hated them

before I ever even knew
anything about them.

("Somebody to Love" continues)

NARRATOR: The monsoon rains
continued to make life miserable

for John Musgrave and the
other Marines at Con Thien.

But by early November, the worst
of the shelling had ended.

American airstrikes,
artillery, and Navy fire

had taken a fearful toll
on the besieging enemy.

Before dawn on November 7, two
companies of Musgrave's outfit

were sent half a mile into the countryside

northwest of the base to
sweep the area again.

MUSGRAVE: We got into an
area that was old hedgerows

that's grown over with jungle.

Very difficult to see very far.

In the clear area, we had
three NVA show themselves

and start just spraying 30
rounds out of their AKs

and then booking.

(gunfire)

The company commander himself
said, "I want their bodies.

Bring me their bodies."

Everything's about body count, right?

We said, "Man, this is as old as Custer.

"These guys are showing
themselves to draw us

"into an ambush.

"Lieutenant, don't do this," you know.

"Please, these guys are bait."

Well, the skipper says, "We got to go.

We got to go."

And... we went.

(gunfire)

And I can't tell you a whole
lot about the ambush.

I was one of the first people to be shot.

One round put me down.

(gunfire)

And my grenadier was down, and
we were trying to get him back.

And Marines, from the
first day in boot camp,

you learn that Marines
don't leave their dead,

and they never, never leave their wounded.

And that's why I'm alive today.

First guy that came for me...
I was lying on my face...

(gunfire)

he reached down and stuck
his arms under my shoulders

and lifted me up and the
machine gun wasn't any far,

was maybe nine feet, ten feet
at the most, away from me.

This is a very intimate ambush.

It's a brawl.

(gunfire)

And he fired a burst into
my chest that blew me out

of the Marine's arms that was
holding me and then he was shot.

(gunfire)

Another very brave young Marine,
this 18-year-old from Louisiana,

his first firefight, had seen what happened

and still came for me.

And he reached for me, and he was
shot I think in the forearm.

And he was laying beside me.

Now, I've got a hole through
my chest big enough

to stick your fist through.

I'm dying and I know it.

(gunfire)

And I heard this horrible
screaming going on,

and I was trying to figure out
who was screaming like that,

because it sounded so...

(distant gunfire)

And then I realized it was me.

When they began to drag us
out, they were being pursued

by the North Vietnamese,
and they would drop us

and lay on top of us.

They knew... we were both dying.

The grenadier had been shot in
the right side of his chest.

They knew... we were both dead.

But we were still alive.

So, they weren't gonna leave us.

They would die before they would leave us.

And they covered us with
their bodies and fired back

at the NVA and then they'd jump
up and drag us a little farther

and then drop us and lay back on top of us.

And I kept telling them to leave me.

And I meant it. I meant it.

But all of a sudden I got scared
that they might really leave me.

(distant gunfire)

I was triaged three times.

And the senior corpsman said,

"He's either shot through
the heart or the lungs.

There's nothing I can do for him."

And he just turned away.

I went, "Well, okay."

And then, a helicopter came in.

And they threw me into the bird.

(distant helicopter blades humming)

And the corpsman on the bird
straddled me, stood over me,

and looked down at me, and then
looked up at the door gunner

and went... get me out of the way

because he couldn't work on me.

I was a dead man.

(muted helicopter blades beating)

And they flew me to Delta Med at Dong Ha.

And I thought, "Okay, I made it this far."

And this doctor comes over and looks at me

and I'm conscious.

I'm lucid.

And he checks a couple of things.

And I've got this huge hole in me.

And he looks at me right
in the eye, and he says,

"What's your religion, Marine?"

And I said, "Well, I'm a Protestant."

And he says, "Get a chaplain over here.

I can't help this man."

And then he walked away.

Another surgeon walks by,
and he looked at me,

and I was raised to
always be nice to people.

And when he looked at me, I
smiled at him and nodded.

And he said, "Why isn't
somebody helping this man?"

And inside I'm going,

"Yeah, why isn't somebody
helping this man?"

When they put me to sleep, I thought,

"Boy, this is really it," you know.

And it was kind of, "Okay, God,

into your hands, I deliver my spirit."

And I thought that was it.

