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(tool scraping, water dripping)
NARRATOR: Archaeologist Randy White is far beneath the hills of France
searching for a special moment in evolution,
an era cloaked in mystery
when, with hardly a change in appearance
humans began behaving in ways they had never behaved before.
He wants to find out how it was
that our ancestors became truly human.
WHITE: It's downright scary to be in these cave environments.
They are cold, dark, damp, frightening, dangerous places.
When you see people going a kilometer underground
or two kilometers underground
and you find traces of paintings and that sort of thing
there's something much more profound going on
than just an interest in exploration.
Perhaps this cave that we're exploring here
opens onto our site, which could make...
if there were any paintings in this cave
could make them the oldest cave paintings on the planet.
NARRATOR: It's possible Randy White could one day make a discovery
as startling as that made in 1994
when others found underground caverns
adorned with over 300 images, some painted 34,000 years ago,
the oldest rock art known.
But finding art is not the only goal.
White wants to find something bigger
how the human mind was born.
Where once people had looked at bare walls
and had seen only walls
now others suddenly saw astounding possibilities.
And with art came human technology
human communication, human culture.
The question is, what happened to make all this possible?
How could it be that a species opened its mind
and burst into a new realm?
How was it that human ancestors
evolved a whole new way of seeing themselves
and, in time, transformed the planet?
NARRATOR: The Great Rift Valley of East Africa.
Here is where the human story began.
For millions of years
Africa was the landscape of human evolution.
Across this terrain
an ancestral people survived, reproduced
and passed on their traits from generation to generation.
Without Africa, humanity, as we know it,
might never have evolved.
This is an area that was once inhabited by hominids
before they were truly human.
Now it's a site scientists visit to understand how people lived
and what they thought about over a million years ago.
Soon after the rains each year, Rick Potts leads a team
that scours these badlands, finding stone tools and fossils.
Potts believes this place was once a tool-making factory.
POTTS: It takes really sharp eyes
to find that first fragment of fossil
or to find that sliver of stone tool
that says hominids were right here at this spot.
And so I knew that we were very close to an ancient soil
that was nearly one million years old
that had previously produced
lots of fossil bones and stone tools.
It turned out to be a hand ax,
one of those stone tools that our ancestors made
for a long, long time, hundreds of thousands of years.
These hominids were bringing these rocks
down from the highlands
and they were chipping the edges of the tool around.
And they could even hold it in their hand like this
use it for digging or for knocking off flakes
that they could use for butchering animals.
In a sense, this is the Swiss army knife of the Paleolithic.
NARRATOR: Here, these Paleolithic
(or ancient stone tool) people
made a variety of simple implements repeatedly
for nearly a million years.
POTTS: Indeed their minds were... were oriented towards survival.
They had the ability to make these tools
which had some sophistication to them.
But the fact that they kept making them means
that they had a kind of, um... a mental template
a regularity of thinking
that kept producing these same things over and over again.
Chances are they didn't speak to one another like we do
and, uh... and apparently
they got along just fine with this single tool.
So a million and a half years, this was around
which is an immense period of time, an absurd period of time
when you think of today where computer programs don't last
for longer than a couple of years before they're improved
before they diversify in some way.
And our technology is the same way.
It's not the way of the technology
of these ancient people a million years ago.
They didn't have something that we have,
the creativity, the innovation, the diversity of cultures
that, of course, characterizes our own species.
NARRATOR: On the tree of life
human evolution began around six million years ago
when hominids split off
from the common ancestor they shared with chimpanzees.
They descended from the trees about four million years ago
and entered a new world.
Two and a half million years ago, with a modified hand
they fashioned stone tools
and began to depend more and more on a diet of meat.
The size of their brains increased dramatically.
And about two million years ago, some began leaving Africa.
These early travelers were successful for a while
but, in the end, they all became extinct.
It wasn't until about 60,000 years ago
that the first truly modern humans (our ancestors)
began leaving Africa.
They were hunter-gatherers,
foraging for food, living in small groups
roaming a wide landscape.
But they were different from their predecessors.
They had begun a revolutionary way of life.
This lifestyle had emerged over millions of years
through the multiple processes of evolution:
mutation, selection, adaptation, competition, failure
punctuated by the occasional success.
It was a story of evolution, of change over time,
no different from the stories of so many other species
but, in the end, it produced results new to the planet.
MAN: Behavior changed very radically at around 50,000 years ago.
This is someone who lived in Israel
let's say roughly 100,000 years ago, this skull.
