All language subtitles for Her.Majestys.Prime.Ministers.John.Major.2023.1080p.(no-hi).en

One in four of our children
leave secondary education

and can't read properly,
can't write properly,

and are not competent in arithmetic.

And what are they going to do?

They can't all be Prime Minister.

The Princess Elizabeth has agreed

to accept the crown and rule as Queen.

Queen Elizabeth II,

the longest reigning
monarch in British history,

she ascended to the throne
and was crowned Queen

at the tender age of 27.

During her entire 70 year reign,

Her Majesty worked with over
a dozen prime ministers,

each of whom formed successive
governments on her behalf.

I can now,

I can now accept that the
country have elected me

in my own right to be Prime Minister.

I'm immensely proud of that.

I shall try and ensure

that I reach the aspirations of people

and that I let no one down.

That is, I'm delighted to have it.

This will give the cabinet
authority of a sort.

As a high school dropout,

the teenage John Major could
simply never have dreamt

that he would one day become
a powerful political leader

and get elected as
Britain's Prime Minister.

Major became Her Majesty's
ninth Prime Minister,

having fought for the
leadership of the Conservative Party

after Margaret Thatcher's
formidable 11 year premiership.

It is a very exciting
thing to become leader

of the Conservative Party

and particularly exciting, I think,

to follow one of the
most remarkable leaders

that the Conservative Party has ever had.

We may, by the end of this
year, have before us a treaty,

a treaty that could, amongst other things,

allow Europe to develop a single currency

at some time in the future.

Is it moral to impose obligations

on employers like the social chapter,

like the minimum wage,

that will cost jobs and
prevent those without jobs

from having the opportunity
of getting them in the future?

Again, I think not.

Like me or loathe me,

don't bind my hands when I am negotiating

on behalf of the British Nation.

After five months of peace,

surely it is time to look ahead,

judge our proposals as a whole.

There is nothing you need fear.

And the fact of the matter is

that what the pessimists say is not true

and ought not to go unchallenged.

I do not intend to let Britain
be sidelined in Europe.

Is it moral to compulsorily
take too much tax from people

for government to spend,

and in so doing, diminish
individual choices?

My answer is no.

1992 is not a year on
which I shall look back

with undiluted pleasure.

In the words of one of my more
sympathetic correspondents,

it has turned out to
be an annus horribilis.

The Queen, beyond doubt,
is the best known woman

in the world,

probably the most loved woman in the world,

I would think as well.

But what would the Queen make

of her new Prime Minister?

When the curtain falls,

it's time to get off the stage,

and that is what I propose to do.

Sir John Major,

Her Majesty's ninth Prime Minister.

The relationship between
the British sovereign,

the government and their Prime
Minister is somewhat complex

and not always easily understood.

As head of state,

the monarch must remain entirely neutral

with respect to political matters
and must be seen to do so,

even though he or she may
have been quite outspoken

prior to their ascent to the throne.

The sovereign does not vote
nor stand for election.

However, they do have
vitally important ceremonial

and formal roles and
particular responsibilities

in relation to the government
of the United Kingdom.

The British Legislature
comprises the sovereign,

the House of Lords and
the House of Commons.

The monarch's duties are
to open each new session

of parliament, announcing
to the nation the agenda

for their government for that term.

The Queen arrived at the House of Lords

to open a session of parliament

that all know must end
in a general election.

She came in the Irish State Coach,

accompanied by the Prince
and Princess of Wales,

just back from their tour of Canada.

The speech she came to deliver
is the first written for her

by John Major.

This time last year,

he was still Chancellor of the Exchequer

and Mrs. Thatcher the
occupant of Number 10.

Throughout White Hall,

the police and security
services were taking no chances.

Back in the Lord's,

the full court was gathered for the Queen,

ambassadors, judges, peers,
spiritual and temporal.

Black Rod was dispatched
to fetch the Commons.

It's the last time he'll
knock on their door.

He's retiring at the next election.

With their signature,

They also grant royal assent to legislation

and approve orders and proclamations

through the Privy Council.

During her mammoth reign,

the Queen also had a very special working

and private relationship
with her prime ministers.

Her Majesty retained the right
to appoint her Prime Minister

and also to meet with him
or her on a regular basis.

My government attach the highest priority

to improving public services.

They will implement the program of reform

in the white paper on
the Citizen's Charter,

including bringing forward charters

for individual public services.

Those private weekly meetings

have offered great solace and support

to her prime ministers,

each one honoring the
absolute confidentiality

of these informal talks,

but each of whom has also
acknowledged the personal support

they have received from the Queen

in what must often be a lonely
position of responsibility.

John Major was born on
the 29th March, 1943,

son of Gwen Major and Tom Major-Ball.

Living in middle class Surrey,

Major's mother was a part-time teacher

and his father made a living
selling garden ornaments.

Major later described his younger years

as comfortable but not well off.

Facing the same struggles as many families

during wartime Britain,

and things took a turn for the worse

when his father became unwell.

The young John Major was
admitted into Rutlish School,

a grammar school in Merton Park

in the southern suburbs of London.

Facing financial difficulties,

the family had to move home
into more modest circumstances

into a small top floor apartment

in Coldharbour Lane, Brixton

in what was a very
impoverished area of London

in those days.

Perhaps his reduced circumstances

in life were a bitter blow to him,

but young John Majors soon lost interest

in his academic studies at school

and he left full-time
education at the age of 16

with just three O levels.

The teenage John Major decided
to pull himself together

and to turn his fortunes around.

He started applying
himself to self-improvement

and to hard work, which
paid dividends for him

in the end.

His interest in politics
began as he kept up to date

with current affairs
on his commute to work.

His political ambitions
were sparked in 1956

from watching Harold
Macmillan present his budget

to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,

having been invited to watch
by local MP Marcus Lipton.

We've all been thinking
a great deal about Suez,

but you know, the Egyptian
crisis isn't the only threat

to our future.

There is another dread, more
familiar, less dramatic,

and perhaps it's harder to realize,

but in the long run, it's just as serious,

and that is the danger that,

because of our lack of foresight

or if you would like, our selfishness,

we drive ourselves out of the rank

of first class industrial power.

By 1959, Major
joined the young conservatives

in Brixton.

He began to give speeches in
the soapbox in Brixton Market.