And when I woke up in the
surgical intensive care ward,

which was a Quonset hut,

I thought, "Holy mackerel."

I just couldn't... I couldn't believe it.

Yesterday over Hanoi,

three American planes were shot down

and at least two of their pilots captured.

One of them was Lieutenant
Commander John McCain III,

the son of the U.S. Naval
commander in Europe.

NARRATOR: Hanoi was so pleased
to have captured the son

of an American admiral that they
allowed a French journalist

to interview McCain in the hospital.

He had just had his broken bones
set without even an aspirin

for the pain.

INTERVIEWER: What is your name?

Lieutenant Commander John McCain.

How many raids have you
done until the last one?

About 23.

In which circumstances
have you been shot down?

I was on a flight over the city of Hanoi,

and I was bombing and I was
hit by either a missile

or anti-aircraft fire.

I'm not sure which, and the
plane continued straight down,

and I ejected and broke
my leg and both arms

and went into a lake;
parachuted into a lake.

And I was picked up by
some North Vietnamese

and taken to the hospital,
where I almost died.

I would just like to tell...

...my wife...

...I will get well...

...and I love her and I
hope to see her soon.

NARRATOR: After the
interview, McCain was beaten

for not expressing sufficient
gratitude to his captors.

(soldiers conversing)

NARRATOR: All through the fall
of 1967, the North Vietnamese

and the Viet Cong continued their
series of "Border Battles"

in preparation for their
surprise offensive,

still months away.

Con Thien, where John Musgrave was wounded,

had been the first.

Then came the ARVN base at Song Be.

The South Vietnamese outpost adjacent to

the provincial capital
of Loc Ninh was next.

There, large units of North Vietnamese

and Viet Cong regulars mounted
a coordinated attack,

and then fought for five days
to hold on to the ground

they'd gained, something
they had never done before.

American commanders were puzzled.

Then, in early November,
reports reached MACV

that five North Vietnamese regiments

and a Viet Cong battalion...
some 7,000 men in all...

had begun massing in the Central Highlands

around the U.S. Special
Forces camp at Dak To again.

Among the North Vietnamese
regulars was Nguyen Thanh Son,

who had been so eager to
fight that he too had filled

his pockets with rocks
to pass his physical.

NARRATOR: As the NVA deployed their troops,

Westmoreland sent his to Dak To,

exactly what the enemy wanted him to do.

Among the Americans were the men
of the elite 173rd Airborne,

Westmoreland's Fire Brigade.

MATT HARRISON: We all knew in a general
sense that we wouldn't be brought back

if there wasn't something big going on.

You just knew that the area was
crawling with North Vietnamese,

and that they were there not
to avoid contact with us,

but they were there to
have contact with us.

NARRATOR: First Lieutenant
Matthew Harrison was now

with Alpha Company of the 2nd Battalion,

the same rifle company
that had been ambushed

and so badly shattered back in
June on the slopes of Hill 1338,

just 14 miles to the east.

HARRISON: This wasn't like the Viet
Cong where if you could find them,

you could kill them.

Our problem wasn't finding them.

Our problem was what to do
with them once you found them.

NARRATOR: The 174th NVA
Regiment was waiting.

Nguyen Thanh Son and his
men were already dug in

on the high ground they knew
the Americans would want

to command: Hill 875.

NARRATOR: On Sunday
morning, November 19, 1967,

Alpha, Charlie, and Delta
Companies were ordered

to take Hill 875.

Matt Harrison had been
wounded in an earlier fight

and was not permitted to accompany his men.

He anxiously followed their
progress over the radio.

Heavy artillery and flights of
F-100s blasted the hillside

ahead of them, meant to
knock out enemy positions

before the paratroopers
ever got within range.

NARRATOR: The three companies
moved up the slope,

Charlie and Delta in the lead,

Alpha bringing up the rear.

The paratroopers stepped
warily into a clearing

filled with fallen trees from
the morning's bombardment

and only a little over 300
yards from the summit.

(gunfire)

NARRATOR: Thousands of automatic
weapon rounds ripped through the air.

Chinese-made grenades
came rolling and bumping

down the slopes.

The Americans sought cover where
they could behind fallen trees,

scrabbled at the earth with their helmets,

trying to dig fighting holes.