Now, you might say, Israel? Is that Africa?
At the time, in a sense, it was.
If you look at where Israel is today
Israel is on the very margin of Africa
and there have been times in the past
when Africa expanded a bit ecologically
and Israel was effectively incorporated in Africa.
This is someone who looks very much like us.
And I think if this person were alive today
if we put the flesh back on and dressed this person properly
we wouldn't see any significant difference.
It would not be somebody
who would cause you to cross the street
if you saw this person coming at you from the other direction.
NARRATOR: And yet this hundred-thousand-year-old human
did not behave like us.
And then here we have a fully modern person
someone who lived in Africa within the last 40,000 years.
Basically, the same kind of skull
particularly, the same kind of brain
or same shape to the part of the skull that contains the brain,
but this was someone who behaved in a very different way
than the prior person.
This is someone who made
a wider range of recognizable stone artifacts;
made a lot of artifacts out of bone and ivory and shell;
produced art.
People like this would be recognizable
not only in terms of their appearance
but in terms of their behavior as fully modern humans.
MAN: In a sense, we're all Africans.
If you took a bunch of human babies
from anywhere around the world,
from Australia, New Guinea, Africa, Europe,
and scrambled the babies at birth
and brought them up in any society
they'd all be able to learn the same languages
learn how to count, learn how to use computers
learn how to make and use tools.
It suggests
that the distinctively human parts of our intelligence
were in place
before our ancestors split off into the different continents.
NARRATOR: After leaving Africa some 60,000 years ago
this fully modern species headed east into Asia
and even to Australia.
Others followed the coast of the Mediterranean, north
dispersing into the hills
and leaving behind evidence that their minds were unique.
Here, in Turkey, Mary Stiner and Steve Kuhn have been excavating
a home that these early immigrants occupied,
a cave called Ucagizli,
one of the earliest modern human living sites.
KUHN: We're standing in the extreme back of the cave here
and there's been a variety of activities that took place
in this part of the site.
At a somewhat higher level
than the one we're excavating, about here,
there was a structure, a kind of wall of stones
that delimited what we think was a bedding area.
A little lower down, what you see is this triangular shape
which is basically a cone of debris
and this was a garbage dump.
There's this white material, which is ash
and this sort of yellowish, ashy sediment.
And every single one of these white specks
is a bone or an artifact.
This is just chock full of material.
It's a garbage dump.
Now, that may not seem very romantic
but as an archaeologist, it's a wonderful thing
because garbage is full of evidence
about how people lived and what they ate, what they did
how they made their tools.
NARRATOR: The team hoped they would unearth clues
to the routine of life 40,000 years ago.
They were in for a surprise.
STINER: Very quickly after we began excavation here
we realized that we had something truly extraordinary.
KUHN: As soon as we started digging into the sediments
we started finding lots of ornaments,
mostly shell beads
but a variety of other kinds of things.
They look like teeth when you first encounter them
and my heart rate goes up and I think, "More human fossils!"
Yep.
STINER: Yet another.
It'sNassarius?
Oh, yeah, that'sNassarius.
And it's got the little hole in it.
It's one of the local species here.
It's definitely perforated.
Oh, yeah.
This one's in very good condition, too,
even some of the original color of the shell.
KUHN: It's tremendously exciting and sort of daunting
because nobody had reported these before
from this part of the world.
And your first thought is, what did I do wrong?
NARRATOR: As they worked the layers of sediment
they began finding beads that dated back 43,000 years
making them the oldest beads found anywhere in the world.
KUHN: Now we have nearly a thousand ornaments,
mostly shell beads of a variety of species
but also things like the claw of a large raptor
or a large predatory bird that's been notched
to be suspended in a sort of necklace fashion.
STINER: They're always selecting the same species.
This is an animal that's relatively rare on beaches
but nonetheless does occur in the area.
And uniformly, people selected these.
You can see also that they've been artificially perforated
by a person so... in order that they could be suspended.
For the first time
in the Upper Paleolithic
people found it necessary in some areas
to say things about themselves
using durable material items.
NARRATOR: Durable items like beads are of no use for hunting, gathering
or protection.
They suggest that those who lived here
had more on their minds than simple survival.
So why were these beads so important?
And what can they tell us about the early days of modern humans?
Beads and artifacts have been found
along the routes our ancestors took.
43,000 years ago, humans had spread north to Eastern Europe.
Then they moved into the Russian Plain
and Central Europe.