In 1964, he stood as a Councillor

in the Lambeth London
Borough Council election

at the tender age of 21,

though he lost to labor.

Major worked in banking
before his political days,

taking posts with District
Bank and Standard Bank.

He was even briefly
seconded to Jos, Nigeria,

as part of his banking role.

But politics was still in the mind,

and in 1968, Major stood
as Councillor again

in the Lambeth London
Borough Council election.

The conservatives received a
boost following Enoch Powell's

famous anti-immigration
Rivers of Blood speech.

I have three children.

All of them have been
through grammar school,

two of them married now with family.

I shan't be satisfied

till I have seen them all settled overseas.

In this country, in 15 or 20 years time,

the Black man will have the whip hand

over the white man.

Major won,

despite disagreeing with Powell's views.

Major's focus was on housing matters,

and he oversaw several large
council estates being built.

He lost his seat in 1971.

In April, 1970, Major met Norma Johnson

at a Conservative Party event in Brixton.

They married in October that year,

moving to a flat in Streatham

and welcoming their first child,

Elizabeth, in November, 1971.

Major's personal family life was going well

but his political one
faced multiple setbacks.

Though he managed to get

on the Conservative Central
Office's list of potential MP's,

he lost in the February and
October elections of 1974

in the labor dominated St
Pancras North constituency.

He went on to try for more promising seats

but continued to be
unsuccessful until 1976,

when he secured a conservative
seat in Huntingdonshire.

He went on to win Huntingdon
in the 1979 general election,

which brought Margaret Thatcher to power.

Plain clothes
police out of a car behind her,

and Mrs. Thatcher out onto the doorstep.

Thank you very much.

How do you feel at this moment?

Very excited, very aware
of the responsibilities.

Her Majesty the Queen has asked me

to form a new administration
and I have accepted.

It is, of course, the greatest honor

that can come to any
citizen in a democracy.

He was well liked, had a relaxed, genuine,

and sincere charm.

In 1987, Major was promoted to the Cabinet

as Chief Secretary to the Treasury.

Thatcher promoted Major
quickly within the party.

It was clear she liked him.

She went on to give him the
title of Foreign Secretary

in July, 1989.

He went from being the most
junior member of the cabinet

to playing a significant role.

Under Thatcher's premiership,

Major learned a great
deal about being a leader

and the inner workings of the cabinet.

The round of UN diplomacy took him

to a first meeting

with his Argentine opposite
number this evening

and talks about resuming
relations disrupted

by the Falklands War.

Tomorrow, Mr. Major will turn
his attention to Hong Kong,

discussing the colony's future
in a private meeting here

with the Chinese foreign minister,

but the Foreign Secretary's
making it clear he intends

to continue efforts to rally support

for the drug war in Colombia.

"We must all do more," he said.

Despite Thatcher's successes,

there was a growing unease
among some of her colleagues.

Issues of unemployment
and inflation were still

in people's minds, along
with poll tax riots.

And fears of future strife caused Thatcher

to begin to lose her popularity.

One of the many bones of
contention was Thatcher's stance

on Europe and the European
Exchange Rate Mechanism.

Thatcher was adamant that
Britain should not be ruled

from Brussels and she was concerned

at the gradual erosion
of British sovereignty

and the country's ability to
be allowed to manage itself.

The creeping federalism
of Europe would be one

of the main themes of some

of her most powerful
speeches in Parliament,

sowing seeds of doubt on
the unification of Europe.

The beautifully oiled
machine was starting to fail

and a plot was being hatched

to unseat Thatcher from
her position of power.

For eight years, Margaret
had this remarkable capacity

to judge public opinion and get it right.

And after eight years, inevitably,

surrounding by the
trappings of Prime Minister,

inevitably you lose that
acute ear for public opinion,

not a criticism of her.

I think it was true of at
least one successor of hers

and of others earlier in history

and I think she was wrong about poll tax.

Geoffrey Howe,

her longest serving cabinet minister,

chose to plunge the dagger
and he offered an ultimatum.

He threatened to resign
unless Thatcher agreed

to join the European
Exchange Rate Mechanism,

which she refused.

No, the people of Britain
do not want petty bureaucracy.

They do not want taxation
rates imposed upon us

without the consent and agreement
of the British Parliament.

Ultimately, he did resign,

and his resignation speech
left the House of Commons

questioning their Prime Minister's ability

to continue to lead her
party and the country.

In his infamous resignation speech,

he said, "The time has come for others

to consider their own response

to the tragic conflict of loyalties

with which I have myself
wrestled for perhaps too long."

After just three months

in his role as Foreign Secretary,

Major became Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Major insisted on joining the
ERM against Thatcher's wishes.

Thatcher's popularity was declining

whilst Major's was excelling.

Eventually, in 1990,

Thatcher succumbed to mounting pressures

and announced they would join the ERM.

Things came to a head in 1990

when Michael Heseltine challenged Thatcher

for leadership of the Conservative Party,

in part due to differences of
opinion on the European Union.

Thatcher won the first vote

but the majority was too small
to be an outright victory.

One by one,

she was advised by her
cabinet members to resign.

I said to each of them
individually beforehand, I said,

"If you don't speak the truth to her

when you go and see her,

I shall be extremely angry.

You have to tell her what you've told me

'cause she must know where
she stands," and they did.

I went in first.

I said she'd been defeated
and should step down

and she wouldn't win the second ballot

against Michael Heseltine,

but she should allow, talk to
certain John Major to come in.

She said I was being
defeatist and try to rally me,

you know, get me to pull
myself together and stop being so,

you know, sort of defeatist,
and we failed to agree.

Realizing her time was up

but not wanting to fall
victim to Heseltine's plot,

Thatcher decided to resign.

On November 22nd, 1990,

she resigned as leader
of the Conservative Party

and as Prime Minister,

after 11 consecutive years in office.

Number 10 is a house and a home

as well as an office,

and as Margaret Thatcher
left it after so long,

there was applause to be heard,

and I'm told, a tear or two
shed among the unseen staff.

Mrs. Thatcher's own voice
had an emotional edge to it.

Ladies and gentlemen,
we're leaving Downing Street

for the last time after 11
and a half wonderful years,

and we're very happy

that we leave the United Kingdom

in a very, very much better state

than when we came here
11 and a half years ago.