(gunfire)

(soldiers yelling)

(rapid gunfire)

Charlie and Delta companies
were pinned down

and being torn to pieces.

(gunfire)

Meanwhile, near the foot of the hill,

other North Vietnamese troops
surprised Alpha Company

from behind.

They were first spotted
moving up through the trees

by a private from the Bronx
named Carlos Lozada.

As the men of his company
scrambled up the slope,

dragging their wounded with them,

Lozada provided what cover he could,

firing his M-60 machine gun from his hip...

before a bullet hit him in the head.

He would be awarded a
posthumous Medal of Honor.

Back home, the battle led the nightly news.

(helicopter humming)

WALTER CRONKITE: The Battle of
Dak To is now on its 19th day,

and already ranks among
the bloodiest campaigns

of the Vietnam War.

There's no sign yet of any let-up.

Over the weekend, three companies

of the 173rd Airborne Brigade
moved down this river valley,

up which North Vietnamese
normally infiltrate,

until they got down here by Hill 875.

Then, they came under
heavy fire from the hill.

Two of the three companies
charged the hill,

the other stayed back as a rear guard.

They found a...

HARRISON: By early afternoon,
the three companies

had basically been decapitated.

The company commanders were dead;

most of the officers and
most of the NCOs were dead.

(soldiers yelling)

NARRATOR: The survivors from
all three companies clustered

in the clearing and did
their best to set up

a defensive circle.

American bombs and napalm
pounded enemy positions

until it grew almost too dark to see.

NARRATOR: Then, another American plane
roared in and dropped two bombs.

One landed among the hidden enemy troops.

The other fell directly on the Americans.

In a fraction of a second, 42 were killed.

A badly hit lieutenant managed
to find a working radio.

"No more fucking planes,"
he shouted into it.

"You're killingus up here."

(explosion)

The fighting on the hillside continued.

The men ran out of water, began
to run out of ammunition.

Helicopters that tried to ferry
in supplies were shot down.

The following day, Matt Harrison
was able to chopper in.

HARRISON: It was chaos.

It was collections of guys
who had who had tunneled

and dug down behind trees.

These were guys who had gone
without water in that heat

for two days.

And almost every one of them was wounded.

And then all around were bodies,

guys who had been shot and blown up.

It was the third circle of hell.

NARRATOR: On November 23, two
fresh battalions of the 173rd

finally made it to the top of the hill,

for which so many had died.

But the night before,

the surviving North Vietnamese
troops had slipped down

the other side and disappeared
into Cambodia and Laos.

The powers that be decided
it would be important

to our morale for us to be in on
the taking the top of the hill.

I had 26 guys left out of a
company that started out of 140,

and all 26 had been wounded.

NARRATOR: Then Harrison and his
exhausted men were helicoptered

to the top of yet another hill.

(helicopter blades whirring)

It was Thanksgiving.

Chinook helicopters clattered
down out of the sky,

carrying huge containers of hot
turkey and mashed potatoes

and cranberry sauce so
that the 173rd could have

their Thanksgiving dinner.

If there are any more
remote or dangerous spots

to spend Thanksgiving Day
in Vietnam than this one,

then most of these men
have never seen them.

HARRISON: There was a TV cameraman
and reporter off to the side

using us as a backdrop.

And I remember hearing the reporter intone,

"Today is November 23, Thanksgiving Day,"

and I was really angry.

It's as though we were entertainers.

NARRATOR: 107 Americans
had died taking Hill 875;

another 282 were wounded.

Ten more were missing.

The number of North Vietnamese
casualties is unknown,

but their losses are thought
to have been staggering.

Back in June, Matt Harrison had
lost two West Point classmates

on Hill 1338.

He lost two more on Hill 875.

Of the eight with whom he had
served in the 2nd Battalion,

four were now dead and
two had been wounded.

HARRISON: To take tops of mountains
in a triple canopy jungle

along the Cambodian-Laotian
border accomplished nothing

of any importance.

The Battle for Hill 875
was, in my thinking today,

a microcosm of what we were
doing and what went wrong

in Vietnam.

There was no reason to take that hill.

We literally got to the top of the hill

about mid-day on November
23 and sat there for,

I don't know, half an hour, an hour,

just kind of gathering ourselves
and everything together.

Chinooks came in, took us off the hill.