By the time they settled in Western Europe, 38,000 years ago
they were not just making beads, they were mass-producing them.
In Southern France, Randy White has been scrutinizing
these ancient beads.
With powerful magnification
he can tell just how they were made
and he can reproduce prehistoric bead-making techniques.
WHITE: If I were to give you a piece of soapstone
or a piece of mammoth ivory
and I were to ask you to put a hole in it
I know exactly how you'd do it: you'd drill a hole in it.
You'd turn it, you'd rotate it to make a hole.
But you know what?
That's part of our culture, believe it or not.
That's the way we've learned how to do things.
Early modern human people
had a completely different technique for making holes.
They did it as I'm doing.
They actually dug a hole into a piece of material
at a very early stage of production
and it leaves some pretty ugly traces.
But because the process is one by which you grind
and you polish afterwards
they were able to remove all of those ugly traces
and to leave behind the tiniest of little openings.
I've got a hole, a very, very, very tiny little hole,
that I've opened up using a very, very large point.
It's actually a very emotional experience
to be sitting here, having finished a... a bead
using exactly the same techniques
that people did 35,000 years ago
with exactly the same raw materials
that people used 35,000 years ago
in exactly the same form, in exactly the same place.
We have, from this rock shelter, more than 1,000 beads like this.
We know that someone
who was mentally, emotionally very much like ourselves
sat somewhere in this vicinity 35,000 years ago
and made exactly what I've just made for you.
People have tended to look at beads
and suggest people were just sort of playing around.
But in fact, we know that here at Castel-Merle
they were spending thousands of hours making beads
when they could have been doing other things
that we might think to be more productive.
NARRATOR: Beads are artifacts of the mind's big bang.
They are evidence
of our creative and cultural beginnings
recalling a time when bands of humans
began interacting socially with one another.
WHITE: Expression in materials
is really one of the hallmarks of the revolution, if you will.
This is something really new on the horizon.
This is people creating social identities
that don't exist in nature.
This is saying, "I am a Cro-Magnon woman."
Uh, "I've given birth."
Uh, "I have a particular history;
I have a particular status within my group"
and anyone who's a member of that group
will be able to see that at a glance
by the fact that she's wearing certain kinds of animal teeth
certain kinds of beads
her clothing is decorated in certain ways.
It's a mode of visual expression
but it's expressing social relationships
and I think that's something, clearly, that's very new
in human evolution.
NARRATOR: Humans using technology in the service of social identity,
this was momentous.
The birth of the human mind occurred in Africa
and left its mark as far away as Australia.
But the evidence is most abundant in Europe.
It was here that these humans encountered
another species of hominid,
a species almost identical to them, but not quite
and it was this subtle difference
that influenced who survived.
We call these ancient Europeans "Neanderthals."
Compared to us, they were massive.
MAN: Meeting face to face a Neanderthal
would be quite an impressive experience.
They had a very large body mass,
some 200 pounds of muscles and bones for a male.
The face is very projected forward
in its... in its middle part
with almost no cheeks, and a receding chin and forehead.
And in the middle of this face
there was probably a huge and projecting nose.
NARRATOR: Neanderthals and humans were different in the ways they lived
and, most remarkably, in the ways they died.
HUBLIN: The burial of La Ferrassie shows the body of a male Neanderthal
lying on one side in a pit, and that's all.
And so far, we have very few evidence of Neanderthal burials
with any kind of... of complex construction or organization.
Neanderthals do not display many signs of symbolic life.
In fact, we don't know any kind of art or symbols or pictures
used by Neanderthals.
NARRATOR: In contrast
modern humans appear to have treated their dead
with extreme care.
In the permafrost of Russia
this man was found buried in clothing
embroidered with thousands of delicately wrought beads.
Does this suggest
that modern humans considered life more precious?
Could it be that even though human brains
were about the same size as Neanderthals
they had dramatically different abilities?
The evidence is controversial
so scientists like John Shea of the State University of New York
are reenacting the activities of both species
to understand how their minds might have differed.
SHEA: The Neanderthal point is big and heavy
and the nature of its heavy handle means
that it could not have been thrown very far.
In fact, it was probably not thrown at all.
It was probably a stabbing weapon
used more or less like a modern bayonet.
That means that in order to kill an animal
the Neanderthals had to get up really close
and stab this thing into a big, dangerous creature
putting their lives at risk.
NARRATOR: And if a Neanderthal spear ever was thrown
its range was limited.
19, 20...
21, 22, 23...