But then the Iron Lady's composure

almost broke, watch her
face as she reaches her car.

She recovered quickly for one last wave.

Friends say though that
she is deeply shocked

by the seeming injustice of it all.

Three election victories

and a clear though insufficient majority

in the first ballot rewarded,

as she sees it, with the sack.

In her final bid to hold her head up high

and to outwit her arch
enemy, Michael Heseltine,

she moved her chess pieces to make certain

that John Major would become her successor.

Famously, Thatcher always
maintained she was undefeated.

She never lost an election,
and she resigned herself.

One can only imagine the
conversation at the final meeting

when Margaret Thatcher,

Prime Minister for 11 and a half years,

went to Buckingham Palace

to offer her resignation to the Queen.

Major won the vote for
leadership with 185 votes.

Though Douglas and Heseltine
could have challenged it,

they conceded.

Michael Heseltine, 131.

Douglas Hurd, 56.

John Major 185.

Huntingdon Conservative Club members

knew they were on a winning streak.

Their domino team has won
its last three matches,

but there was just a slight hint of doubt

about what the figures meant

until the Heseltine concession,

and that was received in
the appropriate manner.

Huntingdon tonight is no
longer the constituency,

it's the Prime Minister's seat.

I think he's a fantastic guy.

I mean, he'll make a first
class Prime Minister.

Gray image?

There's no gray image. What
you see is what you get.

Fantastic guy.

I've known him now for 20 years.

I've always seen that
steely determination in him.

He'll do a fantastic job as Prime Minister.

He'll, first of all, heal the party,

and he'll take the party

to victory the next general election.

What sort of changes can we expect?

You'll have to ask John that.

I don't think you'll see many things.

He thoroughly approves

of what the government's done to date.

You may well see some changes
in style and presentation,

but I think you'll find he'll
be pursuing the policies

of the present government.

Huntingdon produced Oliver Cromwell.

Now it's produced a Prime Minister,

tonight, something to be celebrated.

On the 28th November, 1990,

John Major accepted Her
Majesty's invitation

to form a government.

It is said, as he drove
out of the golden gates

of Buckingham Palace,

he thought about how far he'd come

from a boy growing up in
a cramped flat in Brixton

to Prime Minister of the United Kingdom,

living in Number 10 Downing Street.

What's your
reaction, Mr. Major?

I'd like, I'd like, firstly if I may,

to thank my many parliamentary colleagues

for the tremendous support
they've given me today.

It's an enormous encouragement
to know that so many people

in the parliamentary party
are prepared to entrust me

with the leadership of
the Conservative Party,

and I will endeavor to
discharge those responsibilities

to the best of my ability.

If I may,

I do think this particular
election has enhanced

the democratic process quite substantially.

It's been a very clean election,

an election based on
substance and not personality

and an election that has
dealt very constructively

with the issues,

and I'd like to offer
my very grateful thanks

to Douglas Hurd and to Michael Heseltine,

both for the way they
conducted the election

and also for the very gracious way

in which they have conceded

that they will not stand
on the third ballot.

It is, it is,

it is a very exciting thing

to become leader of the Conservative Party

and particularly exciting, I think,

to follow one of the
most remarkable leaders

that the Conservative Party has ever had.

I believe, as time proceeds,
and Margaret Thatcher's period

as Prime Minister is seen
in a proper perspective,

that it will be seen

that she has been a very
great Prime Minister indeed.

Our job now I think is quite clear.

We're going to unite.

We are going to unite
totally and absolutely,

and we're going to win
the next general election.

Thank you all very much
indeed. Thank you all very much.

My first task immediately.

How do you
feel this, Mrs. Major?

- Delighted.
- My first task immediately is

to go and thank the enormous number

of my parliamentary colleagues,

friends and others

who've been working in this campaign.

Thank you all very much.

Thank you all very much indeed

Unfortunately for John Major,

he inherited a government
dominated by the 1990s recession

caused by high interest rates
and falling house prices.

Unemployment rate by the
end of 1991 was 2.5 million.

Nonetheless, opinion polling

for the conservative
government remained fairly stable.

A fresh face

on the Conservative Party
welcomed an opportunity

for change, and Major felt
a great responsibility

and sense of duty to help an ailing country

and economy to heal.

The deeply unpopular poll tax was an area

which Major knew must
be dealt with quickly,

a task he appointed to Heseltine.

I certainly do not rule out
the need for further changes

in the community charge,

and as I talk to my colleagues,

and these discussions are not concluded

and will continue with my colleagues,

I do become increasingly
convinced that we will not be able

to leave things as they are.

In no sense, where necessary,

where necessary and if necessary,

would I be afraid to make
changes in government policy.

In April, 1993, poll tax was replaced

with council tax,

a sliding scale based on property prices.

The international landscape
was also changing rapidly.

The early '90s marked the
collapse of the Soviet Union

as well as the end of the
apartheid in South Africa.

Major remained engaged in the
international organizations

such as the United Nations

and the Commonwealth of
which the Queen was head.

For the first
time in recent political memory,

Commonwealth leaders gathered for a meeting

where strong feelings about South Africa

no longer threaten the harmony.

The British camp has been
working hard to ensure

that what differences
still exist don't develop

into open disputes,

and the Prime Minister's
efforts were rewarded today.

Over lunch, Nelson Mandela briefed him

on his ideas for changing the timetable

for lifting sanctions against South Africa.

The ANC leader followed that

with the sort of endorsement
politicians dream of.

Whatever differences may be there,

one thing is clear,

that the British government

and the British people are the enemies

of all forms of racial discrimination.

There is an awkward question
being quietly asked here.

Once the Commonwealth stops
arguing about South Africa,

does it become little more

than a rather grand international club?

That's why there's so much talk this week

about finding a new role
for the Commonwealth.

Among those dining with the Queen tonight,

there's no question of abandoning
Commonwealth traditions

like decision by consensus.

So, initiatives like John Major's proposal

that the Commonwealth become a guardian

of human rights and democracy

have to be made rather gingerly,

especially when they involve
pointing the finger of blame.

Member states of the Commonwealth
have not always applied

the values which our
organization represents,

but we have always held onto those values.

They represent a yard stick of
behavior for each one of us.