And I doubt that there's
been an American on Hill 875

since November 23.

We accomplished nothing.

WILLIAM WESTMORELAND: A new
phase is now starting.

We have reached an important
point when the end

begins to come into view.

NARRATOR: As Matt Harrison and
his men fought for Hill 875,

the Johnson administration was in the midst

of a "Success Offensive,"

a PR campaign aimed at shoring
up support for the war

and the way it was being waged.

MACV released a new and
surprisingly low estimate

of enemy forces to show how
much damage the United States

had done to them.

It was only two-thirds of the
total suggested by the CIA,

because, after a bitter
and prolonged debate

behind the scenes, Westmoreland had chosen

to exclude from it the
part-time guerrillas...

farmers, old men, women, even children...

who helped place the mines,
grenades, and booby traps

that accounted for more than a third

of all American casualties.

General Westmoreland also told the press

that the impressive body
counts his commanders reported

were "very, very conservative."

It probably represented, he said,

"50 percent or even less of the
enemy that has been killed."

Ambassador Ellsworth
Bunker joined the chorus,

using a metaphor first
used 13 years earlier

by the French commander in Vietnam,

not long before their great
defeat at Dien Bien Phu.

And I think we're now
beginning to see light

at the end of the tunnel.

Mr. Ambassador, you talk about
light at the end of the tunnel.

How long is this tunnel?

Well, I don't think that you can put it

into any particular timeframe,
a situation like this.

NARRATOR: LBJ's Success
Offensive succeeded.

The number of Americans who
believed the United States

was making real progress in the war grew.

Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara

did not take part in the
public relations campaign.

He had become so disillusioned
with the war he'd done so much

to plan and prosecute that he wrote

another secret memo to the president,

advising Johnson to freeze
American troop levels,

turn over ground operations
to the South Vietnamese,

and halt the bombing of North Vietnam

"in order to bring about negotiations."

There was no reason to
believe, McNamara wrote,

that the prolonged "infliction
of grievous casualties,

"or the heavy punishment
of air bombardment,

"will suffice to break the
will of the North Vietnamese

"and Viet Cong.

"The continuation of our
present course of action

"in Southeast Asia would be
dangerous, costly in lives,

and unsatisfactory to the American people."

Johnson never responded.

Instead, he arranged for McNamara to become

the president of the World Bank.

McNamara would keep silent about
the doubts he had harbored

since the beginning of the ground war

for the next 28 years.

His successor as defense secretary would be

Clark Clifford,

a prominent Washington
lawyer and trusted counselor

to Democratic presidents, whom
Johnson was sure would be

supportive of the war.

Students of Harvard...

NARRATOR: Meanwhile, Allard
Lowenstein's yearlong search

for a Democratic challenger
to the president

had finally succeeded.

On November 30, 1967, Minnesota
senator Eugene McCarthy

announced that he would run.

This is an issue which has to be taken

to the people of the country
in the campaign of 1968.

(crowd cheers)

NARRATOR: By the end of 1967,

20,057 Americans had died in Vietnam.

The time had come, General
Westmoreland said,

for an "all-out offensive on all fronts."

But the enemy was just a
month away from launching

an all-out offensive of its own.

("Paint in Black" by the
Rolling Stones playing)

d I see a red door and I
want it painted black d

d No colors anymore, I
want them to turn black d

d I see the girls walk by

d Dressed in their summer clothes d

d I have to turn my head
until my darkness goes d

d I see a line of cars and
they're all painted black d

d With flowers and my love,
both never to come back d

d I see people turn their
heads and quickly look away d

d Like a newborn baby, it
just happens every day d

d I look inside myself and
see my heart is black d

d I see my red door and must
have it painted black d

d Maybe then I'll fade away and
not have to face the facts d

d It's not easy facing up when
your whole world is black d

d No more will my green sea
go turn a deeper blue d

d I could not foresee this
thing happening to you d

d If I look hard enough
into the setting sun d

d My love will laugh with me
before the morning comes d

d I see a red door and I
want it painted black d

d No colors anymore, I
want them to turn black d

d I see the girls walk by

d Dressed in their summer clothes d

d I have to turn my head
until my darkness goes d

(humming)

d I wanna see it painted

d Painted, painted, painted black d

d Yeah.

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