23 meters thrown with a Neanderthal-type wooden spear.
The modern human weapon, on the other hand
this piece of antler here, is very narrow
cone-shaped like a bullet.
It's attached to a very narrow handle
and this suggests
it was probably thrown from a great distance.
Making the antler point takes hours and hours and hours.
You have to soak the antler until it's just right
and then carve it by abrading it against a piece of sandstone
something more or less like this, you know?
It takes a tremendous amount of patience to impose will
to impose design on this antler.
It takes no great amount of time to impose one's will on stone;
stone's a very... very easy material to shape.
The Neanderthal point could have been made
in a matter of minutes; it's very, very simple
when you know how to chip stone correctly.
Quick and dirty is the name of the game
for Neanderthal technology.
The next thing you want to do is... see this ridge here?
Where this ridge sticks up
hold this up like I showed you
and then with your hammer stone
hit right there, plonk,
and you'll undercut this whole mass.
SHEA: What I'm doing in teaching stone technology here is
I'm trying to re-create the evolutionary environment.
This is probably the way modern humans
transferred these skills
is an older individual sitting around
with younger individuals.
You could share information.
Neanderthals, we don't have any evidence of systematic teaching.
It's probably something, they reinvented the wheel a lot.
Beyond 50,000 years back in earlier antiquity
it's the same thing over and over and over again
and that tells you
there's not a lot of information being transferred
probably just imitation.
But after 50,000
when the modern humans show up on the scene
every generation, there's something new.
NARRATOR: Not simply to duplicate old technology
but to build on the experience, knowledge and wisdom of elders;
this, for modern humans, was a vital strategic advantage.
Now technology could improve from one generation to the next.
With this new invention, the spear thrower
a weapon could be launched even greater distances
reducing the hunter's risk.
Neanderthals: 24 meters...
42 meters.
Advantage: modern humans.
NARRATOR: Improved technology suggests a great deal
about humans' emerging ability to transmit information
over great distances across time.
HUBLIN: These pictures are a way to communicate with someone else
without this person being here.
It can be at the far distance or it can be in the far future.
And this is what apparently Neanderthals did not do.
NARRATOR: Fossils tell us
Neanderthals lived in small, often isolated pockets
largely cut off from other Neanderthals.
HUBLIN: For some reasons
when they could not survive longer in this part
they would just move away.
The picture we have
of the Upper Paleolithic modern humans in Europe
is... is quite different.
NARRATOR: For modern humans
portable art may have served as a means of communication
some of it traveling hundreds of miles
from where it had been created.
It's very clear that these people were involved
in nets of exchanges at long distance.
They belonged to a big entity, a big cultural entity
and it's very likely
that Neanderthals did not have this at all.
NARRATOR: Perhaps the most compelling evidence of early culture
is concealed deep beneath the earth.
While we may not know exactlywhyhumans painted
in these caves
we now can guess howthey painted.
Archaeologist Michel Lorblanchet
has studied the techniques of cave art.
He thinks some of the images were rendered
by a process he calls "spit painting."
LORBLANCHET: Spit painting must have had very important symbolic significance.
NARRATOR: Through experimentation
he has been able to reproduce the technique of early artists.
By mixing pigment with saliva
he believes they achieved a bonding compound
that lasted long after the creators were gone.
LORBLANCHET: It's not at all like painting on canvas; it's quite different.
The cave is full of shape, natural shapes.
The cave is extremely, uh, it's exceptional.
It's beautiful.
NARRATOR: And what might renderings of wild goats and sheep
painted in these eerie caverns, tell us of the mind's big bang?
It is the first manifestation of human imagination.
Modern men tend to... to make their imprint on the landscape
on the territory.
So it's why they penetrated in the deepest part of the earth.
It's like to express themselves
to say that we are the owner of the earth in some way
and we have some relationship, personal relationship
with the spirit living inside the earth.
NARRATOR: In other corners of these caves
Lorblanchet has found artifacts made of bone
and a pattern of wear on the rock
that led him to speculate these cave explorers also made music.
(note sounds)
(taps out different notes)
I have the feeling to be in a cathedral here...
a big cathedral, an important cathedral.
NARRATOR: So... below and above ground
our ancestors were refining technology and art
and communicating in complex ways.
It appears as if these changes occurred rapidly.
How could it have happened?
KLEIN: My own view is that there was a brain change;
that there was a genetic change
that promoted the fully modern human brain
that allowed the kind of innovation and invention
the ability to innovate and invent
that is a characteristic of modern humans.