The Commonwealth is well
placed to catch the tidal wave

of human rights and democracy

which is sweeping across much of the world.

Though actively engaged,

Major found some of these meetings

to be deeply frustrating,

Nothing much would be achieved,

and he would tire of sitting
through interminable speeches

and watching elaborate ceremonies.

Major felt, in particular,

the G7 summits were notorious for this.

After agreement from US
President Bill Clinton,

successive summits were much
more scaled down and informal,

much to Major's delight.

We've told Saddam Hussein,

he's been told quite clearly by the allies,

that we wish to ensure the
safety of the no fly zone.

Firstly, he must honor the no fly zone.

There's been no more flying in it,

and secondly, he must
remove the SAM missiles.

That's made perfectly clear to him.

He knows that,

set a timeframe for it.

I hope he will comply.

One of the defining elements

of John Major's premiership
was the Gulf War.

John Major became Prime Minister

shortly after Saddam
Hussein invaded Kuwait.

US President George Bush and
John Major worked together

to try and find a peaceful solution.

The so-called special relationship

between the UK and US
continued in Major's premiership.

Major and Bush got on remarkably well.

However, despite their best efforts,

military action started in January, 1991

after Iraq had been
given a deadline to leave

but their forces continued
to occupy Kuwait.

John Major has brought a fighting message

to Saudi Arabia,

rejecting out of hand any
deal short of total withdrawal

by Saddam Hussein,

telling his hosts that Iraq
could not possibly win any war

and dismissing any talk

of changing the deadline for withdrawal.

The airport at which he
landed is ready for war.

The signs of the American
buildup are everywhere,

and because of that massive force,

John Major says, the allies cannot lose.

I hope Saddam Hussein
realizes what's ranged against him.

There is no possibility that
he could win any conflict,

no possibility whatsoever.

And that is mostly

because the air power would
be overwhelmingly on one side?

The air power is very substantial,

but the rest of the
power is awesome as well.

News of the attempts by Iraq

to get the deadline for action postponed

filtered through as he toured.

The Prime Minister was not interested.

No, there's no question
of shifting the deadline.

We've known for some time
that he may play games

of this sort and try to
edge the deadline forward.

It isn't something that we
are prepared to contemplate.

That tough line is partly the result

of the suffering of those still in Kuwait,

outlined once again in a meeting

with the Exar Kuwaiti
leaders earlier today.

It's also, of course, part of the campaign

to persuade Saddam that
withdrawal is his only option.

The British here still hope

the Iraqi leader will change
his mind and withdraw,

but like the rest of the country,

they're preparing for war.

Diplomats were handing out
some of 12,000 gas masks

to the British civilians
today as John Major arrived.

It's very nice to see you all.

How does he explain to those

who might be caught up in a Gulf War

why the price is worth paying?

If we are not prepared to
deal with this matter now,

we might face, quite apart
from not correcting a wrong

that needs to be put right,

we might face a far greater problem

in the not too distant future.

I don't think that's tolerable.

We've learned from history in the past

that if you put off dealing
with this sort of problem,

you may well have a larger
problem a little later.

Everyone, I think,

in the international community understands

that very well.

Tonight, came an audience with King Fahd

of Saudi Arabia.

The subject, security in the
Gulf after Kuwait is regained.

Tomorrow, John Major
travels into the desert

for perhaps the most
vital part of this tour,

to see some of the 34,000
British service men and women

on duty in the Gulf.

He'll ask them what their problems are,

and he'll try to reassure
them that if the war comes,

it's one they're going to win.

Now, tomorrow, you visit the British troops

and you've said that Saddam
Hussein cannot win any conflict

because of the sheer force against him.

He can, nevertheless, embark on a nasty

and brutal conflict involving
many British personnel.

Well, he's already embarked upon a nasty

and brutal conflict in Kuwait

We know he has done that

and it is to expel him from continuing that

that British troops are there.

We're all well aware of that.

There is the most enormous
amount of allied power here,

both air power and land power.

It is quite impossible for Saddam Hussein

to prevail against that,

and I hope he will realize it.

If we are not prepared to
deal with this matter now,

we might face, quite apart
from not correcting a wrong

that needs to be put right,

we might face a far greater problem

in the not too distant future.

I don't think that's tolerable.

We've learned from history in the past

that if you put off dealing
with this sort of problem,

you may well have a larger
problem a little later.

Everyone, I think,

in the international community understands

that very well.

Major flew to the Gulf

to see for himself what the situation was.

Meeting the servicemen
struck a chord with Major.

His son was only a little
younger than the troops,

and it was very moving for him

to see the reality of what was happening.

The Prime Minister charged

across the sands of Saudi Arabia today

in the company of the
troops who, next week,

may be committed to war.

In Mr. Major's words to the troops,

Close in please.

"We may invite you

to forcibly remove Saddam Hussein,"

but for all the war
like talk in the desert,

Mr. Major has effectively
ruled out the use

of the ultimate weapon.

The question?

If the allies are attacked
with chemical weapons,

would they retaliate with nuclear?

We have plenty of weapons short of that

and we have no plans of
the sort you envisage,

and we hope, and we hope,

we hope it is perfectly
clear to Saddam Hussein that,

firstly, that our men
will be well protected

against chemical weapons.

He'd be very unwise to do that.

I hope he won't do that.

I hope he will actually have the sense

to make a peaceful withdrawal,

but we have plenty of weapons
short of those you mention.

Otherwise, Mr. Major

took an extremely tough
line against Saddam,

promising there'd be no
concessions to gain peace.

He would be forced to leave
all the land he had taken.

It was a visit designed to raise morale

among the armed forces and at home as well,

as the deadline for action draws near.

Major made

an unusual prime ministerial broadcast

upon his return to the UK.

First, we must get Iraq out of Kuwait,

right out of Kuwait.

Second, we must restore
Kuwait's legitimate government,

and third, we must uphold the authority

of the United Nations.

The operation on which we
have embarked involves danger

and sacrifice,

but I am confident that it will succeed

and we know it is a battle
which has to be fought.

Now, the 28 countries with forces

in the Gulf area have
exhausted all reasonable efforts

to reach a peaceful resolution,

have no choice but to drive
Saddam from Kuwait by force.

We will not fail.

Air attacks are underway
against military targets in Iraq.