If you accept the idea that there was a neurological change
50,000 years ago, and that this was rooted in biology
it would just become the latest, the most recent
in a long series of mutations on which natural selection operated
to produce the human species as we understand it today.
It's very likely that the changes in the brain
didn't happen overnight.
There wasn't one magical mutation
that miraculously allowed us to speak and to walk upright
and to cooperate with one another
and to figure out how the world works.
Evolution doesn't work that way.
It would be staggeringly improbable
for one mutation to do all of that.
Chances are there were lots and lots of mutations
over a span of tens, maybe even hundreds of thousands of years
that fine-tuned and sculpted the brain
to give it all the magnificent powers that it has today.
The actual organization of behavior goes on at the level
of the individual nerve cells and their connections.
We have a hundred billion nerve cells
probably a hundred trillion connections.
It's just mind-boggling to think of all the different ways
in which they are arranged.
And a lot of our evolution consisted
not just in getting more of this stuff
but in wiring it in precise ways to support intelligence.
NARRATOR: So it may not have been the size of the human brain
but its "wiring" that endowed us with powerful new skills.
According to Richard Wrangham, one of these skills
was the knack for living a complex social life.
Here in East Africa, chimpanzees show us
how we might have interacted with others
before the mind's big bang.
MAN: Social climbing is the one thing
that really makes a male's world.
But they do it not in just a one-to-one way.
They're very sensitive to the interactions among each other.
So if I have a friend that I am trying to impress
then maybe what I will do is to attack the enemy of my friend.
And the enemy of my friend might be doing something
like grooming with one of his friends.
So I may detect the relationships among other chimps
and manipulate them to my own advantage.
But what we share with the chimps is an ability to be
very subtle in the way in which we can understand the meaning
of an interaction that we see
in terms of its threat to our own social standing.
(chimpanzees hooting)
In humans, a little word to the father
of a badly behaved adolescent
and all of a sudden, you can control their behavior.
But no such thing happens with chimps.
You have to actually exert physical force
or the threat of physical force.
NARRATOR: But after about six million years of separate evolution
humans acquired a significant social advantage.
WRANGHAM: How much subtler
how much more satisfying, if the council of elders
can sit round the fire at night
and say, you know, "Joe, there, he's behaving really badly.
We've got to do something about him."
That's what chimps can't do.
NARRATOR: There's much more chimpanzees cannot do.
The University of St. Andrews in Scotland.
Here, Andrew Whiten considers differences
between chimp minds and human minds.
With unlikely tools, he and others have identified
another critical advantage, and possibly a key
to the human mind's stunning success...
Okay.
NARRATOR: Mind-reading.
Will this three-year-old be able to look at things
from someone else's point of view?
Can she make inferences about others' thoughts?
Can she spot deception?
Sally.
WHITEN: Sally? Watch this.
She's going to go put the marble in the basket.
Are you ready?
And cover it up.
Okay?
And then Sally's going to go out to play
like you did, out in the garden.
Ready, off she goes.
Okay, she's gone out to play, and while she's out to play
here's naughty Ann coming
and she's going to take the marble out of the basket...
NARRATOR: While Sally is away
deceitful Ann will now hide Sally's marble.
There we go.
Then Ann's going to come over here.
Do you know what's happening?
Where did Sally go?
She went out to play.
Here she comes.
She's coming back, and she's going to come
and look for her favorite marble.
Where's Sally going to look for her marble now?
I think it's in here.
Oh, you think Sally's going to look in there?
Why do you think she's going to look in there?
I think she'll find it.
That's where it was.
NARRATOR: Through the age of three, researchers have found
that a child is unable
to ascribe actions, motives and beliefs to others.
But by the age of five, the child's brain has developed
a capacity for stepping into someone else's mind.
WHITEN: Sally is coming back from playing
and Sally's going to go and look for her marble.
Where is she going to look for her marble?
She's going, um...
Where's she going to look?
Basket.
In the basket.
Okay, shall we let her look in the basket?
Yep.
Hmm! Why did she look in the basket?
Because the marble could've been there, but it wasn't.
Okay, so where is the marble, do you remember?
Yep.
WHITEN: It varies in different children, but generally
the four-year stage is thought of as a kind of watershed
when that particular refined theory-of-mind ability emerges.
So a three-year-old
would typically have difficulty with it.
A five-year-old has generally mastered it.
And so far, no chimpanzee has passed any test
of the attribution of false belief
that a five-year-old child passes.
I suppose theory of mind makes us as sublime as we are
because we can feel for others so much, perhaps
you might say, on the one hand.
At the same time, it allows us to... it allows us to be
that much more sneaky than any other species on the planet.
In societies of humans
being socially competent really counts.
Being socially competent allows you ultimately
to out-compete others, to gain better access
to resources, the best mates.
And in those kinds of societies
it seems that brain can be more important than brawn.
So it's potentially a very powerful evolutionary force
because it's driving a kind of upward spiral.
Social complexity begets greater social intelligence.
Social intelligence presents even greater problems
to the individuals in the next generation
and they have to become more socially complex.
NARRATOR: Complex social relationships; a theory of mind:
These are abilities we associate with modern humans.
But how could we express any of these abilities
without language?
With language, we can recall the past, ponder the future
teach children, tell secrets, manipulate crowds.
But imagine a world without language.
Nicaragua, Central America.
Managua.
Here, as in other places of the world
there are those who hardly have any language at all.
Maria No Name... "Mary No Name."
Deaf since birth, she has been isolated all her life,
both from the people who could help her
and from others with her disability.
Her friend, linguist Judy Kegl
understands the depth of her isolation.
The two can communicate just a little
using simple and primitive gestures.
KEGL: The first time I met her
she was missing the ability to tell me who she was.
She was missing the ability
to tell me how old she was.
She doesn't know her name.
In order to tell me who she was
she had to take me home and show me
the papers and pictures of her family.
We had to share a context.
She can tell me things... I can show you a bit.
She can tell me what happened to her father.
KEGL: I asked her about her father dying, and she said "three."
Okay? What "three" meant was he was shot three times.
I know this from working with the other deaf signer
who says he was shot in three places
and that's how her father died, right?
(vocalizing)
Yeah.
Right.
And uh, you know, but "three" is just not enough
to give me access to the information
that I would have needed
had I not had prior knowledge about that.
Papa.
Papa.
Okay.
What she's saying is... "I had a daughter
"that went away and got married and that was it.
"She never came back.
"I had a son that went away
"and I never heard from him again.
"You know, that's it.
"I'm alone.
That's my life."
She was language-ready.
The problem was, she didn't get access to language
within that critical period.
And that critical window
for learning language in the way that we learned it, is closed.
NARRATOR: This "window for language" remains open
until we reach age seven.
Then it slowly closes as we advance towards puberty.
Before the 1980s, many deaf Nicaraguans
were like Mary No Name.
They never encountered the window for language
because they never encountered others with their disability.
But in 1980, after the Nicaraguan revolution
the new government tried to enhance deaf people's lives.
It brought deaf village children into Managua
to end their isolation.
Here, educators tried to teach them an existing sign language.
The effort failed.
The children showed little interest
in learning a language forced upon them.
Instead, they began communicating with each other
in their own way.
Judy Kegl was summoned from the United States
to sort out the problem.
KEGL: I came down thinking wherever there were deaf people
there was a sign language, and that obviously there would be
a full-blown sign language in full swing here in Nicaragua.
And I said, "Well, you know, I can learn
"a bit of their sign language, if that's what you want
and work with you on learning it."
They said, "No, they don't have a sign language.
"They have'm?micas.'
They have mime gestures."
And they pointed to a group of kids
and said, "We want to know what they're talking about."
NARRATOR: It turned out they were talking about a lot more
than anyone dreamed possible.
Kegl had arrived in Nicaragua
shortly after the birth of a new language.
KEGL: Language needs company.
Language needs a community.
Language needs some sort of a trigger.
And I think that trigger is...
it's not so much that it needs a community
in the sense that there have to be lots of people
but part of being a community
is wanting to share information with each other.
NARRATOR: Might this moment resemble what happened
around 50,000 years ago, the turning point
that led to the explosion of human creativity?
Language does not need a voice.
It is our legacy, an inevitability of being human.
Today, we still don't know exactly when language evolved...
when it opened the door to our phenomenal success as a species.
KEGL: This is a verb reduplicated, meaning...
NARRATOR: But language, every language, depends on strict rules
all of them familiar.
KEGL: That's a role shift to man looking at the bird
then back to the man falling off the mountain
half dreaming that he's going to fly like a bird...
NARRATOR: While many species can communicate, even vocalize,
only human languages are driven by complex rules.
Every one of our world's 6,300 languages has them.
We call them "syntax."
In her isolation, Mary No Name never encountered syntax.