On the 16th January, 1991,

Operation Desert Storm commenced.

US war planes attacked
military targets in Iraq.

On the 24th February, ground war began.

Of course, the Queen,

among her many other roles,
is head of armed forces.

Conversations between the
Queen and her Prime Minister

would have surely included great discussion

about sending her troops to war.

Most unusually, the Queen
televised a broadcast

detailing the nation's
pride in its armed forces

and her hope for a swift
conclusion to the Gulf War.

As they, with our allies, face a fresh

and yet sterner challenge,

I hope that we can unite in praying

that their success will be
as swift as it is certain

and that it may be achieved
with as small a cost

in human life and suffering as possible.

Then may the true reward of
their courage be granted,

a just and lasting peace.

By the 28th February,

Bush announced a ceasefire,
leaving Kuwait liberated.

On the 3rd March, 1991,

Iraq agreed to all UN resolutions

and an agreement was finally signed

on the 6th of April, 1991.

Thank you very much for what
you've done over the last,

over the last few months.

It's been an absolutely fabulous job.

I don't think it could
have been better done

and the general impression back home,

and I think it's the right impression,

is that this has been one

of the most remarkable
military episodes ever.

It's been a copy book exercise.

It was brilliantly planned,

It was brilliantly done,

and I'd just like you
to know how very proud

at home everyone is in
the way that performed

and the way you operated

over the period of the last few months.

We won't keep you out here a
day longer than we have to.

The sooner we can get you
back home, we'll do so.

I can't tell you precisely
when that will be,

but I do give you my word

there will be no undue delay about it.

From one forward
camp merging with the desert

to another and to the soldiers in each,

he brought the same message.

Thank you for your magnificent effort.

We'll get you home as soon as possible,

and you'll go on leave when you get there.

In return, the Desert Rats
presented the Prime Minister

with a memento,

a helmet, and a Chinese made Kalashnikov.

Thank you very much indeed.

This will give me cabinet
authority of a sort.

Just wait till we discuss
public expenditure next year.

His final visit was to HMS Brave,

where he brought to the
sailors the same news

and message he'd given to the land forces.

Absolutely fabulous, well done.

Thanks very much indeed.

Thank you, thank you.

But the importance of this visit,

to Kuwaitis and British forces,

lies in Mr. Major being
the first senior statesman

to come here since the war.

Desmond Hamill, News at 10

with the Prime Minister in the Gulf.

Like seeing one of you lot with my wife.

The Queen welcomed home British troops

returning from the first Gulf War.

Thousands watched as 1,000 service men

and women paraded through London.

Though more reserved in its
celebrations than in the US,

a quiet triumph filled the city,

a shared hope

and genuine sense of pride
pervaded the country.

Another defining factor

for Major was the Northern
Ireland peace process.

Major took his premiership

in the midst of the troubles
with Northern Ireland.

The tension had been rising for decades,

and he was given a
distinct and clear reminder

of the work that was needed
to unite the nations.

On the 7th February, 1991,

the IRA launched three
homemade mortar shells

at 10 Downing Street

in an attempt to assassinate
Prime Minister John Major.

This was a well planned attack

aimed at the center of government.

On firing White Hall,

the van used to launch
mortars at 10 Downing Street

while the war cabinet was in session.

An ITN camera was recording
outside the front door

when the blast rocked the building.

Over the top of the building,

a plume of smoke from the blast,

one mortar landed in the
garden of Number 10 and exploded,

blowing a deep crater in the lawn

and smashing dozens of windows.

The other two failed to go off.

Two men were seen running
away from the van,

which appears to have been stopped

on a precise spot to launch the bombs.

There's no doubt this attack
had been well planned.

The mortar's aimed at a precise angle

through a hole cut in the roof.

Finding that spot would've
taken weeks of surveillance.

One bus driver saw the
missiles actually being launched.

He's just went into there.

I mean, first we heard the bang,

then the missile came through
the roof of the transit van,

which didn't go very high.

I saw myself, it didn't go very high.

Then within five seconds,
another bang came out of 10

and the missile came out

and then the van went into a flame.

ITN staff working only a few yards

from the back of Number
10 ran for their lives

as the mortars rained down.

We were sitting in our
outside broadcast vehicle

behind Downing Street,

and all of a sudden, we
heard a loud explosion

to the right of us, a
matter of a few feet away.

The whole vehicle shook.

We lost of power,

lots of smoke in the vicinity,

and then we ran for it.

Police immediately moved in

to clear an area stretching up
to a mile in each direction.

Nobody knew whether there were more bombs

or booby trapped devices

inside the area.
- Go back up the street now.

Go back up the street.

It is not safe. Move.

In fact, one woman and
two policemen had been hurt

by flying glass.

The Prime Minister and his
war cabinet had been protected

by strengthened windows.

As news of the attack spread,

there was a deep sense of shock

that the provisional IRA had managed

to strike so accurately at a
time of such high security.

Police had been convinced for some time

that an IRA cell was still in this country.

First priority now will
be to examine the van

and the missiles

to see whether they provide any clues

as to who the attackers were.

The IRA had been planning this attack

against former Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher,

but after her sudden resignation,

they decided to target her successor.

The mortar shells exploded
in the garden of Number 10

in an attempt to destroy
the cabinet office.

Due to the bomb resistant windows,

none of the cabinet were hurt,

though four people received minor injuries,

two of which were police officers.

This was a real wake up
call for the Prime Minister.

He knew helping to build
a peaceful relationship

with Northern Ireland
would be an important part

of his premiership.

A new draft of the Anglo-Irish
Declaration was proposed

in 1993, eventually becoming
the Downing Street Declaration,

one of the first significant
steps on the road

to the Good Friday Agreement years later.

It contained the principle of consent,

the foundation on which the
peace process was built,

essentially stating the
constitutional future

of Northern Ireland would be
decided by its own people.

Unfortunately, in 1996,

the IRA planted a bomb
which exploded in Docklands.

The event marked the end
of a 17 month ceasefire.

Two were killed and many more injured.

It was a horrific event that
prompted further discussions

on the peace process.

Major gave a ministerial
broadcast, addressing the nation

on the bombing and the
breakdown of the IRA's ceasefire.

More needed to be done to
unite the nations in peace.

After five months of peace,

surely it is time to look ahead,

judge our proposals as a whole.