But it is commonplace in the children's language.
Syntax isn't the set of rules
that you learned in your third-grade grammar
that you had to memorize
so you spoke English the way you're supposed to.
Syntax is... or language, the constraints on language
are something that all human beings share.
They're the constraints that are imparted to us
by the fact that we share a single human brain.
They are the...
not just the constraints, but the ability
to hierarchically organize information that allows us
to construct sentences, novel sentences
that have never been said before.
That allows us to put a... to tell a story
that allows us to prophesy, that allows us to lie.
I can sheerly communicate for communications' sake
when I have syntax.
Then I can truly use a language.
NARRATOR: And those most gifted with the tools of language
might have been the ones to prosper
according to Richard Dawkins.
DAWKINS: We don't know when language started
but as soon as language did start
it provided an environment in which those individuals
who were genetically best equipped to thrive
and survive and succeed
in an environment dominated by language
were the ones who left the most offspring.
And that probably, in our forefathers
that probably led to an improvement
in the ability to use language.
NARRATOR: What exactly was
the evolutionary purpose of language?
Was it to discuss water holes, weapons, what lay over the hill?
Or might it have had another advantage?
The answer may be surprising.
MAN: The kind of situations we're looking for
to study language was just the sort of natural places
where you would have a conversation
and a very, informal relaxed conversation with a friend.
So we kind of looked in places like bars, trains
anywhere where you would kind of, um...
have a sort of... a natural, everyday conversation.
NARRATOR: Robin Dunbar is an eavesdropper.
He listens in to other people's conversations
to determine what we really talk about.
DUNBAR: I think the conventional view
of all those who work on language
linguists and all these kind of people
is that language is about the transmission
of technically complex information.
And this is what I kind of call
the "Einstein and Shakespeare" version of language.
And the answer is, "Oh, no, it isn't."
If you actually go and listen
to what people talk about on a day-to-day basis
back there in their homes or on the street
or over the garden fence
then it's about social relationships.
The most surprising thing was actually how much time
people did spend in social gossip, if you like.
We really hadn't expected it to be so great.
Social exchange of information
should be important in people's lives.
We really hadn't expected it to be
perhaps more than about a third of total conversation time.
And here we were at two-thirds.
NARRATOR: Two-thirds of all conversation, Robin Dunbar believes
is dedicated to gossip.
Throughout human evolution
could nature have selected not just for the fittest
but for those with the most acute social skills?
DUNBAR: What language does, the bottom line, if you like,
is it just allows us to hold big groups together.
It's like, kind of, opening a window of opportunity.
Suddenly there's all sorts of other things you can do with it.
Because you can use it
to solicit information about third parties
so you can now see what happened
when you weren't actually present at the time.
And the problem all monkeys and apes have
is if they don't see it, they don't know about it.
They never will.
PINKER: Gossip is certainly one of the things
that language is useful for
because it's always handy to know who needs a favor
who can offer a favor, who's available
who's under the protection of a jealous spouse.
And being the first to get a piece of gossip
is like engaging in insider trading;
you can capitalize on an opportunity
before anyone else can.
But language is useful for other things,
for exchanging technical know-how:
How do you get poison out of the gland of a toad?
What's the best way to make a spear?
Where are the berries?
What's the best time of year to hunt?
It's also good for one-on-one negotiations:
"If you give me some of your meat
I'll give you some of my fruit."
There are all kinds of ways that language can be useful.
Gossip, I think, is just one of them.
NARRATOR: Language, the force that created modern human culture
and that today tells us who we are, how we belong
and where we're bound.
Language, according to Richard Dawkins
is also central to a new and powerful evolutionary force.
DAWKINS: As far as a human lifetime is concerned
the only kind of evolutionary change
we're likely to see very much of
is not genetic evolution at all, it's cultural evolution.
And if we put a Darwinian spin on that
then we are going to be talking
about the differential survival of memes as opposed to genes.
Memes are ideas, habits, skills, gestures, stories, songs
anything which we pass from person to person by imitation.
We copy them.
Now, just as genes are copied inside all the cells of our body
and passed on in reproduction
memes are copied by our brains and our behavior
and they're passed from person to person.
And I think what happens is
just as the competition between genes
shapes all of biological evolution
so it's the competition between memes
that shapes our minds and our cultures.
So it's absolutely central to understanding human nature
that we take account of memes.
NARRATOR: Sue Blackmore believes
memes have been the forces driving human evolution
especially since the mind's big bang, some 50,000 years ago.
She sees ideas, prejudices
trends and breakthroughs behaving much like genes,
self-replicating and accumulating from mind to mind
society to society, generation to generation.
Memes are the building blocks of a new kind of evolution.
DAWKINS: If units of culture
replicate themselves in something like the same way
as DNA molecules replicate themselves
then we have the possibility
of a completely new kind of Darwinism.
Changes in the human lifestyle for the last 50,000 years
have had very little to do
with any biological change in our brains.
The reason that we live differently today
from the way that the cavemen lived
is not because we have better brains
but because we've been accumulating
all of the thousands of discoveries
that our ancestors have made
and we have the benefit of a huge history of inventions
that we communicate non-genetically
through language, through documents, through customs.
NARRATOR: Memes can be more than passing fads.
They can be titanic.
They can modify the world, revolutionize life
even suppress the forces of biological evolution.
Consider insulin, one such meme, now some 80 years old.
YOUNG MAN: Before insulin
diabetics weren't expected to live.
It was really considered a fatal disease.
I would probably not be here without insulin.
It's just been a huge...
It's allowed me personally as a diabetic to live.
NARRATOR: 14-year-old Jared is on a week-long hike
with others who share his disease, juvenile diabetes.
An outing like this may not appear revolutionary, but it is.
With exercise, a diabetic's blood sugar balance
can plummet dangerously.
JARED: Hmm, 231.
Normally that's pretty high, but on the trail we try to keep...
keep our blood sugars up, just in case we go low.
And, you know, we just want to make sure
that we've got plenty of sugar in there
since we're doing so muchexercise.
NARRATOR: Jared has his condition under control
thanks to a device that supplies him with insulin
the instant it's required.
(monitor beeping)
This may seem mundane today
but before the 1920s, individuals like Jared
would have died as children
never to reach the age of reproduction
never to pass on their genes.
Now young diabetics are no longer condemned to death.
JARED: Reconnect...
NARRATOR: Insulin, an idea that became a cure
is just one more meme that helps modern humans
elude the forces of evolution.
Like so many other scientific breakthroughs
it provides us with new ways to survive.
PINKER: A lot of the creations of the brain
can make up for physical deficiencies
and could actually change the course of evolution.
Thousands of years ago, someone who was severely nearsighted
probably wouldn't have had many descendants;
he would have been eaten
or fallen off a cliff a long time ago.
But we invented eyeglasses
and now being nearsighted has no disadvantage at all.
There are some people who might say
"Well, isn't this interfering with evolution?
"Wouldn't we be better off letting the diabetics
"and the nearsighted die an early death
to improve the physical vigor of the species?"
That really goes against the way human evolution works
which is that for tens of thousands of years
we've depended for our survival
on our own inventions, on our own creation
and this is simply extending that process.
NARRATOR: Our revolt against biological evolution has taken many forms,
call it "culture," call it "memes"
call it "mimetic evolution," whatever.
It makes every one of us this planet's best survivor.
So far.
BLACKMORE: Nowadays I would say
that mimetic evolution is going faster and faster
and it has almost entirely taken over from biological evolution.
Not entirely, in the sense
that the two are going along hand in hand.
For example, birth control:
the memes of the pill and condoms and all these things
have effects on the genes.
In fact, they change quite dramatically across the planet.
Who is... which genes
are getting passed on and which aren't.
The more educated you are, the less children you have.
That is memes fighting against genes.
What's also going on now at the beginning of the 21st century
is that the memes have suddenly made themselves a new home:
the Internet.
We thought we created the Internet for our own benefit.
In fact, if you look in any office
and you see people sitting there, slaves of the memes.
(imitating telephone)
"Hello?"
"Fax coming in."
"Yes... Oh, email."
It's going so fast.
I would say what's happened here is the inevitable consequences
of the mimetic evolutionary process.
The memes are getting better and faster
and more and more and creating as they go
better copying apparatus for their own copying.
I don't know where that leavesusin the future.
NARRATOR: For our species, as for all others
biological evolution has been the primary engine of change.
But since the birth of culture some 50,000 years ago
forces far more powerful have overtaken human evolution.
The mind's big bang was the birth of a new kind of change,
not of the body, but of ideas.
For the future of humankind
evolution may be no more than what we make of it.
Continue the journey
into where we're from and where we're going
at the Evolution web site.
Visit www.pbs.org.
The seven-part Evolution boxed set
and the companion book
are available from WGBH Boston Video.
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