There is nothing you need fear.

Although Major was not Prime Minister

when the Good Friday Agreement
was signed a few years later

by Prime Minister Tony Blair,

it cannot be understated the work

and influence Major had on
realizing the agreement.

It remains one of the great
successes of his premiership,

highlighting his extraordinary patience

and skill in negotiating.

The Queen's cousin, Lord
Louis Mountbatten was killed

by the IRA in 1979,

but later, in 2011,

she would display the
importance of peace and diplomacy

as she shook hands with
a former IRA leader.

Discussions between Her
Majesty and the Prime Minister

during these years must have focused

on the need for resolution.

♪ For he's a jolly
good fellow ♪

In April, 1992,

Major called for an election
which he won unexpectedly

with a majority of 336 seats,

the fourth conservative
election win in a row.

It was an extraordinary win,

as he remains the only Prime Minister

to have gained more than 14 million votes

in a general election.

After 16 months on an uncertain lease,

Mr. Major is already a
different man.

Downing Street is now, he says, home.

Thank you very much indeed.

I've only got one thing to say.

It's nice to be back.

The boost to his confidence was obvious

as he strode into Downing Street,

a street which is normally
closed to the general public

but which today was opened
up to let supporters

and well wishers come and say hello.

Someone called for three cheers.

To John Major,

the fact that he's now
been chosen by the people,

albeit a minority of the electorate,

rather than by the secret
committee room votes

of his fellow MP's is important.

I can now,

I can now accept that the
country have elected me

in my own right to be Prime Minister.

I'm immensely proud of that.

I shall try and ensure

that I reach the aspirations of people

and that I let no one down.

That is, I'm delighted to have it.

Thank you.

And the change in the man was clear

as he enjoyed his moment
of glory, first alone,

and then with Chris Patten,

strong personal support for the man

who helped Mr.
Major to victory

and lost his own seat in the process.

Later, some very small boys

with a bit of help from the
Metropolitan Police came

to deliver some presents,

and there was the Prime Minister again,

no photo opportunity missed today.

The contrast with Neil Kinnock's return

to his home could not have been greater.

The word is that he and
his wife Glenys feel

that they've taken enough punishment

and that only massive
pressure from the party

for him to stay on will prevent him

from calling it a day as leader.

As to his future today,

"Long and wonderful" were
the only words he had

to describe it.

It's going to be long and wonderful.

Unfortunately, 1992 would not turn out

to be a good year for
monarch nor Prime Minister.

Hello. Utter turmoil
in the money markets.

That's what dominates the news today.

For the first time ever,

the government has put up
interest rates twice in one day.

The new rate is 15%,

the weapon with which
the government will take

on the currency dealers.

For investors, it's good news.

Mortgage holders will
fiscally dare breathe.

The big building societies
have said they will try

to hold off putting up rates

until after the French vote on Sunday.

The first rise of 2% came mid-morning,

but that didn't stop pressure on the pound.

So three hours later,

another 3% rise to 15% to
take effect from tomorrow.

September, 1992,
the pound sterling crashed.

Britain was forced to withdraw

from the European Exchange
Rate Mechanism, the ERM,

because it could not prevent
the value of the pound

from falling below the
specified lower limit.

The ERM was created in the 1970s

to help put European
currencies on a level playing field

in preparation for the
economic and monetary union

and the introduction of the Euro.

If a country was looking
to replace their currency

with the Euro,

they must keep the value
within the specific range

for several years.

Today has been an extremely
difficult and turbulent day.

Massive speculative flows have continued

to disrupt the functioning

of the Exchange Rate Mechanism.

As chairman of the Council of
European Finance Ministers,

I have called a meeting

of the monetary committee
in Brussels urgently tonight

to consider how stability can be restored

to the foreign exchange markets.

In the meantime, the
government has concluded

that Britain's best interests are served

by suspending our membership
of the Exchange Rate Mechanism.

Chancellor of the Exchequer, Norman Lamont,

invested heavily, trying to keep it

in the European Exchange Rate Mechanism,

raising interest rates first
to 12% and then to 15%,

but it didn't work.

Major and Lamont admitted defeat.

Britain was suspended from
its membership of the ERM.

At extreme cost,

the Prime Minister faced
great political damage,

even more so because he had
recently won re-election

on a pro-Euro platform.

A building in chaos for a policy in ruins,

John Major arrived in Downing
Street three hours ago,

still with the builders there.

The policy he conceived as Chancellor

and carried out as Prime
Minister in tatters.

But it's the present
Chancellor Norman Lamont

who may be feeling the
political heat most this morning.

Yesterday, you backed Norman Lamont

for what you called his speed and courage.

Shouldn't you know, now though,

have a fresh start with a fresh Chancellor?

No, I shouldn't, and I'll tell you why not.

Norman Lamont was the
Chancellor of the Exchequer

but the policy that Norman
Lamont followed was my policy,

the cabinet's policy,
all the cabinet's policy,

the policy we contested
a general election on,

the policy we won a general election on.

Norman Lamont has followed that policy.

He was overwhelmed by
events and I do not believe

because he was overwhelmed by events,

doing what he promised he would do,

seeking what he'd promised he would seek,

upon that basis, you cannot
ask a man to leave a job

he's been honorably doing and doing well.

However, prosperity followed this event

in the 1990s, improved economic growth,

lower unemployment and lower inflation.

It must also be said,

though Black Wednesday
was seen as a real failure

at the time,

it did keep the UK out of the Eurozone,

saving it from far more
serious problems later on.

On reflection of the political disaster

that was Black Wednesday,

Major considered resigning

but was convinced by his sister to stay on.

Nonetheless, opinion
polls of Major took a turn

for the worse.

General government approval

and a sense of economic
optimism took a sudden fall.

Determined to try and unite his party

and silence his critics,

aides billed this as a
speech from the heart.

John Major reverted to his
man of the people approach

which worked for him at the last election.

Let me just pass this message

to everyone who wishes the
Conservative Party well,

no diversions, no squabbles.

Let's get on with that job
of passing back that message

and then we will have the
self-confident expanding country

that we all want to see.

Constantly referring to his long term aims,

he also warned there had to
be cuts in public spending.

We are not prepared to see
an ever increasing tax burden

and nor are we prepared
to mortgage our future

by unrestrained borrowing.

So, we have to ensure

that expenditure is properly disciplined

At present, And while he insisted

he was committed to public
services like health,

he said the education system
was betraying some children.

One in four of our children
leave secondary education

and can't read properly,
can't write properly,

and are not competent in arithmetic.

And what are they going to do?

They can't all be Prime Minister.

1992 is not a year on
which I shall look back

with undiluted pleasure.

In the words of one of my more
sympathetic correspondents,

it has turned out to
be an annus horribilis.

For the Queen,

the year would later be known
as her annus horribilis.

It was the year in which the rocky marriage

between Charles and Diana
became public knowledge

with the release of the
infamous Andrew Morton book.

It was also the year Andrew
and Fergie would separate,

Anne and Mark would divorce,

and her beloved Windsor
Castle would set on fire.

There can be no doubt, of course,

that criticism is good for people

and institutions that
are part of public life.

No institution, city, monarchy,

whatever should expect to be
free from the scrutiny of those

who give it their loyalty and support,

not to mention those who don't,

but we are all part of the same fabric

of our national society,

and that scrutiny by one part of another

can be just as effective

if it is made with a touch of gentleness,

good humor and understanding.

As the year came to an end,

the responsibility fell

to Her Majesty's Prime Minister John Major

to announce Charles and
Diana's decision to separate.

It is announced from Buckingham
Palace that, with regret,

the Prince and Princess of
Wales have decided to separate.

Their Royal Highnesses
have no plans to divorce,

and their constitutional
positions are unaffected.

This decision has been reached amicably,

and they will both continue
to participate fully

in the upbringing of their children.

In a year that faced turmoil

for both Prime Minister and Queen,

those private and
confidential conversations

must have been very
valuable to each of them.

For both monarch and Prime Minister,

the decade was not an easy one.

In fact, it is well known

to be one of the Queen's
most difficult decades.

But the special relationship

between the Constitutional Monarch

and Prime Minister was one valued

to a great extent by both parties.

As ever, the Prime Minister's audience

with the monarch is kept
absolutely confidential.

They meet once a week, every week,

and there is no record
kept of anything said

during these meetings.

It is just the Queen and the Prime Minister

with no witnesses, no
recordings or minutes taken.

Major has often spoke about
these audiences with the Queen,

referencing how he and
prime ministers before

and after him considered them
to be cathartic experiences.

I mean, in those meetings,

one small anecdote was
that, more often than not,

you did have a gallery audience,

but the gallery audience was the corgis,

and they would sit there,

and mostly they were well
behaved, but not invariably.

And from time to time,

the Queen would speak very
sharply to one of the corgis,

all of which she knew by name.

If the corgi came round

and was sort of indicating an interest

in jumping up on your lap

or deciding to make a meal of your toe,

the Queen would gently discipline the dog

and it would be moved away.

So, one saw that as you might
in any home in the country.

The Queen, beyond doubt,
is the best known woman

in the world,

probably the most loved woman in the world,

I would think as well.

And then suddenly, behind
that enormous, enormous facade

that exists because of her position,

you see the private
woman who lurks behind it

and that's rather a lovely thing to see.

Major was the first

of Her Majesty's prime ministers

to be younger than the Queen.

No doubt her experience
and extensive knowledge

of the governments that
preceded Major's would've been

of great value to him.

Indeed, when it came to
issues with foreign affairs,

Major would merely mention the name

of a state official or foreign leader,

and the Queen would respond immediately

with helpful hints and suggestions,

often knowing them personally
or their parents and families.

Well, any Prime Minister who didn't listen

to the Queen's views was a
very foolish man or woman indeed

because she had an historic memory,

longer than any civil service advisor,

and she had a great
understanding of how people lived

and was very interesting, interested,

in what government policy meant

for the lives of people in
different parts of the country.

That was something about
which she was concerned

and about which she would ask questions.

So, you got a very clear idea

from an intelligent, well informed person

about how some of the
policies might be received

and what their implications might be.

And that, to politicians,

who can often be locked in the narrow world

of Westminster is easy.

It's very easy to find
yourself blocked off from opinion

that once you would've been familiar with

and the Queen was one outlet,

where sometimes something was
said that brought you back

to realize exactly what something may mean.

And I don't think there
is a single Prime Minister

who has worked with her who
wouldn't say the same thing.

It is reported that

when Major took on the
role of Prime Minister,

it was a relief to the Queen.

He was said to be close to the royal family

and he and the Queen benefited from an easy

and relaxed relationship.

Major's close relationship

with the royal family
was evidenced later on.

When he was no longer Prime Minister,

he became a special guardian
to William and Harry

after the death of their mother,

Diana Princess of Wales.

Major went on to be the
only politician invited

to Prince Harry's wedding,

a symbol of the close and
trusting friendship that remained.

After Her Majesty's
death in September, 2022,

John Major was quick to comment

on the lifelong service
of an impeccable monarch.

It is clear that John Major
had a profound respect

and admiration for the Queen.

Well, I was immensely
saddened when I heard it.

It's news nobody wished to hear.

The Queen has been such a permanence

in our lives for so long.

You simply expected her to go on forever,

and it's a great shock
that suddenly she has gone.

It's like a great oak has fallen,

and it will be a day
that people will remember

in history for a very long time.

And the great gifts that Queen has had is,

not only has she been the
monarch, the symbol of royalty,

but because of the manner
in which she has lived,

because of her empathy,

she is almost as though
she's a supernumerary member

of every family in the country.

So, I think her loss will be
personally felt by people.

Not just felt, "Oh, it is sad

that we have lost a great figure,"

but I think there will be
personal degrees of sadness

and a great many tears will be
shed over the next few days.

So, after calling
in the lobby correspondence

to the Downing Street
Garden for half past four,

with the word growing that
this was something big,

Mr. Major on the stroke of
five o'clock,

began to explain his decision.

I've now been Prime Minister
for near nearly five years.

In that time, we've achieved a great deal,

but for the last three years,

I've been opposed by a
small minority in our party.

During those three years,

there have been repeated
threats of a leadership election.

In each year, they turned
out to be phony threats.

Now, the same thing again
is happening in 1995.

I believe it's in no one's interest

that this continues right
through until November.

It undermines the government,

and it damages the Conservative Party.

I am not prepared

to see the party I care for laid out

on the rack like this for any longer.

With Scottish Secretary Ian Lang

and Transport Secretary Brian Mawhinney

already on the campaign team, watching him,

Mr. Major talk of the
forthcoming election.

If I win,

I shall continue as Prime
Minister and lead the party

into and through the next general election.

Should I be defeated,
which I do not expect,

I shall resign as Prime Minister

and offer my successor my full support.

There were great divides

in the party over the issues with Europe.

Questions were also being raised

as to whether Major could unite the party

and continue to lead effectively.

Majors was challenged for leadership only

by John Redwood MP, which
came as a surprise to many.

Norman Lamont became a significant
member of Redwood's team.

Redwood represented the
Euro-skeptic side of the party,

garnering a fair amount of support.

However, Major was victorious,

securing 218 votes with 66%.

In his cabinet reshuffle,

Redwood was not reappointed to cabinet.

Though Major won the leadership,

the conservative majority
was rapidly falling.

By 1997, the conservatives
were without a majority

in the House of Commons.

Major's government was totally divided

and riddled by allegations of sleaze,

exacerbated by the press.

Major waited as long as possible

before calling a general election,

which would finally
happen on 1st May, 1997.

The next election will offer us the chance

to change our country,

not just to promise
change, but to achieve it.

The historic goal of
another labor government,

our party, new labor,

our mission, new Britain,

new labor, new Britain.

In the lead up to the election,

on a live Channel 4 interview,

Blair draws his lines in the sand

with his definition of new labor

and a radical and reformed Labour Party.

What does your concept
of radical really involve?

It involves recognizing
that the basic principles

of the Labour Party, which are
about justice and progress,

that's what the Labour
Party should be about,

that those principles should be applied

in a different way to today's world.

Back in 1945, when Clem Attlee
and his government came in,

they were a radical government

in the sense that the way they thought

to do it was to build up the state,

nationalization and so on.

That's not the way for today's world.

The way for today's world is
education, skills, technology,

developing small businesses,

encouraging design and
invention in Britain.

It's a different role for government.

It's a different
relationship with industry,

and it's a different attitude

to the things that really matter.

Tony Blair later claims

to have been most surprised
when, on 1st May, 1997,

he was elected Britain's
youngest Prime Minister since 1812,

ending 18 years of conservative
rule with a majority of 179.

He's coming out now

and will address the nation
through those microphones.

Good morning.

I said most of what I wish to say

when I had the opportunity
of speaking last evening,

but perhaps there are
just one or two things

that it would be appropriate
to add this morning.

It has been an immense privilege

to serve as Prime Minister
of the United Kingdom

over the last six and a half years.

It's a privilege that
comes to very few people,

and it's a very precious privilege indeed.

I hope as I leave Downing
Street this morning

that I can say with some accuracy

that the country is in far better shape

than it was when I entered Downing Street.

The economy is booming.

Interest rates low, inflation
low, unemployment falling.

The growth pattern is well set.

The health service is expanding.

The education service is improving,

and the crime statistics are falling.

All of those, I think, are
benevolent improvements

in the interests of all
the people of this country.

I hope, if you will forgive me,

I will say no more this morning.

I believe, as you know,

I have an appointment
with Her Majesty the Queen

in a few moments to tender my resignation,

so that the new government may
then be formally appointed.

I propose to see Her Majesty
in just a few moments.

The second reason I'll
say no more now is that,

after that, I hope that
Norma and I will be able,

with the children, to get to
the oval in time for lunch

and for some cricket this afternoon.

Thank you all very much indeed.

Thank you.

One can only imagine the conversation

at the final meeting

when John Major went to Buckingham Palace

to offer his resignation to the Queen.

It is almost inevitable

that they will have had differing views

on a number of issues over his
nearly seven years in office.

But it is widely acknowledged
that they had enormous respect

for each other in their roles,

coupled with a good degree of
personal affection and regard.

After seven years in office

and so many audiences with the Queen,

this was to be the last.

Mr. Major tendering his
resignation as Prime Minister,

the final formal termination

of 18 years of conservative government.

John Major, with his fellow survivors,

about to experience for the
first time life in opposition.

Tony Blair, meanwhile, was
still at his North London home,

basking in the glow of his
astonishing political triumph

and the applause of supporters
camped out in the street.

Soon his life would change forever.

With a wave to the children,

he was off, but not for long.

Within seconds, he'd stop
the car for a walkabout

to the obvious surprise
of the security team

now guarding him.

After Major left office in April, 2005,

the Queen honored him

with the Companion of
the Order of the Garter,

a personal gift from the Queen limited

to only 24 people at one time,

a display of her deep
gratitude for his service.

Tonight, perhaps to look back,

I hope with some pride at
the changes that we have made

to our country in the last 18 years.

At the time of his premiership,

John Major was not known

to be a particularly
successful Prime Minister,

nor a natural leader, as
he faced heavy criticism.

But that may not be an
entirely fair assessment.

Major's premiership will
surely be looked on more kindly

in the history books.

Entering his premiership
after such a formidable leader

as Margaret Thatcher,

he had a tremendous legacy to live up to.

But by the time he handed over the reigns

to labor leader Tony Blair,

the country's economy was growing

for the first time in many years.

I first entered Parliament
18 years ago tomorrow, I think.

And the difference in our country

is a difference you could not express

unless you remembered what
it was like in May of 1979

when the conservatives
first came to government.

Many people who voted
in this general election

perhaps never knew that,

for they have never known
anything in their adult lives

without conservative government,

and others, perhaps,

have not remembered
precisely what it was like.

Well, I said a moment ago

that this party had served
longer in government

than any other.

We've suffered great defeats before.

We have always come back.

Although it had not been an easy decade

for the Prime Minister,

Major managed to leave the country

in a better state than how he had found it.

Surely this is the hope and ambition

of every Prime Minister of
Her Majesty's government.

He is a Prime Minister
that will be remembered

for his mild mannered
style and sincere charm.

Major was an honorable
and decent Prime Minister

who served Britain with a simple intention

of making it great once more.

To the Queen,

it is obvious the relationship
was one of trust, of support,

and of admiration.

For Her Majesty the Queen,

Sir John Major will always
be her ninth Prime Minister.